Gerry Adams welcomes decision by three victims of IRA bombings to drop civil action against him

Mark Hennessy, Ireland and Britain Editor, Irish Times, March 20th, 2026

Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams has welcomed the decision by three IRA bombing victims to drop their civil action in the high court in London against him.

The case was taken in May 2022 by Barry Laycock, injured in the Manchester Arndale bomb in 1996; Jonathan Ganesh, injured in Canary Wharf that year, and John Clark, injured in the Old Bailey bombing in 1973.

If he had lost the case, Adams would have faced vindicatory damages of £1, but, even more significantly, it would have left him open to years of civil actions – if current legacy legislation being debated by Westminster becomes law.

Rising shortly after noon on Friday, the barrister for the claimants, Anne Studd, said the claim had been withdrawn with no order for costs.

Adams was not in the court to hear the result because he had travelled back to Ireland on Thursday evening, though Sinn Féin MP John Finucane was present, as he had been throughout the two-week trial.

The decision to withdraw the claim, said Studd, had been taken because of the claimants’ concerns that a cost protection order imposed two years ago – which protected them from paying Adams’s costs, whatever the result – could now be at risk, she said.

Judge Jonathan Swift interrupted, saying such statements should more properly be made outside of the court and that he would not allow her to expand on the arguments that she wanted to make.

The judge had several times during the trial questioned whether the case against Adams was an abuse of process because a personal injuries claim was being used to challenge his wider role during the Troubles.

The case – which ended on its ninth day of hearing – had argued that Adams had been a member of the IRA, despite his decades of denials, and that he had been a key figure in ordering the bombings in England.

In his closing submission, Adams’s barrister Edward Craven said the judge had raised the issue of abuse of process and had invited legal teams for both sides to address the issue in their closing submissions on Thursday.

Adams had not previously applied, or asked the court to strike out the claim as an abuse of process, but the defendant’s legal team has carefully reflected on the issues raised by the judge.

In particular, Craven said they had looked closely at the stated purpose of the claim and the way it has been conducted and presented at the nearly two-week trial in the Royal Courts of Justice on the claimants’ behalf.

Abuse of process

Following that consideration, the defendant’s legal team had concluded they considered that on a proper application of those principles the case does cross the threshold for an abuse of process.

The claimants had argued that the case began in 2022 because they had suffered years of trauma and injury and they were unaware until then that they had a civil route to sue Adams as a controlling figure in the IRA, Craven said.

“It is well recognised that proceedings may be an abuse of process where they have been brought for the purpose of seeking some collateral advantage beyond the proper scope of the action, or where the proceedings are conducted in a way designed to cause the defendant expense, harassment or prejudice beyond the scope of what is ordinarily encountered in the course of properly conducted litigation,” Craven said in his closing submission on Thursday evening.

In a statement issued on Friday afternoon, Adams said he welcomed the three men’s decision to drop the case against him and he had “attended the civil case out of respect for them.

“This decision brings to an emphatic end a case that should never have been brought,” he said.

“I contested this case and defended myself against the smears and false accusations being levelled against me.

“I asserted the legitimacy of the republican cause and the right of the people of Ireland to freedom and self-determination. I do so again.

“During my two days of evidence I categorically rejected all of the claims being made.

“I am glad to have been one of those who helped bring an end to the conflict,” he said.

Adams said there was now, “through the Good Friday Agreement, a peaceful and democratic route to a new Ireland” and this needed “a renewed focus, especially by the Irish Government”.

He thanked “all of those who have expressed their solidarity with me and the Sinn Féin team which worked closely with me” as well as his legal team and his wife Colette and his family.

Adams in London ‘to assert legitimacy of republican cause’

Adams in London ‘to assert legitimacy of republican cause’

DANNY HALPIN, Irish News, March 20th, 2026

GERRY Adams has said he came to the High Court in London “to reject the allegations” of him being behind three IRA bombings in England and “to assert the legitimacy of the republican cause”.

He commented after giving evidence in the legal action he is defending against three men who were injured in the bombings.

John Clark, a victim of the 1973 Old Bailey bombing in London; Jonathan Ganesh, a 1996 London Docklands bombing victim; and Barry Laycock, a victim of the 1996 Arndale shopping centre bombing in Manchester, all allege that Mr Adams was a leading member of the Provisional IRA on those dates, including of its Army Council, and are seeking £1 in damages.

The former Sinn Féin president told the court earlier this week that he had “no involvement whatsoever” in the bombings and was never a member of the Provisional IRA.

Speaking towards the end of the trial, out of court, he said: “I’m restricted about what I can say about these proceedings so I will limit myself to reminding you that Irish people have long had a bad experience of British courts, Irish republicans especially.

“However, I came to London to reject the allegations levelled against me. And to assert the legitimacy of the republican cause and the right of the people of Ireland to be free.

“I am also here out of respect for the claimants. I am very mindful of the many other victims of the conflict. They too deserve our respect. Thankfully the war has been ended.

“As an Irish republican I am glad that with others, I helped to secure this.”

Edward Craven KC, for Mr Adams, questioned yesterday why the three men took several decades to bring their claim, saying it should be dismissed for being brought too late.

He said to the judge: “In Mr Clark’s case, we are dealing with a delay that is genuinely unprecedented in magnitude. We say the very brief and bald hearsay evidence you have been provided with falls a long way short of the kind of explanation that ought to be provided for a delay of this length.”

He also suggested the three men were using the claim to try to have a “public inquiry style” hearing into finding historical truths, and asked the court to focus on the three specific bombings.

The barrister said this could be an abuse of the court system, adding: “One of the concerns we have had throughout is that the claim is being used as a vehicle for a much wider examination of Mr Adams’s alleged role and actions.”

In statements to the court, the three men said the reasons they did not bring claims earlier were that they did not realise they could do so, could not afford it, were suffering from mental or physical injuries and feared violent reprisals.

Jigsaw of evidence

Anne Studd KC, for the men, said yesterday that it would be “unfair” if, after the trial, the case was to be thrown out over an abuse of the court system.

She said: “It is arguable and legally unobjectionable, and these claimants are entitled to pursue it.”

At the start of the trial, she said that a “jigsaw” of evidence from those who knew Mr Adams and those who knew of him would prove the case against him.

That includes intelligence officers working for the British authorities and former IRA volunteers.

One anonymous member of British Army intelligence, known as witness A, said in a statement to the court last week: “My own beliefs are that Adams would not have been able to do what he did in the political arena if he had not been a member of the Army Council.”

A second anonymous intelligence officer, known as witness B, said last week that if Mr Adams did not hold a high rank in the IRA, then he pulled off a “remarkable coup” in convincing the British, Irish and US governments, as well as many IRA members, that he was.

In a statement, he said: “Had the defendant not been the senior figure in the IRA that he was, there would have been absolutely no point in the British, Irish and United States governments dealing with him the way they did on the road to the Good Friday Agreement in 1998.”

The trial, before Mr Justice Swift, is expected to conclude today.

'I hope my father's face haunts you' says daughter of ex-PIRA chief

KURTIS REID, Belfast Telegraph, March 20th, 2026

The daughter of former IRA chief Brendan Hughes has hit out at comments from Gerry Adams about her father during his evidence in a London High Court case.

The former Sinn Fein president gave evidence in the Royal Courts of Justice on Tuesday and Wednesday as part of a civil case brought against him by three men injured in separate IRA bombings: Jonathan Ganesh in the 1996 London Docklands attack; John Clark, a victim of the 1973 Old Bailey bombing in London; and Barry Laycock, injured in the 1996 Arndale shopping centre bombing in Manchester.

They claim that Mr Adams was a leading member of the Provisional IRA on those dates, including its army council, and are seeking £1 in damages.

Mr Adams denies ever being in the Provisional IRA and is defending the claim.

During his evidence, he was questioned repeatedly on various statements and interviews given by Mr Hughes, also known as 'The Dark', who was the former officer commanding of the Belfast brigade of the IRA and the leader of the 1980 hunger strike. Mr Hughes died in 2008.

At one point, Mr Adams called Mr Hughes a “disappointment” and a “sorry figure who was alcohol dependent”.

However, he said he still retained a fondness for the senior republican, whom he was in prison with in the 1970s in Long Kesh.

“I also had, and still have, that photograph,” said Mr Adams, when questioned over the image of him alongside Mr Hughes in Long Kesh.

“Brendan, disappointingly, was against the Sinn Fein strategy, the peace process, and sided with those who formed anti-peace process armed groups.

“(He) said publicly on occasions that I should be shot, and was quoted once that he would indeed shoot me himself. I see all of that in the context of what he endured during his H-Block imprisonment and the hunger strikes.

“He ended up as a sorry figure who was alcohol dependent, and I still retain a fondness for him.

“Even though he was a disappointment, he was also a victim of what was happening in our country.”

Shortly after Mr Adams' comments were reported, Mr Hughes' daughter, Josephine Hughes, took to social media to hit out at the former West Belfast MP.

“Gerry I hope my father's face haunts you the rest of your days, to stand in a British court and basically call my father a liar. I hope everyone sees through you like my daddy did. I couldn't be prouder of my daddy,” she wrote, and shared the photograph of Mr Adams and Mr Hughes in Long Kesh.

Despite Mr Adams confirming the pair were firm friends in his evidence, Mr Hughes was one of his most prominent critics. In recorded interviews later published in Voices from the Grave, by Ed Moloney, Mr Hughes alleged that Mr Adams had held a senior leadership role while publicly denying IRA membership.

‘Dogs on the Street’

He also said “the dogs on the street know” that “Adams was in the IRA”.

Mr Hughes also described Mr Adams as “the leader of the IRA after I was captured” and said he felt “betrayed” by both the direction of the peace process and what he saw as a refusal to acknowledge past involvement.

He also gave an interview to the Boston Tapes project in which Mr Hughes alleged that Mr Adams ordered the death and “disappearance” of mother-of-10 Jean McConville — a claim Mr Adams has consistently denied.

In his evidence, Mr Adams hit out repeatedly at the Boston Tapes — also called the Belfast Project — led by former republican prisoner Anthony McIntyre, saying they were “without merit” and their legitimacy had been questioned in a court in Belfast. Speaking towards the end of the trial, outside court, Mr Adams said: “I'm restricted about what I can say about these proceedings so I will limit myself to reminding you that Irish people have long had a bad experience of British courts, Irish republicans especially.

“However, I came to London to reject the allegations levelled against me. And to assert the legitimacy of the republican cause and the right of the people of Ireland to be free.

“I am also here out of respect for the claimants. I am very mindful of the many other victims of the conflict.

“They too deserve our respect. Thankfully the war has been ended.

“As an Irish republican I am glad that with others, I helped to secure this.”

In court, Edward Craven KC, for Mr Adams, had questioned why the three claimants took several decades to bring their claim, saying it should be dismissed for being brought too late.

He said to the judge: “In Mr Clark's case, we are dealing with a delay that is genuinely unprecedented in magnitude.

“We say the very brief and bald hearsay evidence you have been provided with falls a long way short of the kind of explanation that ought to be provided for a delay of this length.”

He also suggested the three men were using the claim to try to have a “public inquiry style” hearing into finding historical truths, and asked the court to focus on the three specific bombings.

The barrister said this could be an abuse of the court system, adding: “One of the concerns we have had throughout is that the claim is being used as a vehicle for a much wider examination of Mr Adams' alleged role and actions.”

In statements to the court, the three men said the reasons they did not bring claims earlier were that they did not realise they could do so, could not afford it, were suffering from mental or physical injuries and feared violent reprisals.

Anne Studd KC, for the men, said yesterday that it would be “unfair” if, after the trial, the case was to be thrown out over an abuse of the court system.

She said: “It is arguable and legally unobjectionable, and these claimants are entitled to pursue it.”

At the start of the trial, she said that a “jigsaw” of evidence from those who knew Mr Adams and those who knew of him would prove the case against him.

The trial, before Mr Justice Swift, is expected to conclude today.

Say it right or Say Nothing? How NI was misheard in a London courtroom

Kurtis Reid, Belfast Telegraph, March 20th, 2026

“I think you'll find Northern Ireland is in the United Kingdom,” Gerry Adams said at one point in his evidence, a line that landed with a kind of quiet irony. Of all the things expected to emerge from days of testimony, that was not one of them. He was not making a political pivot. He was correcting a question that had placed Northern Ireland in Great Britain. It was a small moment, quickly passed over, but it spoke to something larger that ran throughout the trial.

For all its seriousness, its cost, and the weight of history it carried, there were times when Northern Ireland itself seemed slightly out of focus inside an English courtroom.

This is a case that has been years in the making, involving some of the most senior legal figures in the UK, built on decades of conflict, testimony and memory. Yet again and again it revealed a quieter gap, not one of law or evidence, but of familiarity.

Names, places and terms that carry precise meaning at home often arrived in court sounding uncertain, just off enough to matter.

There is, of course, a natural allowance when it comes to pronunciation. Irish language terms are not instinctive to many, and no one expects fluency. But that allowance begins to thin when those same terms form the backbone of questioning.

Óglaigh na hÉireann, Irish for 'Irish volunteers' central to several lines of argument, particularly around its engraving on Martin McGuinness' gravestone and its use to refer to IRA members, was one such example. Sir Max Hill KC, leading the cross-examination, at times had to rely on Adams himself to guide him through its pronunciation.

It was a subtle inversion, the witness becoming the teacher, the subject of the case correcting the language in which it was being argued.

Elsewhere, similar slips accumulated, for example, An Garda Síochána was delivered hesitantly, its final syllables trailing off into the open in the courtroom. Adams' own legal team repeatedly referred to Londonderry rather than his preferred Derry, a detail that might seem minor outside Northern Ireland but carries its own weight within it.

Place names fared little better. Dungannon became “Doo-gannon”. Warrenpoint was stretched into two distinct words, with its familiarity flattened.

Even the acronym at the centre of the case was not entirely immune — IRA, a term so embedded in public discourse, was occasionally pronounced as a single word, more akin to NATO than the clipped initialism more commonly used here. Again, not a major error in isolation, but in a trial so dependent on precision, these details begin to accumulate.

Then there were the names. Seán Mac Stíofáin, the former IRA chief of staff, was pronounced in several different ways before being corrected again by Adams himself.

Dáithí Ó Conaill became “Dave” at one point, an anglicisation that stripped away both sound and meaning. Only Pat Finucane's name seemed to escape largely intact, perhaps helped by the presence of his son John in court during the discussion of his murder.

None of this, on its own, undermines the legal process. But taken together, it creates a sense of distance. The events being examined took place in Northern Ireland, shaped by its language, its geography and its particular history.

Yet, in this setting, those elements were sometimes reduced to approximations, close enough to follow, but not quite right. It left the impression that, even in a case so rooted in Northern Ireland, the place itself remained slightly misheard.

Let’s talk about reality of living as a Protestant in the south of Ireland

DAVID ADAMS, Irish News, March 20th, 2026

I HAVE a lot of time for this Irish government, not least for the support it gives to a variety of Northern Ireland community groups that are (genuinely) engaged in tortuous, and sometimes dangerous, work on reconciliation.

However, to date it’s been a different story where the past is concerned.

I’m afraid its attitude on that front has been strikingly similar to that of our many exclusive-victimhood claimants.

Hopefully this latest legacy initiative by the Irish and British governments will prove to be different, but the signs are not good.

Being determinedly partitionist, the initiative allows the Irish to act as neutral bystander with only the British (and, by extension, northern Prods) under scrutiny.

This would be laughable if legacy weren’t so serious an issue.

Are we really to believe that Irish security forces didn’t have multiple agents in at least one of the major paramilitary groups active during the Troubles? Or, if they did, that their agents were always impeccably behaved? Were rogue cops only a northern thing?

And then there’s the Republic’s “political offence” exemption law that existed throughout the Troubles. How can this not be considered an important part of its legacy?

Can anyone seriously argue that it didn’t have a major negative impact on the lives and well-being of people in Northern Ireland or, indeed, that it didn’t help extend the conflict?

Imagine if the old Stormont regime had introduced a similar law that allowed for the murder of members of the Garda, southern security forces, and (for a long time) southern civilians, while claiming the targets as their own citizens [as per the former Articles 2 and 3 of the Irish constitution].

Let’s go back further still. After all, isn’t that what legacy is all about. It cannot be stressed enough that the affection northern Protestants have held for Britain has always been, at the very least, equalled by their fear of being subsumed into an all-Ireland state.

Hardly surprising, given that for most of its existence, the south was an unabashed theocracy: a Catholic-nationalist state that began with the murders of 13 Irish Protestant men and boys at Dunmanway.

There followed, over subsequent decades, periodic attacks on Protestant homes, churches, shops, businesses, and places of employment.

Invariably, these were casually excused as “retaliation for attacks on Catholics in the north”.

Cold War against Minority

Presenter Graham Norton has spoken about feeling like an outsider growing up as a Protestant in Co Cork

We in the north know only too painfully well the sole motivation for “retaliatory” attacks on innocents: naked sectarianism.

“Sure, haven’t there been two Protestant Presidents of Ireland?” Of course, but that’s as ludicrous as claiming the election of Barack Obama as US President was proof that racism had been vanquished there.

And then there was the Vatican’s Ne Temere decree. Strictly speaking, this was not a law in the south. But it might as well have been, so enthusiastically supported and endorsed was it by politicians and successive Irish governments.

In fact, it did enjoy a measure of legal endorsement in 1950, when a High Court judge cited article 44 of the constitution, “the special position of the Catholic Church”, in its support. And, on appeal, the Supreme Court upheld the decision.

On numerous occasions, an Irish government representative has rightly apologised to the many Catholic victims of the then all-powerful, wholly unaccountable church.

Yet not once has Ne Temere ever been mentioned, much less an apology issued for the devastating effect it had on the tiny Irish Protestant community.

In 1997, an unnamed Church of Ireland bishop was reported as describing Ne Temere being akin to “society genocide”.

Add to all of this the cold-shouldering of Irish Protestants by many of their neighbours and the sporadic boycotting of Protestant-owned shops and businesses.

In truth, Irish Protestants were widely viewed as barely-Christian, non-Irish interlopers.

No wonder the television presenter Graham Norton said that he felt more of an outsider in Ireland being Protestant than being gay.

One need only recall societal attitudes to homosexuality during the time Norton was growing up to put this comment into perspective.

The unity of Protestant, Catholic, and Dissenter? Don’t make me laugh.

Wolfe Tone must have been spinning in his grave at the many charlatans who turned up at Bodenstown every year to lay claim to his and the United Irishmen’s legacy.

“But sure, the south has changed out of all recognition.” So has the north, but we’re still (rightly) trawling through its murky past.

We need to address legacy, if we are to have any chance of building the type of New Ireland that many people, including myself, want to see.

But we must do it properly – in an open, honest, island-wide way.

Anything less than that is a self-serving farce, certain to do more harm than good.

Six-month delay to Omagh Bombing Inquiry

BAIRBRE HOLMES, Irish News, March 20th, 2026

THE next phase of hearings at the Omagh Bombing Inquiry will take place six months later than scheduled, the lead counsel to the inquiry has said.

Public hearings about the days immediately before and after the 1998 atrocity in the Co Tyrone town were due to start on March 9.

Yesterday, Paul Greaney KC gave an update on the progress of the inquiry and said the hearings will now begin on September 21.

He said core participants in the inquiry were informed of the development on March 6.

Mr Greaney added that the inquiry legal team is “acutely aware of how disappointing this will be for many people”, but said “most, if not all, will understand the importance of your inquiry not being rushed and being as comprehensive as it can be in addressing the terms of reference”.

The Real IRA bombing killed 29 people, including the mother of unborn twins.

The inquiry, chaired by Lord Turnbull, was set up following a number of legal challenges brought by campaigners, to examine whether the explosion could have been prevented by UK authorities.

The next stage of the hearing, known as Chapter 3, will explore what can be established based on information including construction of the bomb, warning calls, claims of responsibility, arrests and subsequent court proceedings.

Delays partly due to Dublin

Mr Greaney said the delay was due, in part, to material “originating from the Republic of Ireland not being available” and that the Chapter 3 evidence would take around four weeks.

He said the volume of that material should not be “underestimated”, adding that while it is being made available to the inquiry on a “rolling basis” it will only be fully disclosed by June.

The mechanisms by which the material was disclosed were “the subject of extensive discussion with the government of Ireland in a series of face-to-face meetings”, Mr Greaney said, and he praised them for the “considerable efforts” they have made to work with the inquiry.

The inquiry has now received a “very significant quantity of An Garda Siochana material from the government of Ireland”, he said.

“We are still a long way off being able to say that all issues have been dealt with,” Mr Greaney said, but An Garda Siochana “are responsive to our communications and have kept the necessary deadlines required for the efficient processing of this material”.

He added that 20,000 pages have already been disclosed and processed by the inquiry, and the material was provided to core participants last week.

Mr Greaney did express frustration at some of the obstacles faced by the inquiry team.

One issue he outlined was its ability to digitally access highly sensitive documents.

Mr Greaney said that given the volume of material they are looking at, working from hard copies would be “ludicrous”.

However, working with material relating to national security issues can only be viewed on special terminals connected to secure networks.

A facility to house these terminals in Northern Ireland will not be completed until the end of April, Mr Greaney said, after that IT infrastructure will need to be installed.

“That state of affairs is not satisfactory,” he said, but added that other arrangements have been made after meetings with the Northern Ireland Office.

Mr Greaney said the inquiry has “taken steps” to ensure time lost can be gained back, including a “surge” in resources to the inquiry team working on this material.

Unionist MPs say Republic was 'haven to murdering scum' in Troubles

By Adam Kula, Belfast News Letter, March 19th, 2026

MP describes Republic as 'haven to murdering scum' as unionists attack Dublin's Troubles record

By Adam Kula, Belfast News Letter, March 19th, 2026

Unionists have sharply criticised the Troubles record of the Republic of Ireland, with Jim Shannon demanding apologies from Dublin.

The DUP MP described the Republic as having been a “haven to those murdering scum” of the IRA, adding that it “is a dark, cold and unforgiving place for unionists”.

The Strangford representative was among those speaking during a debate in Parliament’s Westminster Hall about the government’s approach to the Troubles.

UUP MP for North Antrim Robin Swann was likewise critical of the Dublin government, as was Tory shadow Northern Ireland Secretary Alex Burghart.

Jim Shannon spoke, as other unionists did, of Dublin's failings on dealing with the IRA

Discussing Labour’s legacy plans, which includes a new Troubles Bill, Mr Swann told MPs that the Irish government “have not stepped up” in parallel, and have offered only “words of favour and encouragement about what they will do and what they will bring tomorrow”.

"I put on the record again my and my party’s concerns that the Irish government will not be honest actors in this matter," he said.

"We have experienced that in the past.

"We experienced it when they promised the release of documentation and records in respect of Kingsmill.

Alex Burghart criticised the Labour government's legacy approach. “What they actually produced was a folder of newspaper cuttings, which left the families deeply disappointed.”

Mr Shannon voiced “deep concerns” that the government has now re-started Troubles-era inquests “without a fundamental appraisal of how the coronial system in Northern Ireland approaches Troubles-related cases” (he has long argued they focus unduly on alleged wrongdoing by the UK state).

He said “we cannot and will not support this approach, which gives power and funding to those who wish to paint blood on to the hands of RUC and service personnel who were held to account at the time and since, and yet allow republicans to be painted in glowing colours of glory,” adding: “That is unbearable, and we will not ask our people to bear it.

Collusion of South unacknowledged

"Neither can we allow to go unchallenged the repeated refusal of the Irish government to admit their collusion, and continuing to be a haven of safety for republican terrorists, who knew they could skip across the border and not a question would be asked, not a car would be searched, and not a murderer of babies and women would be held to account.”

He went on to say: “We know about the future of Unionists in the Republic of Ireland – it is a dark, cold and unforgiving place for Unionists.

"I hope they are listening down in the Republic of Ireland, because that is how my people see it.

"That is how my family felt, who left there to go north, because that was where they had a future…

"That is why any form of Irish co-operation with any inquiries can only begin with sincere apologies. Let us get those apologies.”

Mr Burghart pointed to the fact the Labour government was opposed to the recent attempts to provide immunity for some Troubles crimes, and said: “The idea of immunity was good enough for the Labour Government in 1998 – indeed, it was fundamental to the legislation that fell within the peace process.”

On the subject of the Republic’s Troubles approach, he said “we must remain sceptical, not least because of the Republic’s long-standing failure to produce the goods”.

He added that “it was a dreadful missed opportunity” that the UK government did not insist the Republic start its own Omagh inquiry, saying “it is shameful that there are only investigations into what the British state could have done to prevent it”.

Northern Ireland Secretary Hilary Benn said: “On the point about the Irish commitments that many members have raised, the Irish government have said that once our legislation is in place, they will give the fullest possible co-operation to the Legacy Commission.

"They had already established by the end of December the Garda Siochana unit and it will pursue potential investigative opportunities.

"I was in Dublin to discuss that earlier this month.

"The Irish Government have now published the legislation to enable witness evidence to be given to the Omagh inquiry.

"I take the point about the separation, but I think that shows good faith because I have no doubt in my mind that the legislation to give effect to that fullest possible co-operation will appear soon.”

Irish unity: Why ‘others’ and ‘neithers’ matter, North and South

Mary C Murphy and Cera Murtagh, Irish Times, Tuesday, March 17th, 2026

Identity shifts across the island changing landscape in a way that may impact constitutional debate

Catherine Connolly won the Irish presidential election last year for many reasons, some of which may take time to decipher. However, her stances on Irish unity, on the Irish language, on the very issue of identity, are among those reasons. Such identity questions will become more important in coming years.

One of the enduring consequences of the departure of the United Kingdom from the European Union has been to put the question of Irish unity back on the political agenda on the island of Ireland. That debate is happening against the backdrop of a changing identity landscape across the island. Much has been made of the rise of the so-called middle ground in Northern Ireland – of those who do not identify with traditional “unionist” or “nationalist” labels.

These “others”, we are told, will be pivotal to the outcome of a unity referendum. But, beyond arithmetic, what does this shift mean at a deeper level for the idea of Irish unity? Does an identification as “others” find expression in the Republic of Ireland?

If so, how might non-traditional and emergent patterns of identity – both North and South – shape the process, outcome and aftermath of a potential border poll?

The ‘others’

The number of Northern Ireland voters who identify as “neither nationalist nor unionist” has increased markedly. Indeed, the Northern Ireland Life and Times (NILT) surveys demonstrate that “neithers” have been the largest single group in Northern Ireland since 2006 – not unionists or nationalists.

The Alliance Party, which aligns with neither nationalism nor unionism and was once a marginal player, is now the third-largest party at Stormont, behind Sinn Féin and the DUP, even if recent polls point to some dangers for the party.

But what does this mean for the Republic? There is no such category as “others” in the South. Yet, if we look more closely, there are striking points of convergence taking place in identity trends on both sides of the Border.

Detailed research from Arins (Analysing and Researching Ireland North and South) reports that support for Irish unity in Northern Ireland has grown slowly but steadily since 2022, from 28 per cent to 34 per in 2024. Support in Northern Ireland for remaining in the United Kingdom in the same period fell slightly, from about 50 per cent to 48 cent.

However, the research shows that there are large difference between Protestants and Catholics in Northern Ireland on the issue, with 82 per cent of Protestants saying they would vote to remain in the UK, and just 7 per cent opting for unity.

In the Republic, 64 per cent would vote for Irish unity, 16 per cent would vote against and about 13 per cent are undecided, according to the polling.

However, the Arins surveying indicates that some different attitudes to the holding of a referendum, as distinct from whether it should pass, exist, with 81 per cent of Catholics in Northern Ireland supporting the holding a referendum, but also 40 per cent of Protestants.

Points of convergence, North and South

The changes taking place on the identity question will have consequences for relations between the two parts of the island, and for the political future of the whole. For a start, both show an increasing detachment from traditional forms of nationalism, and a distancing from those political labels.

In the South, nationalism has changed in intensity and form. Since the foundation of the State, there has been a move away from a more hardline nationalism, in society and politics, and towards a tacit acceptance of partition, without diminishing the appeal of a united Ireland.

Recent Arins survey data demonstrates that a majority in the South continue to aspire to Irish unity, but levels of support are contingent and conditional on cost and other factors. Over time, this more gradualist form of Irish nationalism has taken on a “civic” and banal character that – notwithstanding the recent rise of far-right nationalist movements – reflects a more inclusive, diverse republic.

Beyond national identity, both parts of the island have changed socially and economically, in line with the rest of the world. Both have experienced secularisation since the 1960s and 1970s, rapidly since the 2000s. Economic trends have followed distinct but similar trajectories over the past 30 years. Migration patterns in both jurisdictions are comparable, with a steep increase in immigration in the 2000s breaking long periods of ethnic and racial homogeneity.

Calculated patriotism

If asked in a referendum, a large number of voters will be most swayed by hard-headed calculations rather than identity appeals

Social attitudes have undergone transformation across the island. The rise of social liberalism – shown by votes allowing for marriage equality and abortion – has been a defining force in the politics of the Republic, while a new “liberal/conservative” cleavage has formed in Northern Ireland politics on social issues such as LGBTQ+ rights.

Party politics North and South can appear like parallel universes. Yet even here there are similarities. Parties of the expanding “centre-ground” in Northern Ireland and those of the political mainstream in the Republic strike a surprisingly similar tone when it comes to Ireland’s constitutional future.

Our analysis of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael’s handling of the unity question post-Brexit finds echoes of the Alliance Party’s messaging in Northern Ireland. The principle of consent and commitment to the Good Friday Agreement is placed to the fore, with discussion about the future couched in the language of peace and reconciliation.

Implications for Irish unity?

So, what does this convergence mean – if anything – for the prospect of Irish unity? While we cannot know the precise impact, it has implications for the process, outcome and aftermath of any change.

The diversity and fluidity of identity shows that citizens must be involved in the unity debate. Research by UCD and University of Aberdeen colleagues shows a strong appetite among voters traditionally less engaged in formal politics – women, migrants and the young. However, they want “bread and butter” issues, such as health, housing and childcare, to be placed to the fore in that debate, beyond issues of “high politics”, such as the institutional design of a new Ireland, or future defence arrangements.

The UCD-University of Aberdeen research argues strongly for the need for deliberative forums, such as citizens’ assemblies, and a more expansive agenda that encompasses issues of everyday welfare, ahead of constitutional doctrine.

For any future campaign on Irish unity, this fluidity equates to a substantial number of “floating voters” who are ripe to be courted by parties on either side of the debate.

The alignment in the discourse of parties such as Alliance in the North and Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, suggests the potential for post-unity alliance, coalitions, or even mergers

Other priorities

For now, southern voters are more worried about the health service, housing, the economy and cost of living than they are about the question of constitutional change. If asked in a referendum, a large number will be most swayed by hard-headed calculations rather than identity appeals.

This has obvious implications for the messaging and tone party campaigns adopt. It could even exert a moderating effect, as parties such as Sinn Féin and the UUP seek to sell their agendas based on socio-economic interests rather than nationalist or unionist identity.

Given the large pool of non-aligned voters, “civic” parties in Northern Ireland, such as Alliance, will play a central role.

Without underestimating the potential for division, these dynamics could – an emphasis on the “could” – create the conditions for a more civic debate along the lines of that seen in the lead-up to the Scottish Independence referendum in 2014.

When it comes to the aftermath of constitutional change and the process of constitution-drafting and institution building, this analysis highlights the critical need to accommodate not just unionism and nationalism, but also the growing number who identify with neither tradition.

Such an outcome has practical implications for the design of government in a united Ireland, if one was accepted by voters – and there are many models, including power sharing between nationalist-unionist or Irish-British blocs along Northern Ireland’s current model.

Political parties could face change, too, in a world where “non-aligned” voters make up a majority. The alignment in the discourse of parties such as Alliance in the North and Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, suggests the potential for post-unity alliance, coalitions, or even mergers.

With traditional political allegiances changing, there is more potential for integration between the party systems than has been considered up to now. With memories of the Troubles fading, that trend is likely to quicken, not slow.

The rise of so-called “others” and “neithers” in Northern Ireland should be noted in the Republic; it is one that adds complexity, nuance and multiple dimensions to the unity debate. Everyone should pay heed, including the new President.

Mary C Murphy is professor of political science and director of the Irish Institute of Boston College; Cera Murtagh is associate professor of political science and Irish studies at Villanova University, Pennsylvania. Their chapter “Civic Politics and Constitutional Change” is published in Political Change Across Britain and Ireland (Edinburgh University Press, 2025).

PSNI slated for inviting Bryson to speak about flags and immigration

CONOR SHEILS, Irish News, March 20th, 2026

Jamie Bryson will be on a panel at an event in Newtownards later this month which has been organised by the PSNI

‘This event should be solely focused on engaging with the public about the matters at hand and cannot be allowed to turn into an opportunity to spread harmful or inflammatory rhetoric and create further division in this area’

SDLP’s Policing Board spokesperson, Colin McGrath

THE PSNI is facing criticism for inviting controversial loyalist activist Jamie Bryson to speak on a panel at an event in Co Down.

Mr Bryson is set to speak at the event on March 25 at the Newtownards Arts Centre.

It is understood that the event will include discussion of topics including immigration and the issue of flags and emblems.

The panel is being organised by the PSNI in Ards and North Down and is entitled ‘Policing in a Changing Society – Building the Conversation’.

It is being hosted as part of a series of Reference, Engagement and Listening (REaL) events.

Mr Bryson is set to join broadcaster and journalist Lata Sharma and Debbie Winters, the founder of the Northern Ireland Alternatives group.

The decision to platform Mr Bryson comes just weeks after the prominent loyalist claimed the UDA removed paramilitary flags from outside a PSNI training facility two years ago, causing the PSNI to urge him to contact them with any information he had.

In a separate press interview last month, Mr Bryson also said that loyalist paramilitaries groups are “not going away” despite calls for them to do so.

Mr Bryson has taken part in a number of actions designed to limit the use of the Irish language and has expressed strong anti-Nationalist sentiment.

In recent months, he has said that unionists “must use every tool at their disposal to ratchet up the cultural war” against Nationalists.

“Unionism and loyalism have been passive for too long,” he added.

Trade offs

“If we can’t walk Drumcree or the Crumlin Road, then they can’t have Irish language signage. If the Orange Order don’t get equivalent investment, then not a penny more should go to the GAA.

“If they want to continue to target our cultural celebrations, then we should target theirs and the DUP in the executive should lead that fight It is time for strength, not weakness.”

In 2015, he was convicted of an offence after taking part in the pro-Union flag protests at Belfast’s City Hall.

The SDLP’s Policing Board Spokesperson Colin McGrath said the events should not be used to “spread harmful or inflammatory rhetoric”.

“The PSNI has a duty to ensure that anyone who takes part in this event in an official capacity is committed to the PSNI’s vision and values,” he told The Irish News.

“This event should be solely focused on engaging with the public about the matters at hand and cannot be allowed to turn into an opportunity to spread harmful or inflammatory rhetoric and create further division in this area.”

The Alliance Party described Mr Bryson as a “relentlessly divisive figure” and said the decision raises “many questions for the PSNI”.

“These events, run by the PSNI with the aim of building bridges and strengthening relationships between the police and the local community, have been shown to have a greatly positive impact, encouraging cohesion while discussing challenging topics with those from unionist, nationalist and other backgrounds,” a spokesperson said in a statement.

“However, providing a platform in this instance to someone who has proven himself time and again to be a relentlessly divisive figure, one who is more interested in promoting dangerous, destructive rhetoric than fostering positive community relations, is wholly inappropriate.

“Indeed, he was recently quoted as stating loyalist paramilitary groups are not going away any time soon.

“Choosing to platform him instead of the many other community figures, unionist or otherwise, who would welcome the opportunity to engage on community issues, raises many questions for the PSNI.”

Speaking to The Irish News, Mr Bryson said: “It’s not my event. I’ve been invited to attend an event and it’s a matter for the organisers who they invite. I’m very happy to attend. At this stage, there’s nothing really else I could usefully add.”

Speaking about the decision, PSNI North Area Commander, Chief Superintendent Sue Steen, said: “A number of community voices, a feature of these real events, will be in attendance as part of this event to have a short panel discussion on neighbourhood policing. This will be followed by conversations with the invited community associations in attendance.”

Grandmother wins legal battle over Irish language street sign

ALAN ERWIN, Irish News, March 20th, 2026

A GRANDMOTHER has won her legal battle to have bilingual street signage erected on her street in Portadown’s nationalist Garvaghy Road area, she declared yesterday.

Iris Hagan mounted a High Court challenge after Armagh, Banbridge and Craigavon (ABC) Borough Council rejected an application for dual Irish and English signs at Woodside Hill in the town.

Judicial review proceedings were formally ended following confirmation that a fresh request was ratified by the local authority.

With the street sign expected to be erected within weeks, Mrs Hagan and her supporters described the outcome as a complete vindication.

“At long last, we the residents of Cnoc Chois Coille (Woodside Hill), will see an Ghaeilge take its rightful place on our street sign, almost four years on since our initial application was made,” she said.

“As a grandmother of children who are receiving their education through the medium of Irish, this sign serves as a reminder to them that both they and their language are welcome here and that no amount of delay and denial will prevail over their rights.”

Under council rules, petitions must obtain an initial support of 33% of residents, and then be backed by at least two-thirds of households on the electoral register.

Campaigners insisted the required level of support was obtained, with the overwhelming majority of those living in Woodside Hill backing the proposal.

Mrs Hagan launched court action after a majority of councillors voted against the petition.

Irrational

Her lawyers claimed the decision was irrational and based on opposition among unionist parties to Irish language street signs.

Further grounds of challenge involved alleged discrimination based on political opinion.

At one stage in proceedings it was contended that the decision had been taken in secret because minutes of the council’s planning committee were not properly disclosed.

But the legal challenge was formally ended following confirmation that the dual-language sign application for Woodside Hill was approved at a meeting last month.

Campaign group Conradh na Gaeilge claimed there had previously been a denial of equality by unionist councillors who refused the initial application.

Its language rights coordinator, Cuisle Nic Liam, said: “Today’s developments, however, reaffirms our commitment to language rights and equality, and is testament to the incredible activism, resolve and drive of Iris Hagan and her family, who stood firm in the face of institutional suppression, and finally achieved language equality for the residents and future generations of Woodside Hill.”

Mrs Hagan’s solicitor, Gavin Booth of Phoenix Law said: “Today‚ after a long legal battle, our client’s position and that of the majority of the residents of Woodside Hill has been vindicated.”

Talk of honouring SAS maverick, but the archive remains locked

FINOLA MEREDITH, Belfast Telegraph, March 20th, 2026

Television drama has once again turned Blair “Paddy” Mayne into a global figure.

The Newtownards rugby player who became one of the founders of the SAS has been rediscovered by a new generation through the BBC's SAS Rogue Heroes.

Northern Ireland politicians have been quick to join the chorus. There has been renewed talk about the long-running campaign for Mayne to be awarded a posthumous Victoria Cross.

But here is the uncomfortable truth: while politicians argue about medals, the physical legacy of Blair Mayne sits unseen in a locked building in Co Down.

If you want a symbol of Northern Ireland's habit of talking loudly about history while doing very little to preserve it, this is it.

The extraordinary archive connected to Mayne — including his uniform, dress medals, letters and photographs — is held by the War Years Remembered museum in Newtownards.

The not-for-profit project was founded by local historian David McCallion, who has spent more than 30 years painstakingly gathering artefacts relating to Ireland's involvement in the world wars. It is, by any measure, an extraordinary resource.

The archive contains hundreds of thousands of items. Among them is the only vehicle on the island of Ireland that actually landed on the D-Day beaches at Sword Beach. There are uniforms, personal letters, photographs and documents that bring the experiences of Irish soldiers vividly to life.

And yet, at the moment, the public cannot see them. The collection had to relocate from its previous premises after the upheavals of Covid and Brexit disrupted the availability of commercial buildings. The artefacts were moved to a new site in Newtownards, but the building requires substantial upgrades — insulation, fire protection and other work — before it can open as an accredited museum.

Around £100,000 has already been spent on the move and refurbishment. Money has been raised through private donations and the hard work of volunteers. Ards and North Down Borough Council has contributed £50,000. Another £50,000 is needed to finish the job.

In government terms, that is small change. Yet without it, one of the most remarkable historical collections in Ireland remains locked away — perhaps permanently.

“If we don't get help, we won't survive this,” says McCallion.

Endless talk but no facts

This is where the political rhetoric begins to ring hollow. The DUP's Jim Shannon has been particularly vocal over the years about the injustice of Mayne not receiving the Victoria Cross.

But here is a simple question: what good is endless talk about a medal if the actual artefacts of Mayne's life — the uniform he wore, the medals he did receive, the letters that illuminate the man behind the myth — are sitting unseen in storage? The same question might reasonably be asked of the Communities Minister, Gordon Lyons, whose department carries responsibility for heritage and museums. What exactly has been done to support this project?

War Years Remembered matters not just because of Blair Mayne, but because of what the collection represents. McCallion often recalls a phrase passed down from his grandfather, who fought in the First World War: in the trenches there was no orange and green, just red blood.

The world wars cut across the sectarian divisions that have so often defined politics on this island. Protestants and Catholics served in the same regiments, endured the same terror, and in many cases, died side by side.

Blair Mayne embodied that more complicated story. A Protestant from Co Down, he counted among his closest friends Eoin McGonigal, a Catholic from the south of Ireland. Their friendship reflected a world where personal loyalty mattered far more than the labels people now try to impose on the past. That shared history deserves to be preserved.

Standing in front of a real uniform, reading a letter written from the front line, or seeing a vehicle that once rolled onto a foreign beach under fire has a power that no television drama can replicate.

It makes history tangible. Human. Real. The tragedy would be if Northern Ireland — so often obsessed with competing narratives of the past — failed to support one of the rare projects that actually helps us understand the past we share.

£50,000 would open the doors of War Years Remembered and allow the public to see a remarkable archive that has been built through decades of dedication and trust.

Compared with the millions spent on inquiries and political theatre about history, it is a tiny investment.

But it would say something important: that preserving the real stories of this island matters more than grandstanding speeches about them.

If Stormont genuinely wants to honour Blair Mayne, it should stop talking — and unlock the door.

Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland honours former head Stevenson

JESSICA RICE, Belfast Telegraph, March 20th, 2026

The Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland has honoured its former Grand Master with a testimonial dinner.

Past Grand Master, Most Worshipful Brother Edward Stevenson, was the head of the institution from 2011 to 2025.

He first joined the Orange Order in 1974, quickly rising to be County Grand Master of Tyrone and Deputy Grand Master of the Order. In January 2011, he was elected Grand Master of the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland.

Mr Stevenson's 15-year term in charge saw him oversee a number of high-profile initiatives, including the opening of the Museum of Orange Heritage and large-scale commemorations during a decade of centenaries, including the Ulster Covenant, the Battle of the Somme and the formation of Northern Ireland.

The dinner honouring Mr Stevenson took place in Corick House Hotel, Clogher earlier this week.

The event was attended by over 200 guests, including Mr Stevenson's family and members of the Orange Institution who came together to recognise his long service.

“I am deeply honoured to have been recognised in this way by the Orange family. It has been a tremendous privilege to serve as Grand Master, and I look forward to continuing my involvement with the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland in my role of Imperial Grand Master,” Mr Stevenson said.

‘Compulsory’ developer levy proposed as voluntary payment scheme to tackle wastewater crisis

PAUL AINSWORTH, Irish News, March 20th, 2026

A “COMPULSORY” levy for developers is being explored as part of efforts to solve Northern Ireland’s wastewater crisis, it has been confirmed.

The plan is under consideration as Stormont’s infrastructure minister announced the introduction of a voluntary developer contributions scheme, the outcome of which will inform a future decision on a non-optional costs.

It has been warned the plan could lead to a “de facto ‘water tax’ for home buyers”.

Liz Kimmins said the new voluntary scheme will “unlock more residential and commercial development opportunities” following growing concern over a wastewater crisis that has crippled new housing development plans.

She said in January that putting the burden onto householders through an additional rates levy would “represent a form of water charging”.

Underinvestment in wastewater infrastructure is preventing potential new homes being connected to NI Water’s system, and also preventing upgrades to exiting networks.

The crisis is occurring as housing waiting lists continue to grow.

Last year, Ms Kimmins’ department carried out a public consultation on developer contributions for wastewater infrastructure, with over 60% of respondents saying they did not back any new levy.

The minister announced the voluntary levy yesterday, saying it would help developers progress stalled housing projects.

However, the Department for Infrastructure “will continue to explore the potential for a compulsory levy, with any future decisions to be informed by the outcomes and experiences of the voluntary scheme”.

“Access to reliable and effective wastewater infrastructure is fundamental to our public health, environmental protection and economic prosperity,” Ms Kimmins said.

“However, years of underinvestment have left our system under considerable strain, creating a significant obstacle to progressing ambitions for housing and business growth.”

She said the “voluntary pathway” will “give developers, who wish to do so, the opportunity to directly contribute to the costs of upgrading or replacing NI Water’s wastewater infrastructure in areas where existing capacity is preventing new connections”.

“No developer will be required to contribute if they do not wish – the choice will be entirely theirs,” she added.

Developers condemn proposal

However, the director of developer representative body Build Homes NI, condemned the plan.

“NI Water is facing a £2Bn deficit during its next funding period and as the Department for Infrastructure’s own consultation acknowledged, developer contributions will not address the magnitude of this funding crisis,” he said.

“Discussions around developer contributions are a distraction from the fundamental problem which is NI Water’s broken funding model.

“Until the NI Executive develops a credible long-term plan to address this problem, our critical wastewater infrastructure will continue to degrade.”

Mr McErlean added: “Given the soaring costs of materials, labour and grid connections, the reality is that any contributions – voluntary or compulsory – will be passed onto consumers making it a de facto ‘water tax’ for home buyers.”

However, MLA Justin Mc-Nulty, the SDLP’s Opposition infrastructure spokesperson, criticised the minister for a “piecemeal step dressed up as something significant”.

“Voluntary developer contributions for wastewater infrastructure are like putting a tip jar at the till – developers are often already paying to overcome wastewater constraints,” he said.

“It also raises potential equality concerns, as developers may be inclined to focus on building in certain areas, leaving others behind.

“Mandatory developer contributions would not be a silver bullet, particularly when it comes to delivering increased social housing, but it remains one of the few proposals brought forward to address the wastewater crisis that is preventing thousands of much-needed homes from being built across the north.

No assessment yet of ‘critical’ sewage capacity issues in plans for Magee expansion

CONOR COYLE, Irish News, March 20th, 2026

THE Department for Economy has yet to conduct any assessment over the potential impact of wastewater capacity issues as part of plans to add thousands more students to a Derry university campus.

House-builders in Northern Ireland have warned that the building of 15,000 homes across the north is currently blocked due to a lack of capacity in the region’s sewage system.

Plans are in place to boost student numbers at the Ulster University campus, previously known as Magee, from its current level of 6,500 to a total of 10,000 students

The plans were first introduced as part of the New Decade New Approach agreement in 2020 and included in the Programme for Government by the executive last year.

However, concerns have been raised about the amount of accommodation in Derry able to house the influx of students in the coming years.

The expansion of the Magee campus is seen as an economic driver for the northwest region, while Economy Minister Caoimhe Archibald has said she is fully committed to the plans. The estimated cost of the project is around £700million.

Plans are in place to boost student numbers at the Ulster University campus, previously known as Magee, from its current level of 6,500 to a total of 10,000 students.

However, Ms Archibald’s department has admitted it is yet to make an assessment over the impact of wastewater constraints on the planned campus expansion, but that two working groups which have been established will consider the issue.

In a response provided to a Freedom of Information request, the Department for Economy said it “does not hold recorded information evidencing a completed assessment of the impact of wastewater system constraints on the delivery of student accommodation associated with the expansion of Magee Campus”.

Magee a ‘key driver’ for North West

The response goes on to say the Magee expansion “is a key economic and educational driver for the North West and will require strong enabling infrastructure to support growth and long-term sustainability”.

“To support accommodation delivery, the minister has established an expert working group, chaired by the Permanent Secretary, who had their first meeting in February 2026 and is beginning work on the accommodation requirements.”

“A second expert working group, also chaired by the Permanent Secretary, has been set up to coordinate wider infrastructure delivery and will meet on March 30, 2026.

As part of this programme, the Department will assess wastewater system capacity and any constraints to ensure the required student accommodation can be delivered in line with campus expansion.”

Mark Spence, chief executive of the Construction Employers Federation industry body, said it was “critical” that sewage capacity in Derry is considered ahead of pressing ahead with the expansion plans.

“The proposed expansion of the Magee Campus is a critical project with respect to the educational and economic benefits that it will bring as well as the construction projects and related job opportunities that will come from the full development,” Mr Spence said.

“Therefore, just as with any other major project, it is critical that a wastewater assessment is carried out to ascertain whether there is capacity for the purpose-built student accommodation that is proposed.

‘‘ Just as with any other major project, it is critical that a wastewater assessment is carried out to ascertain whether there is capacity for the purposebuilt student accommodation that is proposed

Mark Spence, chief executive of the Construction Employers Federation

“This is vital not just because of the wastewater infrastructure crisis that faces us right across the country but also to understand any implications on wider housing pressures should capacity not be available.”