Adams verdict ‘isn’t the calamity’ some may fear says Brian Walker

The verdict isn't the calamity gloomier searchers for truth and other investigators may fear. It will have a limited effect. Media managers and their journalists must hold their nerve. In an assessment of the likely fallout, it's significant that  BBC HQ have left the initial corporate response to the Belfast management.

 In their case the BBC did not plead justification for believing Adams sanctioned Donaldson's murder. Rather, it argued that publishing the allegation was credible, on the grounds that his reputation would not have  suffered because of the widely held rejection of his denial  that he had been an - or the- IRA commander.

 But the judge called this argument " guff" and not a matter the jury would have to decide.  Rather, he accepted reputations moved with time. Adams became a peacemaker by 1998.  This was surely the crucial factor, likely to impress a young Dublin jury not steeped in the Troubles.

Crucially, Donaldsons' murder took place in the new era of " Peace" after the great GFA watershed of 1998. Without  direct evidence of Adams' endorsement,  even reporting the claim without  hard evidence was likely to fail. (Surely the IRA would have wanted to keep him clean anyway, unless he was still the active Godfather? The claim, if it meant formal sanction, always struck me as implausible, other than at best, a gruesome  " do you mind if we nut him?").

 Even if a former IRA  close associate like Brendan Hughes had been available, he would not have been admitted in evidence, just as happened to Donaldson's daughter. The case focused almost exclusively on the projection of Adams' view of himself. They took him at his word, a perhaps remarkable  decision for one so involved, in whatever form, in the machinations of a secretive violent revolutionary movement .

Ms Donalson is plainly not reconciled to the verdict. She is now calling for a public inquiry which may incidentally embarrass Sinn Fein because of the continuing family connection.

The Belfast Telegraph's Suzanne Breen argues the case should have been settled long ago. Someone else claims Adams would have settled with an apology in 2016. But that would have handed victory to Adams on a plate. So the BBC was at the mercy of an Adams challenge they were bound  to accept. Why it took so long  hasn't been explained.

The story isn't over. Adams is expected to appear in the High Court in London for the defence in a civil case taken by IRA victims in London where a battery of security forces and civil society witnesses will testify to his involvement in  responsibility for those  bombings. Their lawyer insists the Dublin case offers no precedent: historic reputational evidence will be admitted and unlike  the Dublin process,  there will be  no jury.

Believers

How much does the Adams controversy really matter?  People will continue to believe what they want to believe. In legacy politics it will continue to divide, with unionists continuing to question the veracity and good faith  of republicans and republicans complaining about unionist seeking any excuse not to move on. In the dealing with the sharp end of the  legacy  debate it could have a  further chilling effect  to stiffen omerta among ex-paramilitaries  except in those few cases where there is intimate private contact between victim or family and perpetrator. If Adams won't cough up why should I?  It may not make the job of the Legacy Commission's investigator any easier. The London case will be watched carefully for the prospect of more civil cases at home, also with Omagh in mind, incidentally featuring the same lawyers. Jean McConville's daughter says she's abandoning her civil case in the light of the Adams verdict.

Will the BBC 's reputation suffer? Unless I've missed something, the usual suspects in London haven't pounced.  They hate Adams more than they hate the BBC. The British public don't care, unlike about serious stuff like celebs' sexual abuse.  People in both parts of Ireland will continue to believe what they want to believe  in a growing feeling of wanting to move on from antique figures like Adams

In Dublin no defamation  cases without hard evidence have succeeded before a jury.

I would guess talk about blocking the BBC signal to the Republic is alarmist bonkers.  Adams,' thrust that  "the British Broadcasting  Corporation"  reflects the ethos of the British state", ie government policy is guff that is  easy to disprove. Spotlight and other outlets will continue to do great investigations. Journalism is making a  huge impact on legacy exposure without much challenge from many of those accused. The encouraging thing is that Adams, despite his prominence as a sort of negative Spartacus, is a special case in more ways than one.

Brian Walker is a former BBC journalist and manager in Belfast, Manchester and London, Editor Spolight; Political Editor BBC NI; Current Affairs Commissioning editor BBC Radio 4; Editor Political and Parliamentary Programmes, BBC Westminster; former London Editor Belfast Telegraph. Hon Senior Research Fellow, The Constitution Unit, Univ Coll. London.

NUJ: Adams ‘putting manners on BBC’ remarks are ‘chilling’

Jonathan McCambridge, Belfast Telegraph and Irish News, June 2nd, 2025

GERRY Adams claim that his libel case against the BBC was about “putting manners” on the broadcaster has been described as “chilling” by a senior union figure.

Seamus Dooley, the Irish secretary of the National Union of Journalists (NUJ), also said the high profile case showed the need for reform of Ireland’s defamation laws, saying the public would never know why the jury made its decision.

The former Sinn Féin leader took the BBC to court over a 2016 episode of its Spotlight programme, and an accompanying online story, which he said defamed him by alleging he sanctioned the killing of former Sinn Féin official Denis Donaldson, for which he denies any involvement.

A jury at the High Court in Dublin awarded him €100,000 (£84,000) when it found in his favour on Friday, after determining that was the meaning of words included in the programme and article.

It also found the BBC’s actions were not in good faith and the corporation had not acted in a fair and reasonable way.

Mr Adams’s legal team said the verdict of the jury was a “full vindication” for their client while the BBC said it was “disappointed” with the outcome.

Mr Donaldson was shot dead in Co Donegal in 2006, months after admitting his role as a police and MI5 agent over 20 years.

Mr Dooley told RTÉ’s This Week programme that it was a verdict which would make journalists “pause for reflection”.

“The first thing we should say is Gerry Adams was entitled to take his case,” he said.

“But it does have profound implications for the practise of journalism and I think it has implications both in terms of defamation law but also for me in terms of journalism in Northern Ireland and the relationship between Sinn Féin and journalists in Northern Ireland.”

Speaking outside court on Friday, Mr Adams said taking the case was “about putting manners on the British Broadcasting Corporation”.

“The British Broadcasting Corporation upholds the ethos of the British state in Ireland, and in my view it’s out of sync in many, many fronts with the Good Friday Agreement,” he said.

But Mr Dooley said: “I found that a chilling comment actually. He referred to putting manners on the BBC, to me that means putting them back in their box.

Thatcher tried to ban Spotlight

Seamus Dooley from the NUJ said the verdict would make journalists pause for reflection

“The reality is that Spotlight has, for over 40 years, done some of the most amazing investigative journalism.

“Margaret Thatcher tried to ban Spotlight because of their coverage of Gibraltar Three, they exposed Kincora at the heart of the British establishment, recently they did work on Stakeknife, and in fact the Sinn Féin mayor of Derry led the campaign to save BBC Radio Foyle news service.

“I found the attitude quite chilling but also unfair and unreasonable in the circumstances.”

Mr Dooley said that Mr Adams was a figure of “huge significance” to journalists, historians and academics and had “influenced the shape of history of Northern Ireland”.

He added: “On that basis, any journalist has a right, any academic, to question and probe.”

He said the case underpinned the need for a review of defamation laws in Ireland.

He said: “First of all we need to look at the defence of honest opinion and how you square that circle in the context of journalists’ right to protect sources, it is a real difficulty.

“For many years the NUJ was in favour of retaining juries. I have now reached the conclusion in defamation cases that juries are not appropriate.

“One of the reasons is we will never know why the jury reached this decision.

“If, as in Northern Ireland, had Mr Adams taken his case in Northern Ireland, the case is heard before judges, you have the benefit of a written judgment, you have the benefit of a detailed explanation of the reason why a verdict is given.

“That provides an insight and a guide.

“Here we don’t know.” Mr Dooley also pointed out that proceedings in the case had been running since 2016.

Former Sinn Féin member Mr Donaldson was shot dead in Co Donegal in 2006, months after admitting his role as a police and MI5 agent over 20 years.

In the Spotlight programme broadcast in September 2016, an anonymous source given the pseudonym Martin claimed the shooting was sanctioned by the political and military leadership of the IRA and that Mr Adams gave “the final say”.

In 2009, the dissident republican group the Real IRA claimed responsibility for the killing and a Garda investigation into the matter remains ongoing.

Mr Adams had described the allegation as a “grievous smear”.

Sean Brown daughter: UK government treating us family with ‘contempt’ as it lodges an appeal

Conor Sheils, Irish News, June 2nd, 2025

SEAN Brown’s daughter says the British government is treating her family with “contempt” after it lodged an appeal against holding an inquiry into his murder.

The Bellaghy Wolfe Tones GAA club chairman was abducted and murdered by loyalists as he locked the gates of the grounds in 1997.

In April the High Court in Belfast ruled that the government must hold a public inquiry.

The government has now formally submitted appeal papers to the Supreme Court. The appeal has also appeared on the Supreme Court website.

Mr Brown’s daughter Siobhan told The Irish News: “We are yet again furious at this abject contempt, which the British government have shown to our family.

“It is our confirmed opinion that the secretary of state is thumbing his nose at our family, and also to the court, by lodging this application directly to the Supreme Court, without notice to us or the court.

“It is not acceptable and our family will resist and fight this in court. We are confident that we benefit from the support of the entire community who will join us in rejecting this.”

Opportunity to object

She said the family will have an opportunity to object to the granting of a hearing and a decision on whether to accept the case is expected in around four months.

“If the appeal gets the goahead then the hearing is likely to be held within nine months,” she said.

Her views were echoed by the family’s solicitor Niall Murphy.

“Since May 3 there has been no communication of any kind with the Brown family, in direct contravention of what was submitted to the Court of Appeal on that date,” he said.

“Late on Friday night the Brown family found out via a media report on the RTÉ website, that a permission to appeal application has been lodged on Friday with the Supreme Court. This is a further occasion on which a crucial development in this case has been in the media before the Brown family were afforded the common courtesy of being informed.”

Secretary of State Hilary Benn said he sought an appeal because the judgment “raises matters of constitutional significance that go beyond this individual case”.

Cable reels stored for Eleventh night bonfires on Housing Executive lands

Paul Ainsworth, Irish News, June 2nd, 2025

HUNDREDS of used cable reels are being stored in Belfast for use in Eleventh Night bonfires, prompting concerns over toxic fumes.

The reels – also known as drums – are made of wood, but many of the ones currently stored in the south of the city feature plastic wrapping and material including strips of foam nailed to the inside.

The reels are being kept on the Hope Street bonfire site at Sandy Row, and at a another nearby site.

Hundreds of wooden pallets are also being stored at the sites ahead of being stacked into a bonfire to be lit on the night of July 11, marking the start of the Twelfth celebrations.

The controversial Hope Street site is owned by the Northern Ireland Housing Executive (NIHE).

A bonfire there in 2017 led to residents being evacuated from a nearby apartment block.

The NIHE plans to redevelop the site for new homes following a public consultation.

A quantity of the reels are also being stored at a bonfire site at Connaught Street in the loyalist Village area.

A bonfire at that site in previous years has led to heat protectors being added to a digital display for drivers on the M1 motorway, which is just yards from the site, in order to prevent damage.

Most of the reels appear to have been manufactured in Egypt and sold with cable to an industrial supplier in Belfast.

When contacted by The Irish News, a spokesperson for the supplier said it sells thousands of the cable reels to wholesalers and contractors across Northern Ireland, and reuses them when they are returned.

Cable reels have appeared before on Eleventh Night bonfires, but it is believed the storing of such large quantities is rare.

Hazardous material

SDLP councillor, Gary McKeown, warned against the burning of “hazardous material” on pyres.

“People have a right to celebrate their culture, but this needs to be done in a way that is respectful, safe and doesn’t pose a risk to the environment or nearby communities,” Cllr McKeown, who represents the Botanic DEA said.

“While the amount of hazardous material seen on bonfires has reduced significantly in recent years, too often we’re still seeing stuff going up in flames that shouldn’t be anywhere near a bonfire.

“Burning items like this might be seen by some as an act of misguided defiance, but it’s the people nearby who are most directly affected and are the victims of toxic fumes and damage to their homes.”

He added: “I would like to see greater moves towards more sustainable alternatives such as beacons which allow communities to mark the event in a way which doesn’t put people at risk.”

Monitoring Hope

The Hope Street bonfire site at Sandy Row in right beside a Holiday Inn hotel

Some of the cable reels to be burned on a bonfire in south Belfast contain strips of material and plastic wrapping

A spokesperson for the Housing Executive told T–he Irish News: “We do not give approval for bonfires to be built on our land.

“We will continue to monitor the situation at the Hope Street site.

“When dealing with materials placed on our land for bonfires, we work with all relevant agencies, elected representatives and the community and take steps to reduce any risks, in so far as we reasonably can, including providing protection to properties adjacent to bonfires.

“This is the case on the Hope Street site.

“We welcome and support local communities who have moved towards the provision of environmentally friendly beacons this summer.”

Some of the large cable reels stored at a bonfire site in Belfast’s Sandy Row area

The spokesperson said that following the public consultation launched in 2023, “a market engagement exercise commenced at the beginning of May and we hope to release a public tender this autumn.”

Chinook helicopter crash families want public inquiry into Mull of Kintyre disaster

By Danny Halpin, PA Law Reporter, Belfast News Letter, June 2nd, 2025

​The families of those killed in a Chinook helicopter crash on the Mull of Kintyre in 1994 have said they are beginning legal action against the Ministry of Defence (MoD) for not ordering a public inquiry.

They want a High Court judge to be able to review information which they say was not included in previous investigations, and which they believe will shed new light on the airworthiness of the helicopter.

RAF Chinook ZD576 was carrying 25 British intelligence personnel from RAF Aldergrove in Northern Ireland to a conference at Fort George near Inverness when it crashed in foggy weather on June 2, 1994.

All 25 passengers – made up of personnel from MI5, the Royal Ulster Constabulary and the British Army – were killed, along with the helicopter's four crew members.

The families of the victims, who have coalesced into the Chinook Justice Campaign, said failing to order a public inquiry is a breach of the UK government's human rights obligations.

In a letter to the government 31 years after the crash, the group said: “The investigations conducted to date, whether considered individually or in combination, have failed to discharge the investigative duty.”

They have also called for the release of documents that were sealed at the time of the crash for 100 years, something revealed in a BBC documentary last year.

Solicitor Mark Stephens, who is representing the families, said: “In this case, the families of those who were killed have seen more than enough evidence to convince them, and us, that there was a failure by the MoD to apply appropriate safeguards in order to protect the passengers and crew.

Aircraft was ‘positively dangerous’

“In fact, they were put on board an aircraft that was known to be positively dangerous and should never have taken off.

“That is why we are seeking a judicial review into the government's failure to hold a public inquiry – which the families have sought for more than a year.”

Following the crash, the Chinook's pilots, Flight Lieutenants Richard Cook and Jonathan Tapper, were accused of gross negligence, but this verdict was overturned by the UK government 17 years later, following a campaign by the families.

A subsequent review by Lord Philip set out “numerous concerns” raised by those who worked on the Chinooks, with the MoD's testing centre at Boscombe Down in Wiltshire declaring the Chinook Mk2 helicopters “unairworthy” prior to the crash.

Esme Sparks, who was seven-years-old when her father Major Gary Sparks was killed in the crash, said: “We don't want to have to take legal action against the government and MoD but we do want and need answers surrounding the circumstance of this crash.

“We want to know who or what is being protected? Who made the decision to let this helicopter take off? What is being hidden? In our view a public inquiry is key.”

The MoD said that records held in The National Archives contain personal information and early release of those documents would breach their data protection rights.

An MoD spokesperson said: “The Mull of Kintyre crash was a tragic accident and our thoughts and sympathies remain with the families, friends and colleagues of all those who died.”

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ADAMS CASE: A LANDMARK VERDICT