Appeal for witnesses to death of milkman and son in Hunger strike riot after death of Bobby Sands
Appeal for witnesses to deaths of father and son killed during riot sparked by death of Sands
JONATHAN McCAMBRIDGE, Belfast Telegraph and Irish News, November 25th, 2025
A NEW appeal for information has been made over the deaths of a father and son who were attacked by rioters in Belfast during the IRA hunger strikes more than 40 years ago.
The Independent Commission for Reconciliation and Information Recovery (ICRIR), is investigating the deaths of Eric Guiney and his son Desmond on May 5 1981.
Following a request from the Guiney family, the Commission is now appealing for witnesses to come forward.
Eric Guiney was a 45-year-old milkman and father of four. Desmond was his 14-year-old son.
The ICRIR said they were travelling along Antrim Road in Mr Guiney’s milk float when the vehicle was attacked with bricks and missiles.
It was reported at the time that rioting had broken out that morning following the death of Bobby Sands.
During the attack, the milk float collided with a concrete lamp post on the Antrim Road at its junction with Duncairn Avenue, opposite the New Lodge Road.
Desmond died of his injuries three days after the incident. Mr Guiney died the day after his son’s funeral on May 13.
Assistant commissioner Amanda Logan is urging anyone with information to come forward to help the Guiney family.
She said: “The Commission is committed to delivering for all those who have come to us for help, and today the family of Eric and Desmond are uppermost in our thoughts.
“Any information you may hold, no matter how inconsequential it may seem, could be of critical importance to uncovering the truth.
“If you know anything about the circumstances that led to the deaths of Eric and Desmond, please share it with the Commission. All information will be treated in the strictest confidence.”
She added: “The Guiney family has waited more than four decades to learn the truth of what happened that day.
“At the Commission we will help them in every way we can, and I appeal to the public to assist us in this work.”
The ICRIR said its witness appeal will involve distributing posters and an organised leaflet drop in the area relating to the investigation.
DUP raps PPS for decision not to charge anyone over damage to former Lord Mayor's portrait
CHRISTOPHER LEEBODY, Belfast Telegraph, November 25th, 2025
SINN FEIN EMPLOYEE WAS SUSPENDED AND LATER RESIGNED AFTER CITY HALL INCIDENT
The DUP has slammed the Public Prosecution Service for its decision not to charge anyone over damage done to a portrait of former Lord Mayor Wallace Browne.
The painting was targeted in October 2024 during an event at Belfast City Hall. Repairs cost ratepayers almost £2,500.
First Minister Michelle O'Neill previously told MLAs a Sinn Fein employee working in the Assembly had made the party chief whip aware of their involvement in the incident. The employee was suspended and later resigned.
The incident was investigated by police as a hate crime.
Confirming it had taken a decision not to prosecute an individual, the PPS said: “It was concluded by prosecutors that there was no reasonable prospect of conviction for any criminal offence on the evidence available.”
Speaking during Questions to the Executive Office, Phillip Brett asked the First Minister to name the member of Sinn Fein involved.
Ms O'Neill responded, saying: "If only your question was genuinely about respect, but of course it's not. The PPS have made their views known and I respect their position."
DUP leader Gavin Robinson said at Stormont: “I think we all know, because the story leads to this building, the individual that was responsible.
“It is a matter for the PPS, if they don't have the evidence, to withhold a prosecution, but shameful acts like that occur quite often.
“What we need in this society is a criminal justice system that responds when people err.”
DUP leader on Belfast City Council Sarah Bunting said: “Many people, looking at the circumstances surrounding this incident, will inevitably question how the Public Prosecution Service has arrived at this decision.”
And she claimed: “While the PPS has cited evidential gaps, this outcome will add to the growing public perception of two-tier justice in Northern Ireland. That perception is deeply damaging, and it is vital that confidence in our justice system is protected.
“The portrait should never have been damaged, and the fact that no one will now face prosecution will understandably cause concern within the wider community.”
The PPS said: “On 21st October 2024, First Minister Michelle O'Neill informed the Northern Ireland Assembly that a Sinn Fein employee made the party chief whip aware of their involvement in an incident regarding a portrait and that they had been suspended and then resigned.
No admissable evidence
“The PPS and PSNI worked closely to establish what admissible evidence could be obtained regarding the alleged involvement of the reported individual and whether this could support a prosecution. Despite significant efforts to develop a clear evidential picture, key gaps remained.”
The PPS noted police were “unable to identify” anyone who had witnessed the portrait being damaged.
It added: “The email from the chief whip advising PSNI of the resignation stated that it had been tendered 'as a result of' the incident.
“A witness statement subsequently made in February 2025 by the chief whip, who had spoken directly to the individual on 21 October 2024, recorded that he had in fact made no admission to being at the event and had denied any knowledge of the damage. She said the individual was suspended so that the matter could be investigated by the relevant internal party structures.
“When interviewed by police as a voluntary attender, the reported individual exercised his right not to answer questions.
"There was no evidence of when, or in what circumstances, the portrait was damaged. The witness evidence available to the prosecution was the account of the chief whip which, as outlined above, did not indicate that any admission had been made and did not incriminate the suspect.
“The prosecution would not have been able to use the press statement, which itself contained no specifics as to the nature of any alleged 'involvement', to contradict the account of its own witness.
“In circumstances where direct evidence from the chief whip as to the precise nature of the conversation was available, this press statement, which was hearsay evidence, would have been inadmissible.
“Even if the press statement had been admitted, in light of the clear witness evidence from the chief whip that no admissions were made, the prosecution would not have been able to prove any alleged admission to the criminal standard.
“While the immediate suspension and subsequent resignation raised suspicion, those circumstances, in themselves, were insufficient to provide a reasonable prospect of conviction in light of the significant evidential difficulties outlined above.”
The PPS insisted that all decision-making in the case was conducted independently, impartially and fully in accordance with the code for prosecutors.
The PSNI said: “Police have a duty to conduct investigations where there are reasonable grounds to suspect the commission of criminal offences.
“Police will make relevant enquiries, interview those with information, question suspects and, in consultation with the Public Prosecution Service, either charge a person or submit a file... in relation to the investigation. This procedure was followed in this case.
“Prosecutorial decisions are made independently by the PPS and it would be inappropriate to comment further other than to reiterate the police service's commitment to treat everyone equally before the law.”
O’Neill is challenged to name perpetrator of portrait damage
First minister asked to reveal identity of person who damaged picture as well as the assembly member they are related to
JOHN MANLEY, POLITICAL CORRESPONDENT, Irish News, November 25th, 2025
MICHELLE O’Neill has been challenged to reveal the identity of the ex-Sinn Féin member and employee responsible for damaging the portrait of a former Belfast mayor.
Facing questions in the assembly yesterday, the first minister was asked to name the person who resigned from the party last year after the painting of one-time DUP mayor Wallace Browne was damaged during an event at Belfast City Hall.
The event organised by Irish language group Glór na Mona was attended by a number of senior Sinn Féin figures.
The Public Prosecution Service (PPS) has said there was no reasonable prospect of a conviction in the case, as “key gaps remained” in the available evidence.
DUP MLA Phillip Brett noted that Ms O’Neill has “requirements to uphold the rule of law under the ministerial code” as he urged her to identify the culprit.
“Will you take this opportunity to name that former employee, and which member of your party, a member of this house, that individual is related to?” he said.
The first minister declined to provide the information.
“If only your question was genuinely about respect,” she responded.
“But of course, it’s not. The PPS have made their views known, and I respect their position.”
Mr Brett’s DUP colleague Brian Kingston challenged the first minister over whether she had urged her party colleagues to co-operate with the PSNI investigation into the incident.
“The matter that he refers to is a matter for the PPS to decide, I discharge my duties as responsibly as I always should,” the first minister replied.
“And if this was an issue for the PPS, they’ve made their final view known. You might not like the outcome, but the outcome is the outcome.”
Covid Pandemic
Meanwhile, Ms O’Neill has defended her conduct during the Covid-19 pandemic and insisted that the “lessons learned are already being embraced”.
Covid Inquiry chair Baroness Heather Hallett said that decision making by the Northern Ireland Executive “was chaotic, and infected by political machination”.
She said the Sinn Féin deputy leader’s attendance at the funeral of Bobby Storey, alongside other senior party figures, contributed to tensions within the power-sharing administration.
When called on by DUP representative Maurice Bradley to apologise to fellow MLAs for “having undermined public health messaging”, Ms O’Neill said she had “addressed this question numerous times, including in terms of the public inquiry itself”.
“My actions would never have been to set out to deliberately hurt families who’d lost loved ones throughout the pandemic, and I’ve made that clear directly to the families also,” she said.
The first minister was also asked whether she accepted the inquiry’s finding that along with the DUP, her party “failed in leadership”.
“We have to reflect on all of the report and all of its findings,” she said.
“I don’t think any of us have anything to gain from dissecting or going over ground that we’ve went over before, however, I will absolutely take on board the learning from the report.”
More evidence of deepening divide between Sinn Féin and DUP
CONOR COYLE, Irish News, November 25th, 2025
ANALYSIS
SINN Féin has said it fully cooperated in an investigation into the criminal damage of the portrait of a DUP lord mayor’s portrait last year.
The party said the PPS decision not to prosecute a former member of its assembly staff for the incident came after a “thorough process and has now reached a conclusion”. Case closed, then?
Not according to unionist parties in the assembly, who say the process has “made a mockery of justice” and spoke of “deep distrust” of Sinn Féin when it comes to law and order.
It remains to be seen how much those parties will pursue that narrative in the coming days in an attempt to pressurise the largest party in Stormont.
The DUP, in particular, will need no invitation to come out against their Executive colleagues given Sinn Féin’s willingness to pursue Paul Givan over his trip to Israel.
Regardless of what happens from this point, it is undeniable that there are questions for Sinn Féin to answer over this case.
Michelle O’Neill told the assembly last year the staffer, who is understood to be the son of one of the party’s MLAs, was suspended and later resigned from Sinn Féin over his ‘involvement’ in the incident which led to the portrait damage.
What did that ‘involvement’ amount to?
According to the PPS, in informing the party’s Chief Whip of the ‘involvement’, he in fact made no admission to being at the event and had denied any knowledge of the damage.
So why was he suspended and why did he later resign?
No witnesses or pictures of high profile event
A number of high-profile Sinn Féin figures attended the City Hall event, which was held to celebrate 20 years of Irish language group Glór na Móna.
Despite that fact, according to the PPS, the only available witness to the prosecution was the account of someone who was not actually at the event, the Chief Whip.
The deletion of pictures shared to social media which clearly showed the individual who was suspended by the party at the event will only add to the questions over the level of co-operation offered by the party.
The thoroughness of the PSNI investigation into the incident may well also see further scrutiny.
The force’s statement following the PPS decision yesterday was light on details other than to “reiterate the Police Service’s commitment to treat everyone equally before the law”.
The fact that the evidence of a singular witness who did not attend the event was all the force could muster for the PPS as part of its probe will certainly raise eyebrows.
The whole debacle may be the latest wedge which divides the top two parties at Stormont and deepens mistrust in an already fragile executive.
SINN Féin has said it fully cooperated in an investigation into the criminal damage of the portrait of a DUP lord mayor’s portrait last year.
The party said the PPS decision not to prosecute a former member of its assembly staff for the incident came after a “thorough process and has now reached a conclusion”. Case closed, then?
Not according to unionist parties in the assembly, who say the process has “made a mockery of justice” and spoke of “deep distrust” of Sinn Féin when it comes to law and order.
It remains to be seen how much those parties will pursue that narrative in the coming days in an attempt to pressurise the largest party in Stormont.
The DUP, in particular, will need no invitation to come out against their Executive colleagues given Sinn Féin’s willingness to pursue Paul Givan over his trip to Israel.
Regardless of what happens from this point, it is undeniable that there are questions for Sinn Féin to answer over this case.
Michelle O’Neill told the assembly last year the staffer, who is understood to be the son of one of the party’s MLAs, was suspended and later resigned from Sinn Féin over his ‘involvement’ in the incident which led to the portrait damage.
What did that ‘involvement’ amount to?
According to the PPS, in informing the party’s Chief Whip of the ‘involvement’, he in fact made no admission to being at the event and had denied any knowledge of the damage.
So why was he suspended and why did he later resign?
A number of high-profile Sinn Féin figures attended the City Hall event, which was held to celebrate 20 years of Irish language group Glór na Móna.
Only available witness not not actually there
Despite that fact, according to the PPS, the only available witness to the prosecution was the account of someone who was not actually at the event, the Chief Whip.
The deletion of pictures shared to social media which clearly showed the individual who was suspended by the party at the event will only add to the questions over the level of co-operation offered by the party.
The thoroughness of the PSNI investigation into the incident may well also see further scrutiny.
The force’s statement following the PPS decision yesterday was light on details other than to “reiterate the Police Service’s commitment to treat everyone equally before the law”.
The fact that the evidence of a singular witness who did not attend the event was all the force could muster for the PPS as part of its probe will certainly raise eyebrows.
The whole debacle may be the latest wedge which divides the top two parties at Stormont and deepens mistrust in an already fragile executive.
Covid exposed patchwork parliament
MALACHI O'DOHERTY, Belfast Telegraph, November 25th, 2025
Now we know what is wrong with out patchwork mini-parliament.
Put to the ultimate test of how well it can manage a dangerous crisis it proved inadequate, unfit for purpose.
Baroness Hallett's report into the management by Stormont of the Covid-19 pandemic provides the strongest rationale for radical reform.
Ironically, the power-sharing system was established to save lives that were being lost in the violence of the paramilitary campaigns.
Routinely we hear defenders of the system talk of the lives saved through this peace deal.
By the 1990s the tally of the dead was about a hundred a year.
We can't know precisely how many lives could have been saved by a more diligent response to the contagion. It is our share of the estimated 23,000 that were lost through government inaction throughout the UK.
Perhaps we should accept that bad government is as dangerous as terrorism.
Baroness Hallett saw the weakness in our system and a potential strength.
Had the two main parties faced the crisis together and in unison they would have represented the backing of the greater part of the community for the measures to be taken. Instead they squabbled, and the measures were met by many with cynicism and even scepticism.
One of her recommendations is that in future the First and Deputy First Ministers should be empowered, in times of crisis, to direct other departments on what measures to take. This is her answer to the current silo system in which the departments fail to co-operate creatively with each other.
She also pointed to the damage done by Sinn Fein's withdrawal from the Assembly, bringing it down for the three years before the pandemic. In that time, she said, the systems which might have dealt better with it had atrophied.
Both Sinn Fein and the DUP have shut down Stormont with their boycotts and now we know that this type of protest causes lasting damage and endangers lives. So it is no longer tolerable that either party should repeat that destructive abstentionism.
Any party which proposes walking out blindly like that towards unpredictable dangers should be castigated as irresponsible and recognised as unfit for public office.
At the time of the 2017 shutdown Michelle O'Neill was health minister, talking up her enthusiasm for getting on with the job of reforming our health system and implementing the Bengoa recommendations. That was eight years ago and still nothing has been done.
Within our current system of posts being picked through the D'Hondt system the health portfolio is always the least popular while being the most urgent. And health service reform is top of a long list of things that have not been done.
Britain is to blame too for what we have suffered here. Westminster is the mother parliament and yet has legislated away its right to suspend Stormont, even when it has fallen apart. It waives its responsibility to step in when parties pull it down and let things drift.
The fear is that if Westminster could suspend in times of political deadlock, then unionists could simply pull Stormont down for good and restore direct rule on a whim. So our patchwork parliament must always solve its own problems and yet is clearly unfit to do so.
Sinn Fein and DUP profit more from conflict scoring than co-operation
That's because the two big parties will always expect to score more points for annoying each other than for governing well, even when that costs lives.
We would be better off with voluntary coalition and should not dismiss the idea just because truculent unionism is the usual source of that argument.
Any unionist who favours the idea must already have accepted that it would face periods of Northern Ireland being governed by a predominantly nationalist coalition with the DUP in opposition.
In modern democracies that is seen as a fair price to pay for the prospect of the real power that comes with being in government. If Sinn Fein could come to a similar conclusion, that having more power in government is worth the risk of being occasionally in opposition, then we could have a better system.
And since both Sinn Fein and the DUP would have to trade with the other parties to form governments, that would create the need for them to moderate their communalist instincts. The current system virtually invites them to taunt their partners and play to a sectarian base.
We have a patchwork parliament created on the assumption that we are a riven and immature society that's unfit for democracy as it functions elsewhere.
This idea was tolerable on the understanding that it was temporary and that it would facilitate the reconciliation that would ultimately let normal politics work here.
It hasn't. And after nearly 30 years we can fairly assume that it won't.
DURHAM STREET AND BOYNE BRIDGE PLACE TO REOPEN ON SATURDAY
REBECCA BLACK, Belfast Telegraph and Irish News, November 25th, 2025
The reopening of a Belfast city centre street ahead of the busy Christmas shopping period will be almost immediately followed by a loyalist parade through the area.
Durham Street/Boyne Bridge Place is due to reopen on Saturday after being closed for more than a year as part of works associated with Belfast Grand Central Station.
The first loyalist parade to cross Boyne Bridge Place has also been organised for the same day, within hours of the street reopening.
The 'Boyne Bridge Defenders Historical Group' will march from Sandy Row Orange Hall to City Hall, accompanied by two loyalist flute bands.
Some residents in the Sandy Row area as well as architectural heritage campaigners had strongly opposed the demolition of the old Boyne Bridge.
It was said that King William of Orange crossed the old bridge in 1690 on his way to the Battle of the Boyne, while King James II is thought to have subsequently retreated across it after his defeat, although the claims are disputed.
It is believed that the original bridge was built in 1611, over what was then known as the Blackstaff River.
The original was replaced in 1642 by the Great Bridge of Belfast, later known as the Saltwater Bridge, while the modern bridge was constructed in the 1930s around the remains of the previous crossings.
Translink said the reopened street will include drop-off/pick-up provision and pedestrian crossings for the transport hub and links to Sandy Row and Grosvenor Road.
Translink CEO Chris Conway said: “This is good news for our passengers, the local communities, pedestrians and road users, providing safe, convenient and attractive access to Belfast Grand Central Station and the surrounding area.
“The road design has been carefully considered to prioritise safety and cater for large pedestrian flows, and it is a vital component in ensuring the overall success of this project. Anyone passing through this area will notice the vast transformation underway, including development of the impressive Saltwater Square — an attractive new public realm space outside the station, due for completion next year.”
“I would like to thank the local communities, businesses, customers and the wider public for their patience and support as we worked hard to deliver this milestone. I'd also like to thank colleagues in Translink, the Department for Infrastructure and our contractors for all the progress made to date.
“As the busy festive period gets into full swing, we look forward to welcoming more people into this area and would encourage everyone to visit [the station] and enjoy the benefits of travelling by bus and train this season and beyond.”
Duane McCreadie, project director at Farrans Sacyr JV, said the team pushed hard to achieve the reopening ahead of Christmas, and he also paid tribute to the efforts of their supply chain.
Glyn Roberts, chief executive of Retail NI and a member of the Sandy Row/Grosvenor Road working group, welcomed the move ahead of Christmas: “The road was originally closed in October 2024. And I know the Department for Infrastructure, Translink and their contractors have worked extremely hard to get to this point. We are now entering a vital trading period in the lead-up to Christmas, and the timing of the reopening of the road is important in that regard. However, traffic congestion remains an issue in the city centre at this time of year; we would continue to encourage consumers to choose public transport when they travel to the city centre...
“The reopening of this road will also help to re-establish connections to inner-city areas including Sandy Row and Grosvenor Road. Those communities stand to benefit though increased footfall from the new station, as well as the planned investment in the wider Weavers Cross development. I look forward to seeing traders in these areas see these benefits realised in the years ahead.”
Graffiti is still on display at a house wrecked in racist attack
JOHN BRESLIN, Irish News, November 25th, 2025
AN unoccupied house wrecked in a racially motivated attack in south Belfast remains boarded up and with graffiti still displayed nearly three weeks after it happened.
Windows were smashed and paint bombs thrown into the house on Donegall Avenue, one of the streets that leads up to Windsor Park.
‘Local only’ was daubed on the wall of the property during the attack, which happened on the evening of November 4.
The graffiti remained on the wall yesterday, a lower window and the front door were boarded up, with another smashed window on the upper floor open to the elements.
The destruction of the three-bedroom property came after a separate attack on the same street weeks earlier.
Family members living inside the property were injured after their home was attack by a group of young people.
A 12-year-old boy and an 18-yearold male were charged with riotous following the assault on the home on August 28.
At the time, South Belfast District Commander Superintendent Finola Dornan said the “incident was exceptionally serious involving the targeting of a family in their own home, motivated by racial hatred”.
In the latest attack on the street, police said a report of criminal damage of a house on Donegall Avenue was received shortly after 9.30pm.
“It was reported shortly after 9.30pm that windows at the unoccupied house had been smashed and paint bombs thrown inside,” a PSNI spokesperson said. “Graffiti was also painted on the outside of the property.”
The spokesperson added that “the incident is being treated as a racially motivated hate crime”.
Officers investigating are appealing with information to contact the police, including witnesses and those who may have footage.
A listing for the property from a number of years ago described it as a two-and-a-half storey, three bedroom mid-terrace “situated in a tree-lined street close to Donegall Road, within a 5 minute walk to Royal Victoria and Belfast City Hospitals and 10 minutes to Queens University and to shop-ping on Sandy Row”.
Only seven people charged with supporting terrorism in Northern Ireland in 10 years
By Adam Kula, News Letter, November 24th, 2025
Just seven people have been prosecuted in 10 years across all of Northern Ireland for supporting or encouraging terrorism, the News Letter can reveal.
The DUP has said in response to the figures that there is "a perception that a blind eye is turned" to terror displays.
The PSNI has responded by saying it "would never ignore paramilitary or terrorist activity".
The news comes just as the PSNI faces questions over the absence of arrests of protestors in Belfast and Londonderry who held up signs which stated "I oppose genocide, I support Palestine Action".
Palestine Action is a proscribed group, and in London protestors who did the same thing faced mass arrest.
The figures have come to light thanks to the Freedom of Information Act.
The News Letter asked the PSNI about the number of people arrested and charged under different sections of the Terrorism Act 2000 from 2014/15 to 2023/24.
It did not have pure arrest figures, but did have figures for those who were arrested under Section 41 of the Terrorism Act (reasonable suspicion that someone is a terrorist) and then subsequently charged under the following sections:
Section 11 (membership of a proscribed organisation);
Section 12 (inviting support for a proscribed organisation);
And Section 13 (displaying an article that arouses suspicion that you are a supporter of a proscribed organisation).
The number charged under Section 11 (membership) over that decade was 46: of which 39 were republican, and seven were loyalist.
The number charged under Section 12 (inviting support) was three: all republican.
And the number charged under Section 13 (displaying articles in support) was four: three republican, one loyalist.
The single-digit charges for people under Sections 12 and 13 came despite the law being beefed up in 2019 to cover more pro-paramilitary actions.
Since 2019, Section 12 has been widened beyond just "inviting support for a proscribed organisation" to cover anyone who "expresses an opinion or belief that is supportive of a proscribed organisation, and in doing so is reckless as to whether a person to whom the expression is directed will be encouraged to support a proscribed organisation".
Meanwhile Section 13 was expanded to cover not just anybody who "wears, carries or displays an article in such a way or in such circumstances as to arouse reasonable suspicion that he is a member or supporter of a proscribed organisation", but anybody who publishes an image of someone doing so.
Section 13 is the piece of law which was used in the failed prosecution in London of Kneecap rapper Liam O'Hanna for displaying a Hezbollah flag.
It has also been used to take prosecutions in Great Britain against hundreds of supporters of Palestine Action, a group which – unlike Northern Ireland's paramilitaries – was only proscribed five months ago and has never killed anyone.
‘THERE MUST BE NO NO-GO AREAS FOR THE LAW': DUP
When the figures were put to him, Paul Frew, DUP chairman of Stormont's justice committee, said: “The public rightly expect that anyone engaged in criminality linked to proscribed organisations – whether through membership, promoting support, or displaying material – should face the full rigour of the law.
"Too often there is a perception that a blind eye is turned to paramilitary or terrorist-linked activity, particularly when it comes from those with a political or community platform.
"That undermines confidence in the rule of law and sends the wrong message to victims and to wider society.
"There can be no hierarchy or no-go areas when it comes to law enforcement.“
‘IF WE SUSPECT AN OFFENCE, WE FULLY INVESTIGATE’
It was put to the PSNI that the number of membership charges – averaging fewer than five per year – was low.
It was also put to police that the numbers charged with showing and inviting support for terror are negligible, given how awash Northern Ireland's streets and social media are with pro-paramilitary displays and sentiments.
In response to this, and to Mr Frew's comments, the PSNI released a statement from Assistant Chief Constable Davy Beck.
In it, he said: "The PSNI investigates, and will continue to investigate, those individuals and groups – namely organised crime, paramilitary and terrorist groups – who would seek to cause harm within our communities.
“The circumstances of each incident will determine what action is taken, including commencement of an investigation.
“When officers suspect an offence has been committed, a full investigation is carried out and all available evidence presented to the Public Prosecution Service.
“In terms of terrorism-related offences, it’s extremely important to see the wider picture.
"For example, the offence of publishing images in support of a proscribed organisation is just one of a number of offences covered by the Terrorism Act.
“From October 2024 to September 2025, there were 19 security-related arrests under Section 41 the Terrorism Act, with five people subsequently charged.
"This is a result of, not only the proactive efforts of police, but also the support of local communities.
“When it comes to paramilitarism, please be assured that, working with our partners on the Paramilitary Crime Task Force (PCTF), we will continue to disrupt the activities of those who use a regime of fear and violence to exercise their control over communities…
“Please be assured that we would never ignore paramilitary or terrorist activity, or indeed any criminality.
“Working with our partners, and with the support of local people, our investigations will continue.
"And I am keen to take every opportunity to encourage anyone with information, or indeed concerns, to speak to us.”
He provided figures showing that, from its inception in 2017 until 31 October 2025, the PCTF has:
Carried out 1,313 searches;
Recovered over £12.1m of controlled drugs;
Seized 450 weapons and firearms;
Made 548 arrests;
Charged/reported for prosecution 585 people;
And "prevented over £98m in revenue loss".
The PCTF investigates "criminality" linked to the east Belfast UVF, west Belfast, north Antrim, and south-east Antrim UDA, and the Belfast and north-west wings of the INLA specifically.
Meanwhile the PSNI said its Serious Crime Branch investigates "homicide, kidnap incidents, terrorist related offences, intelligence led operations and other serious crime incidents".
