Beattie resigns from UUP ahead of suspension by Burrows

Suzanne Breen, Belfast Telegraph, June 1st, 2026

FORMER LEADER QUIT PARTY BEFORE BEING PUSHED AND CLAIMS CAMPAIGN HAS BEEN WAGED TO FORCE EXIT

Doug Beattie was due to be suspended from the UUP over “abusive language to Jon Burrows, the failure to remove grossly misogynistic tweets, and other issues”, senior sources have said.

The disciplinary action against him was unanimously agreed upon at a meeting of party officers on Thursday night.

Party leader Mr Burrows was due to inform Mr Beattie today that he had been suspended from the UUP with the party whip at Stormont removed.

However, the former party leader resigned yesterday before he was told of the move.

Mr Beattie had apologised in 2022 over a series of historic, controversial tweets, saying he was “deeply ashamed and embarrassed” by their content.

However, sources said the current dispute related to some of those tweets remaining online. They said Mr Beattie had been asked to remove them, but this hadn't happened.

Mr Beattie told the Belfast Telegraph: “It was raised with me that one of my inappropriate tweets was still up. It was from 2013.

“Neither my team nor I had realised it was still there. When I was made aware of it by Jon Burrows, I removed it.”

‘He said to leave nothing off the table’

On the issue of abusive language to his party leader, Mr Beattie said: “Jon Burrows brought all Ulster Unionist MLAs to a meeting at our party office in Stormont.

“He asked what our issues were. He told us not to hold back, to speak freely, and we did. He said to leave nothing off the table.

“Yet he then goes and complains to the party management board about the language used. None of this adds up to me.”

Relations between him and Mr Burrows have been poor for some time.

In a blistering attack on Mr Burrows' leadership, Mr Beattie said MLAs “were increasingly marginalised, ignored, isolated and discredited”.

His UUP membership was no longer “tenable”, and it was with “genuine sadness” that he was resigning.

Mr Beattie said in the past three years, there had been a “marked difference” in relations between party officers, constituency associations, and MLAs, he stated.

This had been “accelerated” after Mr Burrows took up the reins four months ago. The Upper Bann MLA said that as he raised concerns directly with his party leader, an “insidious campaign of rumour and gossip” was waged against him.

He said the matter had come to a head last week, with Mr Burrows telling him he intended to “reopen a disciplinary matter against me”, which had been dealt with by party officers four years ago.

It felt like a “deliberate and vindictive” attempt to force him out of the party, he claimed.

Mr Beattie said the UUP no longer was a party reflecting a “moderate and progressive outlook”.

Undermining elected representatives

He claimed Mr Burrows' leadership style was “dismissive, overly centralised, empowering individuals to actively undermine elected representatives”.

Mr Beattie added: “In the absence of any coherent policy direction from the leadership, a toxic atmosphere had been allowed to flourish in the party.”

He said he was “especially concerned” with the “appalling treatment” of North Down MLA Alan Chambers and Councillor Kate Evans.

In response, the UUP said: “We thank Doug for his many years of service to his country and to the party, and we wish him well.

“The party doesn't accept the characterisation of recent events set out in Mr Beattie's letter.

“The party management board met on Thursday evening to consider serious concerns about Mr Beattie's conduct and judgement.

“The board unanimously agreed a course of action which was due to be communicated to Mr Beattie by the party leader on Monday. Mr Beatite's resignation has overtaken that process.”

The party added: “On Councillor Kate Evans, who Mr Beattie's letter references, we again thank Kate for her many years of service to the party and the people of Craigavon. Jon Burrows reached out to Kate personally to wish her well and offered to meet at any time.

“The party's focus remains on servicing the people of Northern Ireland, on delivering for them, and on the work ahead.”

Doug Beattie admits he lied in canvassing video

By David Thompson, Belfast Telegraph, June 1st, 2026

Former UUP MLA Doug Beattie has admitted lying about canvassing with two former colleagues – but says the fact that the media was informed that two councillors weren’t there shows there is a deliberate attempt to undermine him.

The former leader quit at the weekend, accusing Jon Burrows of allowing “a toxic atmosphere has been allowed to flourish within the party”.

The UUP rejected claims in Mr Beattie’s resignation letter – and said the move had overtaken a probe into “serious concerns about Mr Beattie’s conduct and judgement”.

Speaking to the BBC’s Nolan Show on Monday morning, the former UUP MLA was challenged about a social media video posted last month during a canvass in Banbridge.

In the video, he said “I’m canvassing again, this time I’m in Banbridge, in Summerhill. And I’m with Alderman Ian Burns and Alderman Glenn Barr”.

Asked by Mr Nolan whether he was with those councillors, the Upper Bann MLA admitted that he was not and said he had been “economical with the truth”.

“If people look at that video, they'll see me standing, and I'm holding a leaflet, which I'm putting through the doors, and that's a leaflet for Alderman Glenn Barr and a leaflet for Alderman Ian Burns. So I'm out promoting and delivering for two members of the Ulster Unionist Party, and I was economical with the truth. I was trying to promote those two individuals”, Mr Beattie said.

Pushed on the matter, he said “When I say I’m economical with the truth, I’m there with Glenn Barr and Ian Burns, because I’m standing there with their leaflet”.

The former UUP leader added: “I’ve already said to you that they weren’t there. I’m not lying to you. I lied there, I was dishonest, that’s fine. But I wasn’t dishonest in a matter to damage anybody. It was because I was trying to promote two elected representatives of our party, and the party itself. I was out when they couldn’t be out”.

Mr Beattie also said that he apologises to anyone who thinks he deliberately misled them, but added “I’m not going to apologise to a party for trying to promote that party”.

He told Mr Nolan: “The very fact that you have that information tells me that there is somebody who is deliberately firing stuff out which is trying to undermine me as a person”.

Questions over Invest NI role for ex-prisoner

Conor Coyle, Irish News, June 1st, 2026

SINN Féin Economy Minister Caoimhe Archibald appointed a former IRA prisoner to the board of Invest NI last month in a move which one MLA said she must “urgently” explain.

Caoimhe Archibald had previously rejected suggestions of “cronyism” in her appointment of party colleague and former Stormont Finance minister, Máirtín Ó Muilleoir, telling the Assembly they “stink of sectarianism”.

Now more questions have been raised over her appointment of another Sinn Féin activist who was appointed at the same time.

Peter Lynch, who is currently chief executive of the West Belfast Partnership Board, was appointed to the board of Invest NI in April of this year.

An Invest NI profile of Mr Lynch describes him as having been a “community activist for over 20 years”.

As well as being involved in a number of local community groups, Mr Lynch was convicted in 1993 of conspiring to murder an RUC officer or civilian after he and two other IRA members were caught.

On August 3 1991, Mr Lynch was a backseat passenger in a car which was hemmed in by security forces at Boucher Crescent in Belfast while on its way to attack an RUC workshop in west Belfast.

He was in possession of a pistol which the court was told he attempted to kick away from the vehicle when it was stopped.

Another man convicted as part of the same foiled attack was shot in the leg by RUC officers during the incident. A third man who pleaded guilty to his involvement in the attack said he had been the driver of the vehicle and that the intention was for Lynch and the other man to open fire.

A judge sentenced the trio to 24 years and said Lynch and the other passenger had shown “no remorse” for their actions.

Later released under the Good Friday Agreement, Lynch has held various roles within Sinn Féin and declared that he had canvassed for the party within the last five years.

He and Mr Ó Muilleoir were the only two of the five appointments to declare any political affiliations.

Invest NI is the regional business development agency, with responsibility for growing the local economy.

Members of its board are paid around £15,000 per year for the parttime role.

It does this by helping new and existing businesses to compete internationally, and by attracting new investment to the north from foreign companies.

CEO of Partnership Board

A profile of Mr Lynch on Invest NI’s website lists him as the CEO of the West Belfast Partnership Board, a community organisation which is also registered as a limited company. The community group says it works for the “social, economic and physical generation of west Belfast”. Several Sinn Féin councillors are named as directors of the West Belfast Partnership Board.

The profile also lists Mr Lynch as sitting on the board of several other community organisations within Belfast, including the Falls Community Council and a number of organisations connected to Belfast City Council, which has Sinn Féin as its largest party.

Part of the terms and conditions of acceptance of the role as a board member for Invest NI, is that “in order to maintain high standards in public life, the appointment may be terminated in the event that you are convicted of a criminal offence”.

It is not clear whether Mr Lynch’s conviction was declared as part of his application for the role. A spokesperson for the Department for Economy did not respond directly to questions around this.

The spokesperson said all appointees to the Invest NI board “passed a robust application and interview process overseen by the Commissioner for Public Appointments”.

“It is important that public appointments are open to and encourage representation from all sections of our diverse community, including those sections that have historically been under-represented.

“All appointments are made on merit and political activity plays no part in the selection process.”

‘Neither confirm Nor deny’

A previous FOI request submitted to Invest NI asking whether any of its board members had declared criminal convictions was refused by the arms length body. It said it could ‘Neither Confirm Nor Deny’ whether it held such information due to data protection laws.

When contacted, Invest NI refused to answer any questions put to it by The Irish News, directing all queries instead to the Department for Economy.

A solicitor representing Mr Lynch said he was appointed to the board of Invest NI “following a rigorous interview process” and that questions raised “centre on his conviction 35 years ago and his links to a political party”.

“As both of these are in the public domain we fail to see what our client could possibly add to your story,” the statement added.

Alliance Party deputy leader Eoin Tennyson said the economy minister should “urgently set out the process that was followed” in the appointment of Mr Lynch.

“At a time when people’s confidence in politics is at a low ebb, it’s essential that public appointments to bodies such as Invest NI be transparent, merit-based and free from any potential perception of cronyism,” Mr Tennyson said.

“Confidence in these kinds of bodies depend on this process being demonstrably fair and transparent.

“Given concerns surrounding these appointments, the Economy Minister should urgently set out the process that was followed in this case, the criteria used, and how any perceived conflicts of interest were managed.”

In an interview with the BBC last week, the economy minister defended comments she had made in the Assembly where she said scrutiny of her Invest NI board appointments was “sectarian”, and said she didn’t see it as a contradiction that the party criticised DUP education minister for appointing party councillor Mervyn Storey as chair of the Education Authority board last year.

Dr Archibald says there is a “robust process” for public appointments which was “absolutely followed”.

'Shocking and brutal' attempt to kill officer with stolen PSNI car

Christopher Leebody and Kurtis Reid, Belfast Telegraph, June 1st, 2026

POLICEMAN WHO FIRED SHOT AT VEHICLE LEFT SERIOUSLY INJURED AFTER IT STRUCK HIM

The Police Federation of Northern Ireland has condemned an attempted murder bid on an officer after a man stole a PSNI car and drove the vehicle towards officers in Downpatrick.

The federation — which represents rank-and-file officers — described the incident as “shocking and brutal”.

The incident happened in a residential area on the Colmcille Road in the early hours of yesterday morning, close to the junction of Feadenach Park.

The incident happened around 4.45am, as police said the vehicle failed to stop in the Fountain Street area and was later located in the Ballymote Walk area.

The PSNI confirmed an attempted murder investigation is now underway, with the suspect abandoning the vehicle and making off from the scene after striking the officer.

A police officer fired a single shot at the vehicle during the incident.

The Police Ombudsman's Office has confirmed they have been notified about the shot fired.

Police confirmed a 27-year-old man was later arrested on suspicion of attempted murder and remains in custody.

In a statement, Liam Kelly, chair of the Police Federation said the incident was brutal and shocking.

Mr Kelly said: “This was an appalling and deliberate attack. I wish to add my condemnation to that already expressed across the community. What happened in Downpatrick was shocking and brutal.

“From what I've seen online, this appears to have been a calculated and dangerous driving act with no effort made to slow down or avoid the officer.

'My thoughts, and those of every officer in the PSNI, are with our seriously injured colleague and his loved ones.

“This incident graphically illustrates the risks our officers face as they work to safeguard communities and confront law-breakers.” In video footage obtained by the Belfast Telegraph, two police officers can be seen walking on the street. The footage then appears to show a police car emerging from a back street close to Colmcille Road before speeding towards one of the officers and striking them.

Assistant Chief Constable Melanie Jones said: “At approximately 4.45am this morning, Sunday 31st May, a vehicle failed to stop for police in the Fountain Street area — it was later located in the Ballymote Walk area.

“Officers observed a man running from the vehicle and a foot pursuit ensued towards the Colmcille Road.

Firearm discharged

“As officers returned to their police car, someone was in the driver's seat — driving erratically and directly towards an officer. The officer discharged one round from his firearm.

“The officer was struck by the vehicle — causing serious injuries. The vehicle was subsequently abandoned a short time later. The suspect made off from the scene.

“Urgent medical treatment was provided at the scene by police colleagues, who were also supported by members of the local community.

“The officer was taken to hospital by colleagues from the Northern Ireland Ambulance Service for treatment to his injuries believed to be serious, but thankfully not life-threatening at this time.

“As part of our enquiries, a 27-year-old man was arrested on suspicion of attempted murder and remains in custody at this time.”

The police vehicle, officer's weapon and ammunition have all been recovered and removed for forensic examination, the PSNI confirmed.

Assistant Chief Constable Jones continued: “As is standard procedure when a police firearm is drawn, the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland has been informed — and their enquiries are ongoing.

“Officers put themselves on the front line to help keep people safe — they do not deserve to be assaulted for simply doing their job, and today's incident is a stark reminder of the dangers they face.

“Our thoughts are with the officer as he receives ongoing medical treatment today for his injuries in hospital. And we will continue to support him and his family. This would have been a terrifying experience for the officer and also his colleagues — with the clear potential to cause life-changing or even fatal injuries.

“Actions were taken this morning in defence of life to protect himself and fellow officers.

Attempted murder investigation

“Detectives from our Serious Crime branch have now launched an attempted murder investigation — with their enquiries continuing at pace.

“We would ask anyone who has information, or who has CCTV, dash-cam or other footage of what happened to contact police on 101 quoting reference number 317 31/05/26.”

Nikki Davis, director of investigations at the Police Ombudsman's Office said: “Our thoughts are with the police officer who has been injured during the incident in Downpatrick and their colleague who was present.

“In line with standard procedures, the Police Ombudsman's Office was notified by the PSNI about the discharge of a firearm and our investigators attended the scene. We have been gathering relevant information, including any available video evidence, to assess the circumstances”.

Several political figures slammed the incident, with DUP Policing Board lead Trevor Clarke condemning the incident while MLA Diane Forsythe said her thoughts were with the officer's family.

“This was a shocking and disgraceful attack on a police officer carrying out his duties,” said Mr Clarke.

“The details emerging from Downpatrick are extremely serious. No officer should face the prospect of being targeted in this way while protecting the public.

“The PSNI deserve the full support of the community as they continue to put themselves in harm's way to keep everyone safe. I want to wish the injured officer a full and speedy recovery.”

South Down DUP MLA Diane Forsythe added: “This incident has caused real shock and concern across the Downpatrick area.

“The thought of a police officer being deliberately struck by a vehicle is deeply disturbing and highlights the dangers faced by frontline officers every day.

“My thoughts are with the injured officer, his family and colleagues. Those responsible must be brought before the courts.”

Alliance Mournes Councillor Jill Truesdale also condemned the attack on police calling it “utterly reprehensible”.

“First and foremost, I want to extend my thoughts and sympathies to the officer left injured, their family, and to those other officers present at the scene,” she said.

“I hope they receive all the support they need in the wake of this totally reckless, utterly reprehensible attack.”

She added that the incident “was a shock to the local community”.

SDLP MLA Colin McGrath also condemned the incident and said: “I would expect a full review of what took place during this incident to understand how this happened, in line with Police Ombudsman processes. A police car being stolen is a very serious, particularly given firearms and ammunition were present, and lessons must be learned from this.”

Sinn Féin MLA Cathy Mason also said the incident caused “deep concern”.

“The people of Downpatrick want to see those responsible held accountable for this reckless and dangerous incident.”

Eleanor Donaldson ‘did nothing’ when told of abuse allegation

Allison Morris, Belfast Telegraph, June 1st, 2026

Eleanor Donaldson “did nothing” when told of an allegation of abuse by her husband, Jeffrey Donaldson, a court has heard.

The claim from one of the alleged victims came during week two of the former DUP leader’s trial.

Donaldson (63) has pleaded not guilty to 18 alleged offences said to have taken place between 1985 and 2008 involving two complainants, known as Witness A and B.

The charges include one count of rape and allegations of indecent assault and gross indecency.

Eleanor Donaldson faces a trial of the facts, linked to aiding and abetting allegations, after trial judge Paul Ramsey ruled her medically unfit to stand trial during an earlier hearing.

As week two of the trial got underway at Newry Crown Court on Monday, Jeffrey Donaldson sat between two female custody officers dressed in a navy suit and teal blue tie, occasionally taking notes.

On Friday his defence barrister, Kieran Vaughan KC, concluded his questioning of Witness A, the younger of the two complainants.

On the third day of her evidence on Monday, the woman known as Witness A was questioned by Ian Turkington KC, representing Mrs Donaldson.

While Eleanor Donaldson is not in court she is still represented by her legal team.

Mr Turkington questioned the witness about not disclosing details of counselling sessions she had to police.

The court heard the woman had spoken with four, potentially five, separate counsellors over the years and was asked why she didn’t disclose all of this to police.

She said some of this was linked to a traumatic incident while she was volunteering in Africa and therefore she didn’t feel it was relevant.

Mr Turkington questioned as to why this wasn’t disclosed to police at an interview on March 8, 2024, saying “you came armed with notes” to the interview.

The witness said: “I didn’t come armed with notes, I came with a small note (on a phone) that had some dates on it.

“I did not come armed with reams of A4 pages,” Witness A added.

She was also questioned about allegations that Mr Donaldson put his tongue in her mouth and moved it around and that she had told police this happened on “several occasions”.

The witness told police in her original Achieving Best Evidence (ABE) interview that “it was all sort of laughed off” when she told Eleanor Donaldson about the kissing.

When asked by the barrister: “Are you making this up as you go along?”

Witness A replied: “Absolutely not, I find that ridiculous that you would infer that.”

‘If she saw it, she saw it’

On Friday the woman had told the jury of an incident when she claimed Jeffrey Donaldson felt her breasts and that his wife would have seen this.

“If she saw what was going on, she didn’t mention that”.

When accused of “spectacularly backtracking” on evidence provided on Friday, she said: “I don’t recall being asked that level of detail”.

“You’re making this up as you are going along” Mr Turkington suggested,

“I am here to tell the truth and I am telling the truth,” the witness said.

“I apologise if I created the impression she definitely saw, she may have seen.”

She added: “I can only tell the facts and I have told the facts.

“I will not be changing anything I say, the facts stand - she looked into the room … and if she saw it, she saw it”.

‘The right support, at the right time in the right places makes a difference’

Dr Colin Walsh, Irish News, June 1st, 2026

PLATFORM

THIRTY-FOUR. That was the combined age of three young people arrested for throwing petrol bombs over the weekend of May 23, 2026. It was shocking, but unfortunately, it was not isolated.

Across the island, there are growing concerns about domestic violence in the home, serious youth violence in communities, far-right extremism, and the online exploitation of children and young people, all unfolding against the backdrop of an increasingly unstable and polarised world.

The result is that violence casts a long shadow. Victims are traumatised. Communities are stretched. Services are overwhelmed.

And yet, we continue to ask the wrong question.

We tend to ask: “Why did this happen?” A better question might be: “What conditions made this possible?”

I have undertaken dozens of studies with almost 3,000 people affected by violence, alongside those trying to prevent it. I have worked with youth organisations, probation services, prisons, schools, community groups and statutory agencies. One message comes through consistently: Violence rarely emerges from nowhere.

In almost every case, especially those most complex cases, there is a history of adversity that stretches across generations. Intergenerational.

Too often, public debate treats violence as a series of isolated incidents carried out by “bad people”.

But the stories that these people tell us are much more complicated. Their lives are shaped by overlapping pressures, violence at home, exposure to harm in communities, online exploitation, poverty, addiction, untreated trauma, poor mental health, and a growing mistrust of institutions that are supposed to help.

One in five

Our research shows that almost one in five adults in Northern Ireland experienced four or more significant adverse experiences during childhood.

That threshold is commonly associated with significantly poorer life outcomes in adulthood, including mental ill-health, addiction, unemployment, homelessness, and involvement in violence, either as a victim or perpetrator.

This one metric shows that we have a more significant problem than other countries, notably England and Wales, with effects that ripple outward, affecting families, schools, neighbourhoods and already overstretched public services.

In one study involving adults on probation, nearly every participant described serious victimisation in their own lives before becoming involved in offending.

Many had experienced threats, intimidation, domestic abuse, paramilitary violence or chronic neglect.

Yet few had ever received a formal trauma assessment. That should concern all of us. Because while we often respond to violence as an immediate crisis and spend enormous amounts dealing with the consequences, we invest far less in preventing the conditions that allow violence to take root in the first place.

Politicians regularly speak about prevention. Strategies are published. Commitments are made. But on the ground, prevention is still too often the first thing cut when budgets tighten.

And this is where there is genuine reason for hope.

Our work with youth services across Northern Ireland, shows that the right support, delivered at the right time and in the right places, can make a measurable difference. Young

“ We continue to ask the wrong question. We tend to ask: “Why did this happen?” A better question might be: “What conditions made this possible?”

people connected to trusted adults, safe environments, and meaningful opportunities, are significantly less likely to become involved in serious violence. They are more likely to recognise exploitation, seek help early, remain engaged in education, and develop healthier coping strategies.

Access to supports

Importantly, effective youth services are not simply about “keeping young people busy”. It creates protective relationships, strengthens identity and belonging, and helps young people navigate increasingly complex risks, online and offline.

But access to these supports remains uneven.

Some communities facing the highest levels of harm still have the fewest resources. Too often, services are fragmented, short-term, or concentrated only after crises emerge. We need to become much smarter about how support is distributed.

New approaches are beginning to emerge that use data and research evidence to identify where risks are concentrated and where preventative services can have the greatest impact. This approach allows limited resources to be targeted more effectively while ensuring specialist interventions reach the communities that need them most.

This is not about excusing violence or avoiding account- ability. People must still take responsibility for their actions.

Violence prevention begins much earlier- in homes, schools, youth centres and communities; in relationships built on trust; and in systems willing to invest before crisis arrives. If we fail to act upstream, we should not be surprised when the downstream consequences continue to grow.

We now have considerable evidence to support this and through the establishment of a new research centre at Queen’s, we will endeavour to take this evidence to those who can use it best and develop training to enhance how services are delivered. On 1 June, delegates from across the island, alongside global experts, will come together to launch the new Centre for Evidence-Based Youth Services (CEBYS).

We cannot afford the alternative. If three young people can reach the point to engage in serious community violence by a combined age of 34, we have to ask, what did they need earlier – and why didn’t they get it?

Dr Colin Walsh is co-director for The Centre for Evidence-Based Youth Services at Queen’s University, Belfast

What might an alternative look like for this island?

Matthew O’Toole, Irish Times, June 1st, 2026

A British MP once asked Tony Blair why the then-prime minister had been so successful. “Because I’m not seen as being as left-wing as you lot,” was Blair’s reply. The MP he was talking to was a Conservative.

So ran a joke I remember from the 1990s or early 2000s on the satirical panel show Have I Got News For You, which, like Blair himself, is still going after all these years. I was reminded of the gag this past week as the former prime minister published a 5,000-word essay accusing the Labour Party he once led of “playing with fire” by rushing into a leadership contest without what he deems a serious debate on policy.

Any serious analysis of the current world and immediate future has to engage with hard realities that cannot be wished away, Blair argues. These hard facts include two “epochal” changes: first, a new world of two or three great powers in open competition (the US, China and soon India) and the relative decline of “middle powers” such as the UK; and second, rapid technological change, especially artificial intelligence.

This diagnosis itself is hardly controversial but the remedies Blair demands indicate how far he has travelled from the leadership of a centre-left political party and into his role as consigliere of choice to the billionaire class.

So urgent is the competition for AI-leadership in business, he insists, that virtually any other imperative that might impede tech company growth – prioritising clean energy, advancing workers’ rights, even the UK rejoining the EU – should be indefinitely parked or ignored.

His essay rightly says that the perceived failures of established parties to deliver change for ordinary people have driven the rise of populist chancers. He fails to mention the role of either the global financial crisis, created by prolonged deregulation of finance, or disastrous wars like the invasion of Iraq, in destroying trust in conventional political parties. Perhaps because doing so would not just implicate him, but undermine his contemporary argument for extreme deregulation of tech and handing a blank cheque to a lunatic president.

But it would be too easy and lazy to simply list the ways Blair’s policy proposals are wrong, though most are. The world he describes is here and needs to be responded to much more coherently by centre-left parties than at present – but more ethically and hopefully than his bleak prospectus.

What Blair’s essay most strikingly misses is any engagement with actual human beings and their lives. The crisis of social democratic politics in Britain can be read as a loss of authority and authenticity. Authority was derived from the broad belief among working and middle-class voters that centre-left political parties could meaningfully improve their lives through effective government. Authenticity came from deep and durable connections to ideas of class, community and nation, which in turn allowed politicians to translate policies into stories that ordinary people could engage with. Both have been damaged profoundly.

Ireland’s divisive legacy

Where Britain has to manage its long-run relative decline as a post-imperial, post-industrial state, Ireland has a legacy of division to overcome. This is manifested most obviously by the presence of a Border and sectarianism in the North, but also increasingly by a sense that too many in the Republic are not enjoying the benefits of living in what is now a rich country. These frustrations are intensified and distorted by social media (an example of why untrammeled tech-optimism is so misplaced).

And when government is defined largely by incrementalism and managerialism, then political systems risk losing legitimacy.This is clearly happening in Britain but it may be starting to happen in Ireland too.

What might a more radical and inspiring alternative be for this island? One that meets the seriousness of the geopolitical and technological challenges while also improving people’s lives and connecting citizens to a story with real meaning?

We have a social democratic project of that kind ready and waiting. It involves the enhancement of cross-Border public service delivery, especially in health, the rebuilding of broken connections, not least in the rail network; the acceleration towards clean, reliable all-island energy infrastructure; and a huge increase in affordable house building. It is in many ways what the Taoiseach’s welcome Shared Island Unit is already nodding towards, but we need to start walking towards and embracing it.

Why shouldn’t there be an all-island strategy for AI upskilling? Or an effort to apply AI analytics to island-wide healthcare data to find service improvements?

Yes, this journey will ultimately mean constitutional change. But not merely as an end in itself and certainly not as a singularly nationalistic project about flags or identity, but as a means of improving people’s lives and material wellbeing. And in doing so we might find that talking about the future is a more productive route to reconciliation than dwelling on our past.

Rather than simply cross our fingers and hope for maximum continuity at a time where change is inevitable, a progressive and empowering response in Ireland would be to build a vision and tell a story of how a reconnected island can meet the challenges of the future and materially improve the lives of ordinary people.

Matthew O’Toole MLA is leader of the opposition in the Northern Ireland Assembly

Confidence in NI's football identity matters more than ever

David Graham, Belfast Telegraph, June 1st, 2026

I was delighted that Michael O'Neill extended his contract as Northern Ireland manager.

After much speculation, the Irish FA have secured the man who brought us to France in 2016 and is best placed to bring us to another major tournament.

The Northern Ireland football team is arguably the most unifying sports team across 'our wee country.' There are players from a range of backgrounds, from Castlederg to Castledawson, and now, almost a starting XI selected via the 'grandparent rule.'

The GAA, rugby or cricket cannot show the diverse representation that the Northern Ireland football team can.

I have written previously about the great work taking place behind the scenes to make Northern Ireland an attractive destination for young footballers with international ambitions.

Much of that work deserves praise. Coaches, scouts and development staff have invested enormous energy into creating an environment where young players can thrive.

There are countless examples of young players who will go 'across the water' to ply their trade in England and Scotland. The recent inclusion of Braiden Graham of Everton and Ceadach O'Neill of Arsenal in the senior men's squad is testament to this.

Yet Northern Ireland operates within a unique and often uncomfortable reality.

We are the only country in the world where players born and raised within the country must still be actively persuaded to represent it internationally. That is not the fault of the IFA, but an unintended consequence of the Belfast Agreement itself.

Anyone born on the island of Ireland is entitled to hold an Irish passport; therefore, the Republic of Ireland has the ability to recruit players born and developed here.

Whether people consider that fair or unfair, it undeniably creates an imbalance.

It places the IFA in a position where it must not only develop footballers, but also convince them, and often their families, that representing Northern Ireland is something to be proud of.

That changes the entire dynamic of youth development. The focus is no longer solely on improving players physically, technically and tactically. Increasingly, there is also a cultural and emotional battle taking place in the background.

That is why recent commentary surrounding Northern Ireland football has been so disappointing.

Windsor Park

Comments made online by Eimear Murphy, which described Windsor Park as 'a cold house for Catholics' and portrayed the environment around Northern Ireland games as sectarian, were deeply damaging.

Such claims do not reflect the experience of the overwhelming majority of supporters or players involved with the national team.

To suggest that you could not bring your son to Windsor Park due to 'intimidation of Catholic players' is beyond the pale.

I am so confident in the environment and atmosphere created by the Green and White Army that I would gladly arrange for the Amalgamation of Northern Ireland Supporters' Clubs to provide Ms Murphy and her son with an invite to Windsor Park.

Northern Ireland football has changed significantly over the past two decades.

Anyone attending international matches today will see supporters from different backgrounds united behind the same team.

Northern Ireland has proudly produced and embraced players from nationalist backgrounds for generations.

That is why careless narratives matter and must be challenged. Repeated claims that Northern Ireland football is inherently exclusionary do real damage, particularly when the association is already competing for the loyalty of young players.

At the same time, the IFA itself must avoid appearing uncertain or apologetic about its own identity.

I was surprised to see the association publicly congratulating Martin O'Neill following Celtic's title success.

Martin O'Neill is unquestionably an important figure in Northern Ireland football history, but the decision still felt politically tone deaf.

The Old Firm remains one of the most divisive rivalries in world football, carrying political and cultural sensitivities far beyond sport.

Uncomfortable question

Moreover, Martin O'Neill managed the Republic of Ireland, who now openly go after our best young talent. This also sets the IFA up for a regular jab from opponents, each time a former player wins anything.

I can't remember our record scorer, David Healy, being congratulated for his numerous league title wins for Linfield or Jim Magilton when he won the Irish Cup with Cliftonville.

For many supporters, it raised an uncomfortable question: why does the IFA so often feel compelled to signal neutrality or approval in situations where silence would be wiser?

There is a growing sense that parts of the football establishment lack confidence in their own identity or simply do not understand enough about the country they find themselves working in now.

In trying to avoid criticism from one direction, they risk appearing detached from the instincts and culture of much of their own support.

This is a growing theme with the haphazard approach to Casement Park. Of course, there is a much wider debate to be had on this matter, but in public relations, perception is often a much greater commodity than reality.

Getting the communication of an organisation to resonate with its support base is vital.

Regardless of the merits of a particular policy or strategy, it must land with those who matter, in the IFA's case, our supporters.

Northern Ireland does not need to apologise for existing. Nor should it constantly feel required to justify itself against inaccurate caricatures.

We are one of the proudest countries in the world. Our football team should carry that confidence too.

We will forever be in debt to men like Desmond Rea

Tom Kelly, Irish News, June 1st 2026

THIS morning, as you read this column, a Belfast family prepare to say goodbye to a husband, father, and grandfather.

Today, as a society, we say farewell to Sir Desmond Rea, also affectionately known to some as Des.

While he might never have described himself as such, he was a towering figure in our peace process.

Despite his prominence, he would often slip into occasions almost unnoticed. A man of humility, modesty, resolve, and above all integrity.

His legacy is measured by how well his early efforts grounded the new post-Patten governance structures for policing in Northern Ireland, where he set unrivalled and exacting standards for himself, board members, and senior police.

He was fortunate to have the indefatigable Denis Bradley as his co-pilot. In many ways, they reminded this writer of a political version of Felix Unger and Oscar Madison – The Odd Couple, but a partnership which worked impeccably and was forged in difficult times.

Their collaboration was built on mutual respect, sincerity and, most importantly, trust.

Trust is the key component in the Good Friday Agreement and all healthy relationships. Trust is the cement which bonds all other elements. Without it in politics, we get the type of tribal and cultural warfare which is paralysing Stormont right now.

Desmond and Denis combined their different talents to bring a touch of magic to the board. Desmond, with his analytical mind and forensic-like ability to scrutinise detail, and Denis with native intuition and amazing political nous.

This columnist was 29 when I was asked to take the board place of one of the most high-profile business people in Ireland, then chair of AIB, Niall Crowley, on an organisation called Anglo Irish Encounter.

It was an intimidating role with such luminaries as the renowned literary and cultural historian Prof Terence Brown of TCD, and former UK Ambassador Sir Nicholas Fenn. Desmond was there too, and he quickly took the rough edges off this Newry Nyck and gave me the confidence to contribute over a number of years.

Desmond was the quintessential academic and someone wholly committed to public service. He was one of life’s givers.

When I joined the Policing Board under his stewardship, it was a time of uncertainty and undue stress. We were caught between the high expectations of those who voted for change under the GFA and those both in republicanism and loyalism who wanted us to fail in acrimony and division.

Despite their membership on the new board, even some of the SDLP got the collywobbles unsurprisingly over police tactics in Ardoyne during marching season. It wasn’t just cops who needed flak jackets.

Hugh Orde

The efforts of Des (and Denis) in making the new policing structures work mean that as a society we are forever in their debt. I have little doubt that all our endeavours on policing were made easier because of them and the inspired decision to appoint Hugh Orde as PSNI Chief Constable – arguably the best Chief in the past 20 years.

The third leg of making policing transformation work was the appointment of Nuala O’Loan as Policing Ombudsman, even when her diligence and tenacity made life challenging for both the police and the Policing Board.

Patten gave Northern Ireland a blueprint for policing, but it was like a jigsaw – it could not be complete if any one part was missing.

Quite honestly, by the time Sinn Féin accepted the inevitable and took up their positions on the Policing Board, not only had all the serious heavy lifting been done in terms of police reform and operations, but Desmond’s calmness and rigid neutrality easily paved the way for them to come on board smoothly.

Desmond was a devout Christian – the kind who led by example with dignity and compassion. He was a member of the Methodist faith and a former pupil of the Boys’ Model in Belfast – which put as much emphasis on character-building as learning. I joked about him having to join the Church of Ireland after he received his knighthood. He smiled and shook his head.

In fact, once on a policing-related business trip to the USA, I was selected to accompany the chairman to DC to give evidence about the new oversight of policing. I was chosen because, for some reason, Denis Bradley was not available, and I’d worked on Capitol Hill.

Our accommodation was the very salubriously named “The Four Seasons – Five Star – Five Diamonds Hotel”. Desmond was deeply uncomfortable with the surroundings and made it known. We would not eat there.

So the next morning – he suggested meeting at 6.30am, which I thought rather early – to my horror, after a 20-minute walk in the humidity of DC, he had found some all-you-can-eat American breakfast diner where breakfast was $10 and slopped up on one tray as a plate.

I looked at him and said “Why?” He replied “I am not used to those prices at the hotel – my background is working class Methodist”, to which I replied “Couldn’t you try to pretend to be an Anglican on this trip? As you are really guilt-tripping this Irish Catholic!”

Later I will pay my respects to Desmond – first and foremost my friend – but as I do, I’ll be thinking of these words from Mark Carney, PM of Canada: “Arise for the work of mankind. Be humble. Our moral sentiments can live on as memes which multiply through values in the service of others. A worthy past sedimented into a better future.”

Lockhart calls on Benn to intervene in Gaza parade at Scarva

By Philip Bradfield, Belfast News Letter, June 1st, 2026

Upper Bann MP Carla Lockhart has called on the Secretary of State to stop a “republican” parade of 1,500 people due to the length of the tiny unionist village – or apply the same standard to Orangemen at Drumcree.

The Lurgan Branch of the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign (IPSC) held a 'Great March for Gaza' from Lurgan to Omeath last June.

As the parade passed Scarva on the adjacent tow-path, marchers with flags ran down the main street chased by dozens of riot police, with arrests following.

The village was to a large extent sealed off by police for some three hours as the parade passed.

The Parades Commission has approved a pro-Palestinian parade of 1,500 people to walk along the tow-path (marked in blue) down the half-mile lengths of the village of Scarva.

There was much shouting between members of the parade and local residents as the parade passed last year.

A line of riot police kept the two sides apart.

The predominantly unionist village has a population of only 320 people. However unionists have expressed anger that the Parades Commission has approved what they see as a "provocative" and "republican" parade of 1,500 people marching half a mile along the tow path bordering the village on their way to Omeath on 6 June this year.

In a statement on Friday, Scarva Concerned Residents Group called for the Secretary of State to intervene after the Parades Commission gave the parade permission to once again walk the length of the village - subject to restrictions. Their call was echoed by UUP Alderman Glenn Barr.

Markethill Volunteer Flute Band

It is understood police are planning a major operation, with Markethill Volunteer Flute Band planning a parade with 1000 people along the tow path on the same day. The commission has directed that it must not start until 2:30pm to keep the two parades separate.

Now Upper Bann MP Carla Lockhart said that if the Gaza parade is allowed to continue then she sees no reason why Orangemen at Drumcree cannot use their traditional route.

"I am calling on the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland to intervene and address the growing lack of confidence in the Parades Commission and its decision-making process," she said.

She added: “If this is the precedent being set in advance of the summer parading season, then I look forward to the dignified, religious parade of the brethren of Portadown District returning home to Carleton Street by the route they have used for well over 100 years following their annual church service at Drumcree Parish Church."

A Northern Ireland Office spokesperson said: “This is an operational matter for the Parades Commission, acting independently of the Government. Determinations made by the Commission are legally binding. It is important that all involved in parades and protests adhere to the rule of law and abide by any determinations made by the Commission.”

Ex-soldiers craft clay badges for ‘poignant’ prison art exhibition

Claudia savage, Belfast Telegraph and Irish News, June 1st, 2026

ART created by former soldiers in prison is to feature in a new exhibition showing a “poignant glimpse into military life”.

Veterans in Maghaberry and Magilligan prisons have hand-crafted clay army cap badges for the initiative.

The arts project, titled The Badge is Everything, has been created by 30 ex-soldiers serving time over the past two years.

The exhibition features 40 stylised soldiers, designed as a wooden A-frame structure, which serves as a support for a cap badge made from earthenware clay.

The cap badges are kiln-fired and finished with gold, bronze or silver glaze.

Each structure also features three words chosen by the ex-servicemen, reflecting aspects of their military experience.

Maghaberry Prison governor Tracy Megrath said the introduction of the veterans’ hub for prisoners from an armed forces background came about through one of Maghaberry’s senior prison officers, who was previously in the British Army.

“That officer, who worked with the safety and support team, identified an ever-increasing number of individuals in custody that were exarmed forces – and a group which felt particularly vulnerable, would isolate and were reluctant to engage in anything meaningful,” she said.

“He created a hub that would bring this group together and linking in with SSAFA – the Armed Forces Charity now works collaboratively with them supporting their wellbeing while in custody.

“The Northern Ireland Prison Service works with many partners in its rehabilitation and resettlement of prisoners, and among them in recent years has been SSAFA.

“Together we provide essential support to this community in prison.”

Lucy Turner, Prison Art Foundation artist in residence at Maghaberry and Magilligan, said the exhibition “provides a poignant glimpse into military life, its impact, its realities”.

“As a single collective identity, it shifts the focus away from the

individuals and toward a shared experience and reinforces the spirit of teamwork,” she said.

The project is funded by the Armed Forces Covenant Fund Trust, and delivered by the Northern Ireland Prison Service in partnership with Start360, RDV Service and the Prison Arts Foundation.

A journey into Leitrim’s rich past at MacDiarmada Summer School

Anne Hailes, Irish News, June 1st, 2026

I’D been invited by committee member Seán McDermott to be a guest speaker at the Seán MacDiarmada Summer School in Kiltyclogher, Co Leitrim.

And so began my own journey into the past.

My great-grandfather, Frank Campbell, worked for the shipping magnate Sir Edward Harland at his summer retreat on what is still called today the Tottenham Estate. The Tottenhams were the local landlords who lived in Glenfarne Hall and, a few miles away, Kiltyclogher village was established by Charles Henry Tottenham in 1831.

He built a Market House – the current Heritage Centre – and established a weekly market and monthly cattle fair. His grandson, Arthur Loftus Tottenham, spent most of his resources attempting to establish a railway line between Enniskillen and Sligo and, as a result of debts owed, Glenfarne House and estate were bought by Edward Harland.

My thought is that Frank worked in the Belfast shipyard and was taken to Leitrim to tend the gardens of the “Big House” and play the fiddle for the ladies and gentlemen from Dublin and London to dance.

Ballroom of Romance and lost grandeur

That is where my grandmother grew up – Glenfarne, which now boasts the Ballroom of Romance sitting opposite the gate lodge, the only reminder of what must once have been grandeur.

The night before I left on my journey, by good fortune I came across Seamus O’Rourke reading his poem Rescued Time. What a voice, what a face and what a poem. He spoke of the possibility of turning back time, doing away with modern devices and returning to a place that meant something special. He described his best-loved place as Leitrim – an omen for a special weekend.

Invited to speak at the Seán MacDiarmada Summer School in Kiltyclogher, Anne Hailes discovered unexpected family connections and intriguing local history

I met Patricia McCaffrey and Ciarán Rock, who run the tourist office, and they, along with Seán Mc-Dermott himself, were interested in my memories. I was a living link to their own history.

What I discovered almost immediately was that Mary Edith Campbell, my grandmother, was born a couple of years before republican activist Seán MacDiarmada. Their birthdays were within two days of each other in late January.

Did their paths cross? Did they dance at the crossroads? Perhaps go to the same school or meet each other on the busy, colourful fair days in Kiltyclogher?

I wonder did she know the boy who grew to manhood and into a world of civil unrest would become involved in many associations concerned with Irish nationalism, take a prominent role in the Easter Rising of 1916 and become second signatory of the Proclamation of the Irish Republic. And he is well remembered. Gloucester Street in Dublin was renamed in his honour. So too was Sligo railway station and the Gaelic Athletic Association stadium in Carrick-on-Shannon. The list goes on – MacDiarmada Road in Athlone and the since-demolished tower in Ballymun.

In his hometown of Kiltyclogher, a statue stands in the centre of the village and his childhood home has become a national monument. And, of course, the Summer School takes his name around the world.

There is great enthusiasm for the Summer School, now in its 18th year. It has always attracted prominent speakers and the last weekend in May was no exception.

Jennifer Carroll MacNeill

The Minister of Health was first to speak. Jennifer Carroll MacNeill was passionate about her previous role as Minister of State for European Affairs. She spoke of how Russia wants rid of the EU and how we do not realise the dirty tricks being employed.

She described countries suffering under the cosh of Russian drones laden with bombs – it sounded like a list of Eurovision entries.

She assured her audience that Ireland is respected and able to look after itself while also supporting others around the world – a small, successful and young nation which “never hurt anyone”.

The minister confirmed that Ireland has the ability to secure its own energy independence, both onshore and offshore, with the next big step being to sell energy to other countries.

Senator Nessa Cosgrove, Professor Gary Murphy and Gerry Farrell, who spoke about his twin careers in mental health and theatre, were also on the speakers list.

So too was Dr Ray Bassett, a former Irish state official dealing with Northern Ireland and part of the delegation to the Good Friday Agreement negotiations in 1998, making his behind-the-scenes account especially interesting to this visitor.

A heavyweight selection of speakers – and me.

I was there to give a snapshot of life in Northern Ireland, including a rundown of our health system, education and the media.

Times of Change and Challenge

The title of the Summer School was Times of Change and Challenge and that is what I spoke about, not least the prospect of a united Ireland. I’m glad to say the audience showed great interest and wanted to continue the conversation after the close of play.

My 24 hours there were a whirlwind and I was glad to enjoy some rest and relaxation among fishermen, walkers and visitors from all over the world at the Melville Country House, run by Frances Gourty and her husband.

There I relaxed for two nights. The craic was great and hundreds of house martins provided wonderful aerial displays.

Of course, front and centre of everything was Seán MacDiarmada.

On Saturday morning I visited his homestead, a small thatched cottage maintained by the Office of Public Works. It has two bedrooms and a loft, while the living area was once filled with five boys, five girls, their parents and neighbours – a happy house with music and dancing in front of the turf fire and a shotgun hanging on the wall.

The best dancers would perform on the “dancing stone”, a large flagstone from the nearby quarry set into the floor. The marks of dancers’ hobnailed boots can still be seen.

The MacDiarmada homestead, Co. Leitrim

When my guide, Ciarán, struck the dancing stone with a stout stick, it sounded different. The sound resonates, apparently because horses’ heads are buried underneath.

And this was the family home of the legendary revolutionary leader.

He was a good-looking young man who fought for Ireland’s freedom from English law and oppression. At the age of just 33, and suffering from polio, MacDiarmada was executed by firing squad in Kilmainham Gaol following a court martial.

However, he has never been forgotten.

Football clubs are named after him, a road in Dublin bears his name and, at the crossroads in Kiltyclogher, stands the fine statue of MacDiarmada looking up Market Street towards his family home.

And, of course, the Summer School remains an important annual event held in high esteem.

So, lovely Leitrim – it was special. Thanks for the memories.

For guided tours of the MacDiarmada homestead, exhibitions and plenty of craic, visit Kiltyclogher Heritage Centre. For details and booking information for the special National Heritage Week bus tour on Friday, July 31, contact info@ glenfarnecommunity.com. The bus leaves from the Rainbow Ballroom, with refreshments and a visit to the showband exhibition on return. The tour takes in the railway station, the site of Glenfarne Hall, Lough MacNean, the MacDiarmada homestead, Prince Connell’s grave and Cashel border bridge dividing Connacht and Ulster.

Top civil servant accepts he and senior officials ‘messed up’

John Manley, Political Correspondent, Irish News, June 1st, 2026

Snowden berated by pubic accounts committee chair before he and colleagues were dismissed from evidence session

A TOP civil servant who was publicly reprimanded by the chair of Stormont’s public accounts committee is expected to issue a written apology to MLAs and other assembly staff after accepting that he and officials “messed up”.

Department for the Economy (DfE) permanent secretary Ian Snowden and two senior members of his team received a dressing down from the SDLP’s Daniel McCrossan ahead of a planned evidence session last Thursday afternoon.

The DfE officials, who were due to give evidence as part of the inquiry into the regional energy strategy, were then dismissed by the committee, with other members describing their conduct as “shambolic” and “unprofessional”.

The committee took the unprecedented step after being furnished with relevant data from DfE just two hours before the evidence session was due to begin.

Mr Snowden said the data became available the previous Thursday but that it had to be cleared by Economy Minister Caoimhe Archibald’s office.

“Unfortunately, with it being a bank holiday weekend, it has taken until this morning for that to come through and I do apologise for that,” he said.

MLAs were also unhappy to learn that the department’s energy strategy action plan for 2026 had been published last weekend, yet they had received no notification of the document, which is regarded as “very relevant” to their inquiry.

In relation to publication of the action plan, the DfE permanent secretary accepted that he and his colleagues “should have been much more proactive about communicating with the committee when it was likely to be published”.

Mr McCrossan told Mr Snowden and his colleagues Richard Rodgers and Anne-Maire McConn that the late submission of evidence meant the committee was “of the view that it would not represent good use of our time, departmental time, audit office resources, or assembly support resources, to proceed with any evidence session today”.

Session to be rescheduled

The evidence session will now be rescheduled.

The chair said committee members had been left “frustrated, disappointed and annoyed”.

“This committee – and I’m making this very clear Mr Snowden – will not be taken for granted by your department, your officials or any other department across the civil service,” Mr McCrossan said.

“We are here to provide an important, core function of scrutiny and I am really, really annoyed that I am sitting here today with my time wasted, with the committee’s time wasted, with the committee’s team’s time wasted, with the audit office’s time wasted. We have plenty to be doing and now we have to rejig our entire schedule of our forward work programme to suit the incompetence of your department and its lack of communication with this committee and the audit office.”

The chair said it would be “absolutely courteous” to issue an apology to the committee and its support staff, as well as comptroller and auditor general Dorinnia Carville.

Mr Snowden said he accepted officials “messed up” and he again apologised.

Mr McCrossan told The Irish News that in light of the permanent secretary’s admission, he and his colleagues “would be expected to issue a written apology to all those affected by this wholly avoidable situation”.

A Department for the Economy spokesperson said: “The department is looking forward to attending its next committee hearing and engaging constructively. It would not be appropriate to comment further in advance of that.”

Stormont committee witness declines to apologise for ‘absolutely unacceptable’ remarks about MLA

John Manley, Political Correspondent, Irish News, June 1st, 2026

THE witness who made offensive remarks about a TUV MLA has declined to apologise for what she said but has urged “honest conversations about integration while also standing firmly against racism”.

Fidelma Fearon from Minority and Ethnic Support was speaking after it emerged that she made an insulting comment about North Antrim representative Timothy Gaston at last Wednesday’s Executive Office committee meeting.

Committee chair Paula Bradshaw has described Ms Fearon’s remarks as “absolutely unacceptable”.

At the close of the evidence session, during which Ms Fearon had a number of robust exchanges with Mr Gaston relating to last year’s racist violence in Ballymena, the witness is

Ms Bradshaw said she was unaware of what had been said at the time, while DUP MLA Phillip Brett said he believes the remarks were not heard by anyone else present.

Fidelma Fearon from Minority and Ethnic Support heard to say: “It’s lucky I didn’t get stuck into the b*****d.”

“I can categorically state that I did not hear the comment at the time, nor was it raised with me by anyone in the room. It was made as the witnesses were departing,” the Alliance MLA said.

“The comment was absolutely unacceptable and there is no place at the assembly, nor anywhere else, for that type of language.”

The committee chair said Ms Fearon’s remark was “picked up by the online microphone” and that she was only made aware of it on Friday night after the exchange was posted on social media.

Genuine concerns

“Clearly, had I heard the comment, I would have dealt with it at the time,” Ms Bradshaw said. “I will be raising it under chairperson’s business at this week’s meeting.”

Mr Brett said he would be proposing that Ms Fearon be summoned back to the committee “to make an unreserved apology to Mr Gaston”.

“I don’t believe anyone in the room heard the outrageous remarks, which are completely unacceptable, that is why I contacted the committee staff asking if Hansard report can be checked,” he said.

Ms Fearon said she recognised people have “genuine concerns about integration and community change”.

“However, it is important to distinguish between concerns about integration and the blaming of an entire ethnic community for wider social issues,” she said.

She said the violence in Ballymena targeting members of the Roma community “should not be viewed solely through the lens of integration”.

“Any racism, intimidation, hostility, or collective blame directed towards a community is wrong and should be challenged. We can have honest conversations about integration while also standing firmly against racism and ensuring that everyone is treated with dignity, fairness, and respect.”

The TUV said the party was seeking to establish whether what was said “constituted a contempt of the assembly”.

TUV leader Jim Allister said: “The comments clearly made by Fidelma Fearon go well beyond what one would find acceptable in the street never mind an assembly committee.

“For her to double down on them is extraordinary and something which should not – and will not be – accepted.”