Bloody Sunday soldiers will not be prosecuted for perjury – PPS
Trial judge said some soldiers had told lies ‘on several occasions’
CONNLA YOUNG CRIME AND SECURITY CORRESPONDENT, Irish News, January 29th, 2026
THE Public Prosecution Service (PPS) has said that eight former British soldiers involved in Bloody Sunday will not be charged with perjury.
Fourteen people died after members of the Parachute Regiment opened fire on protesters during a civil rights march on January 30, 1972.
Last year a former paratrooper, known as Soldier F, was found not guilty of committing two murders and five attempted murders.
He was accused of the murders of James Wray and William McKinney and attempting to murder Michael Quinn, Patrick O’Donnell, Joseph Friel, Joe Mahon and an unknown person.
At the time, a judge said that some former British soldiers who gave evidence had committed perjury.
“I hold that the witnesses have told lies about the events on several occasions,” he said.
Judge Lynch said that one former soldier, Soldier H, had committed perjury when giving evidence in 1972 to the Widgery Tribunal and again during the Saville Inquiry.
He added that another soldier, who was not among the eight cases reviewed, had also perjured himself when giving evidence to Widgery.
No prosecutions of Soldiers F, H, J, M, P, S, U, V and OIRA member
The Public Prosecution Service later said it had received a request to review a 2024 decision not to prosecute 15 former British soldiers and an ex-member of the Official IRA for perjury amid claims they gave false evidence to the Saville Inquiry.
The review considered “no prosecution decisions regarding allegations” that former soldiers F, H, J, M, P, S, U, V “deliberately gave false evidence to the Bloody Sunday Inquiry (the BSI) or elsewhere”.
In a letter to relatives yesterday, PPS officials said: “Following a careful reassessment of all available material, I have concluded that the Evidential Test is not met in respect of any of the eight former soldiers (the accused) for either perjury or doing an act tending and intending to pervert the course of public justice.
“Consequently, the Public Interest Test did not fall for consideration.”
Solicitor for the Bloody Sunday families, Ciaran Shiels, of Madden and Finucane Solicitors, said the “decision sees the final eight paratroopers who perjured themselves and perverted the course of justice in relation to Bloody Sunday escape criminal prosecution for their actions.”
A PPS spokeswoman said: “The review of this legally complex matter is now complete. After a careful analysis of all available evidence and the legal submissions made by the family legal representatives, it has been concluded that the evidential threshold to proceed with a prosecution has not been met.
“The standard of proof required to obtain a conviction in a criminal prosecution is high.
“The prosecution must establish beyond a reasonable doubt the commission of a criminal offence by an identified individual. Prosecutors must make an independent assessment of the prospects of conviction based upon the evidence that would be admissible in criminal proceedings.”
Sectarianism cannot have any place in communities
Pro Fide et Patria, Irish News, January 29th, 20326
IT is impossible not to feel anything but absolute abhorrence at the targeting of a young family in Derry in a sickening sectarian attack.
Darian Moore was with his one-year-old son Ruaidhrí in the kitchen of his Waterside home on Monday when his two other children, Tiernan (5) and Fiadh (2), ran to him screaming in fear after a loud bang.
It emerged that windows of the house and a car outside had been smashed, and paint thrown at the vehicle and front door.
The family have now been forced to move out of the property, which was specially adapted for the eldest child, who is receiving palliative care for an incurable condition.
“It beggars belief that such attacks and intimidation are still taking place more than a quarter of a century after the Good Friday Agreement, but official figures unfortunately show that sectarianism continues to cash a dark shadow over our society
Quite apart from the traumatising effect of the attack, to callously leave their son without the equipment he needs for his disabilities simply defies belief.
Living in fear
Mr Moore (33) described how the attack was the culmination of verbal threats and sectarian abuse that had been directed at him, saying he had been up at night “in fear” about anything happening to his children.
His only ‘crime’ was to be a Catholic in a mixed relationship with his partner Chloe Rutherford, who rightly branded those responsible as cowards.
It beggars belief that such attacks and intimidation are still taking place more than a quarter of a century after the Good Friday Agreement, but official figures unfortunately show that sectarianism continues to cast a dark shadow over our society.
Police dealt with more than 600 sectarian crimes in the 12 months up to the end of September 2025, an increase on the previous year, with almost 1,000 sectarian ‘incidents’ also recorded.
Race hate crimes have also risen to alarming levels, with bigots carrying out a similar pattern of attacks on houses and property in an attempt to force families from areas.
The PSNI have confirmed they are treating the Derry attack as a sectarian-motivated hate crime and it must hoped that anyone with any information will assist efforts to identify those involved and bring them to justice.
A clear message must also go out from politicians and all those with influence that sectarianism and all other expressions of hate are completely unacceptable. The unequivocal condemnation expressed by DUP and nationalist representatives is welcome in this regard.
The photograph of the three innocent, smiling children on the front page of yesterday’s edition stands in total contrast to the evil intent of those who have succeeded in terrorising them from their home.
Those responsible must be left in no doubt that there is only revulsion at their actions and it is they, rather than those they cowardly target, that are not welcome in our communities.
INLA linked to shooting of man cleared in connection to drugs haul
ALLISON MORRIS, Belfast Telegraph, January 29th, 2026
TERROR GROUP ON CEASEFIRE SHOT VICTIM BY APPOINTMENT IN ARDOYNE ALLEYWAY ATTACK
A faction of the INLA is being blamed for the paramilitary-style shooting of a man recently cleared of drugs offences.
The victim, who is in his late 30s, was shot once in each leg in an alleyway in Strathroy Park in Ardoyne, north Belfast, just before 8pm on Tuesday.
It is understood he was brought to the scene by prior arrangement.
Paramedics treated the victim for his injuries which, while very severe, are not likely to be fatal.
Police said the victim will have lasting physical and emotional trauma.
Sources say members of the INLA in north Belfast were behind the attack, carried out on a 'no claim, no blame' basis.
The organisation is currently officially on ceasefire.
But the attack will raise questions after Sunday Life reported in November that a group which represents INLA prisoners received taxpayer cash.
It is the first such incident of 2026, with a big reduction in the number of paramilitary-style shootings in recent years. There had been no paramilitary style shootings of anyone accused of anti-social activity for nine months before Tuesday, while the last one in Belfast was in September 2023.
The latest victim was known to police and in recent years was charged in connection with a large drugs haul which police say was linked to a cross-border organised crime network.
The PPS withdrew all charges against the man, who denied all the allegations.
Paul McCusker, an independent councillor, said the shooting had caused “disruption and fear in a community that has experienced significant trauma and heartache for many years”.
He said such attacks “have reduced over the past number of years and we need to work to ensure they don't return or increase,” adding it had caused a lot of fear within the local community.
SDLP councillor Carl Whyte said the attack had caused “lots of fear and disruption” and that the victim would have a “long road to recovery”.
Sinn Fein MLA Gerry Kelly said there were “some gunmen masquerading as protectors of the community and are anything but that”.
“There is no place for guns on our streets,” he said.
In November it was reported that Teach na Failte, which represents former ONH (Oglaigh na hEireann) and INLA inmates, was one of two groups receiving an equal share of around £2m from the PEACEworks scheme established to “work directly with the ex-prisoner/former combatant community”.
Not everyone involved in Teach na Failte is a former paramilitary, or have been involved in unlawful activities.
At the time, Co-operation Ireland said: “The PEACEworks Project, which was publicly announced last April, will engage with members of the EPFC (Ex-prisoner/former combatant) community through a range of activities and actions.
“These have been designed and planned to foster inter-community relations, tackle division and promote inclusion, peace and reconciliation.”
In a 2024 assessment of paramilitary groups, the government accused the INLA of being “heavily involved in criminality including extortion, drug dealing, distribution of stolen goods and fraud”.
‘We are better than that’: Priest shocked by paramil style shooting
CONOR SHEILS, Irish News, January 29th, 2026
Ardoyne attack ‘completely out of the blue’, says Fr Aidan Troy
THE Ardoyne priest who led the Holy Cross children to school has spoken of his shock following the first paramilitary-style shooting to take place in the area in years.
Fr Aidan Troy’s comments come after a man in his late thirties was shot once in each leg on Tuesday in the Strathroy Park area just before 8pm.
Ambulance crews rushed him to hospital following the incident.
Local priest Fr Troy, who walked every day for three months with the 225 girls to Holy Cross Primary as loyalist mobs tried to block their path in 2001 and 2002 said: “We are better than that”.
“I haven’t been in a position to contact the family yet and express my care for them and I do hope to talk to the family at some stage, if they wish, but I’m very sad to see this back on the streets of Ardoyne,” he said.
“Last Thursday, we had 138 children who received Confirmation. There were grandparents, parents, aunts, uncles, cousins, that was Ardoyne at its best. Then, a week later, we see Ardoyne at its worst.
“We are so much better than that.
“It feels completely out of the blue. If anyone had said to me that there was a house fire, I would have been heartbroken, but I would never have expected to hear that there had been a shooting between two streets in the parish.”
Meanwhile, one Ardoyne mother, who asked not to be named, said her seven-yearold son was unable to sleep as he was frightened after hearing the commotion.
“He was up and down all night, he was late up for school this morning because of it,” she said.
“My wee boy heard all the goings on with the police outside and then heard that somebody had been shot.
“He was very frightened and kept asking what was happening or how he would be able to get to school in the morning.
“I grew up around here, so it doesn’t frighten me but he has never seen anything like this, it is completely new to him and he found it very scary.”
Another Ardoyne resident said the incident was so unexpected that he first thought the noise stemmed from objects in his garden that had blown over in the wind.
“When I heard the bangs, honestly, I thought it was stuff blowing around in the front garden with the wind because of the weather.
“It never even thought that it might be something like this. It wasn’t until later than I got a knock at the door and found out what had happened.”
Increasingly rare
Meanwhile, another woman walking her dog on Tuesday morning described her surprise at the news, once a frequent happening which has become increasingly rare in recent years.
“It used to happen a lot before but there hasn’t been anything like that around here for years,” she said.
“It’s terrible really, people always assume they’ve done something wrong or its about drugs but that could be a completely innocent person, its not right.”
There were no paramilitary-style shootings anywhere in Belfast in either 2025 or the year previous, according to the latest statistics from the PSNI.
There were just three such incidents in all of Northern Ireland last year, two fewer than the year previous.
Bryson to join legal action over Stormont Irish language strategy
ALAN ERWIN, Irish News and Belfast Telegraph, January 29th, 2026
LOYALIST activist Jamie Bryson has obtained permission to intervene in legal action over the Stormont administration’s ongoing failure to implement an Irish language strategy.
He was granted participation status in campaign group Conradh na Gaeilge’s ongoing High Court proceedings against the Executive Committee and Communities Minister Gordon Lyons.
The development came as Mr Bryson’s separate challenge against plans to install Irish language signs at Belfast Grand Central Station faces a delay due to potential overlap between the two cases.
A judge indicated that a plan for how to deal with the separate judicial reviews will be mapped out next month.
Conradh na Gaeilge has been involved in a long-running legal battle over pledges to progress an initiative for the Irish language which dates back to the 2006 St Andrews Agreement.
The High Court has twice ruled previously, in 2017 and again in 2022, that the power-sharing government is in breach of an obligation to adopt a blueprint.
The continued failure contravenes the 1998 Northern Ireland Act, successive judges held.
Amid an ongoing alleged violation of the legal duty, the language campaigners issued fresh judicial review proceedings against both the power-sharing cabinet and the Communities Minister.
They are now seeking a judicial order to end the continued failure to deliver a strategy.
Meanwhile, Conradh na Gaeilge also has rights to participate in Mr Bryson’s bid to judicially review Sinn Féin Infrastructure Minister Liz Kimmins for approving the installation of Irish signs at Grand Central.
He claims the decision to allocate £150,000 for the train station project was so controversial and cut across other Stormont Departments that the issue should have been brought to the Executive Committee for discussion and agreement.
By failing to take that step Ms Kimmins breached the Ministerial Code, the high-profile activist contends.
Originally listed for hearing this month, the case was put back amid issues over the potential lodging of new affidavits.
In court yesterday, Mr Justice McAlinden identified a possible link between the two separate challenges and put them on hold until mid-February to see if they should be dealt with together.
Granting Mr Bryson’s application to intervene in proceedings mounted by Conradh na Gaeilge, the judge cited the campaign group’s similar rights in the Grand Central Station case.
‘Sauce for the Goose’
“What’s sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander,” he said.
“I can’t see any justification for keeping him out.”
Mr Justice McAlinden also responded to concerns raised by the loyalist campaigner over the disclosure of documents in separate proceedings by suggesting there should be an apology about how it happened.
Adjourning both cases, the judge predicted it would not further undermine the goal of achieving Irish language and Ulster Scots strategies.
He added: “No matter what the court does, I do not perceive that will be seen this side of Christmas. I’m not saying which year.”
Speaking outside court, Mr Bryson said: “I welcome that I am now granted intervenor status, in order to support Minister Lyons in the application brought against him with regards to the Irish language strategy.”
‘More energy goes into party-political arguments than finding solutions’
JOHN MANLEY, POLITICAL CORRESPONDENT, Irish News, January 29th, 2026
Pivotal director Ann Watt says piecemeal progress not enough to tackle mounting problems
The Stormont administration needs to show greater collective purpose in many areas where little headway has been made to date, Pivotal argues, advising that progress will require “pragmatism, cooperation and good faith”
THE Stormont Executive needs to demonstrate greater co-operation and be honest with the public about the scale of the problems it faces, a thinktank’s latest report says.
In its biannual tracker report published today almost two years on from the restoration of the institutions, Pivotal identifies a number of areas where the devolved administration has made progress.
However, the areas where little or no headway has been made in tackling major issues far outweigh the positives.
The report concludes that “priorities have to be identified and tough choices have to be made” in relation to spending, investment and reforms.
Progress will require “pragmatism, cooperation and good faith”, the independent thinktank says, but notes how “in the past six months relationships between ministers from different parties have deteriorated, making it much harder for progress on difficult issues to be made”.
Lack of information means lack of scrutiny
The report also highlights how assessing the executive’s performance “remains difficult” because there is no information about how its programme for government (PfG) will be reported on or scrutinised, despite a promise of annual reporting.
On the upside, Pivotal says the executive has made forward strides in relation to the likes of education reform, skills development and health waiting lists.
It notes how the expansion of Derry’s Magee campus, a PfG commitment, has exceeded departmental targets in terms of the number of students enrolled.
Other actions on PfG priorities include the provision of £3.2m funding through councils as part of the Ending Violence Against Women and Girls strategy, and the proposal of a £1.7bn capital investment programme to build capacity in Special Educational Needs (SEN) – albeit currently some children with SEN remain without a school place.
The thinktank also applauds efforts to secure a multi-year budget, noting that it “provides a chance to stabilise and transform public services through long-term, strategic planning”.
However, the push-back from executive colleagues that Finance Minister John O’Dowd has received on his spending proposals is highlighted.
“When more energy goes into party-political arguments rather than finding constructive common cause, opportunities to make policy progress are missed,” Pivotal’s report says.
“Vital areas like wastewater infrastructure and hospital reconfiguration still have no plan for change, the 30-year Investment Strategy is yet to be published – which is particularly concerning, given this should help steer the multi-year budget – and the proposed anti-poverty strategy was roundly dismissed by campaigners.”
While some of the longest health waiting lists have been reduced, the report says that in more than half of all cases, waiting times are still longer than the 12-month target.
Meanwhile, it says a review into the ten-year Mental Health Strategy found that only 16% of the necessary funding was allocated, leading to severe failures in delivery, while settling pay disputes for teachers and health workers will see departments bust their budgets by around £400m.
Piecemeal change and sluggish courts
Other areas of concern are “piecemeal” public sector transformation, a sluggish Crown Court system, flaws with the energy strategy, and failure to get to grips with the Lough Neagh ecocide.
Pivotal acknowledges that working within a mandatory coalition is “undoubtedly challenging” at the best of times but stresses the need for Stormont’s leaders to “show leadership, operate in good faith, and accept that working together within an executive means they are jointly accountable for the governance of Northern Ireland”.
Pivotal director Ann Watt said the coming months were a crucial time for the regional administration, which faces “crises on multiple fronts” against a backdrop of squeezed budgets.
She said “tough decisions need to be made” – including on efficiencies and savings, as well as options about extra revenue raising.
“The only way this can be taken forward is with an executive that focuses on finding common ground on the biggest challenges facing Northern Ireland, rather than the places where there are disagreements,” Ms Watt said.
“Without a doubt it is difficult to get a mandatory coalition to function effectively, but ministers must show leadership, commitment and pragmatism to make it work as well as it can.
“With that in mind, it is dispiriting to see the weakening of relationships between ministers of different parties over the past six months, which makes it harder for meaningful progress to be made. A change of direction is required, otherwise Northern Ireland’s issues will only continue to grow.”
‘We shouldn’t still be fighting for the right to speak Irish’
CONOR SHEILS, Irish News, January 29th, 2026
PSNI officer to be disciplined for failing to arrange translation services for grandmother arrested at pro-Palestine protest
A POLICE officer who arrested a west Belfast grandmother at a pro-Palestinian protest will face disciplinary action after failing to arrange translation services when she spoke in Irish.
The Police Ombudsman found the officer’s behaviour “likely fell short of expectations set out for officers in the PSNI Code of Ethics” when dealing with Máire Mhic an Fhailí (74) at a demonstration in Belfast city centre on August 9, 2025.
Ms Mhic an Fhailí, from Poleglass, was arrested under terrorism legislation for wearing a ‘We are all Palestine Action’ t-shirt after she provided her details in Irish to police.
The Ombudsman investigation found that while officers requested her details in English multiple times, “police made no efforts to translate these details”.
When asked during interview why officers never considered using a translation service, the officer said it was “not appropriate due to the on-going protest”.
The PSNI has accepted the Ombudsman’s recommendation that the officer be subject to performance procedures.
The Ombudsman has also submitted a policy recommendation to the PSNI on how officers deal with members of the public who speak Irish, taking into consideration the Irish language act.
Putting a marker down
Kevin Winters of KRW Law, who represented Ms Mhic an Fhailí, said the decision “puts a marker down” for PSNI acceptance and respect for the Irish language.
“Máire’s complaint on police failure to properly engage with her when she spoke in Irish was disrespectful and demeaning,” he said.
“It set a wrong tone which clearly impacted on PSNI operational decision making. This decision puts a marker down for PSNI acceptance and respect for the Irish language. We ought never again to witness such an unacceptable policing response to a citizens absolute entitlement to speak in Irish.”
Ms Mhic an Fhailí said she hoped the ruling would lead to greater respect for the language within policing.
“To me, it’s a good thing that it was upheld, but it’s not something that should have to be done in the first place,” she said.
“We shouldn’t still be fighting for the right to give any details in Irish. That should be a given now.
“We shouldn’t be at the point where we’re still having to go to the ombudsman and wait on the ombudsman to decide whether the police are in the right or the wrong.
“The Irish language needs given proper status within the police force, not just a policeman being disciplined but the police force being held to account for not bringing more freedom of cultural and language expression into everyday policing.”
During the August protest, Ms Mhic an Fhailí was initially detained by police before being arrested under Article 13 of the Terrorism Act 2000 and taken to Belfast’s Musgrave police station.
Terrorism Offence
The arrest came after the British government made expressing support for, or being a member of, Palestine Action a criminal offence under terrorism legislation.
Ms Mhic an Fhailí had complained that she believed police only arrested her because she spoke Irish, noting that another protester wearing the same t-shirt who gave his details in English was given a caution and released.
However, the Ombudsman found no evidence that she was treated differently than others because she spoke Irish, stating she was ‘provided with the same opportunities that police offered to other members of the public to avoid the necessity for arrest.
The investigation also found no misconduct regarding her other complaints that an older officer escalated the situation because she spoke Irish, that wrong legislation was used for her arrest, or that police failed to consider potential disabilities.
The Ombudsman concluded that wearing a t-shirt displaying “We are all Palestine Action” provided officers with “reasonable suspicion” that she was a member or supporter of a proscribed organisation, and that Article 13 of the Terrorism Act was the appropriate legislation.
Chief Superintendent Stephen Murray, head of the PSNI’s Professional Standards Department, said: “The Police Service of Northern Ireland has received the Police Ombudsman’s report.
“We are currently reviewing the content and any appropriate operational learning opportunities will be taken to help improve policing going forward.”
Máire Mhic an Fhailí was arrested under the anti-terrorism act for wearing a Palestine Action t-shirt.
Language chiefs handed powers three months after appointment
Call could have major implications for ongoing legal challenges
JOHN MANLEY, Irish News, January 29th, 2026
THE secretary of state has moved to bestow powers on Northern Ireland’s language commissioners in a development that could have major implications for ongoing legal challenges.
The commencement orders laid by Hilary Benn set out the reach and responsibilities of Irish language commissioner Pól Deeds and his counterpart for the Ulster Scots and British identity, Lee Reynolds, who to date have been in post but with limited duties.
The provisions were made yesterday in a written statement to the House of Commons and also enable Office of Identity and Cultural Expression to begin its work.
The commissioners and the director of the new Office of Identity and Cultural Expression, Katy Radford, were appointed by the Executive Office in late October.
Their powers come into effect six years after the legislative framework for language and culture provisions were agreed as part of the New Decade New Approach deal, and almost two decades since the British government gave a commitment at St Andrews to deliver an Irish language act.
Irish language advocacy group Conradh na Gaeilge is hopeful the new powers will enable Mr Deeds to bring forward advice and guidance relating to the legal challenges over Irish signs at Belfast’s Grand Central Station and Communities Minister Gordon Lyons’ failure to produce an Irish language strategy.
Conradh na Gaeilge president Ciarán Mac Giolla Bhéin said: “Today’s legislative announcement is a major development with regards the promotion of the Irish language, and comes at a very timely juncture where issue of Irish language policies is before the courts in a number of cases.”
More consultation and diaolgue
Mr Deeds said commencement of the provisions gave effect his advisory and consultative powers as Irish language commissioner.
“This will further empower the commissioner to continue advancing a programme of consultation and dialogue with a view to achieving maximum buy-in for the progressive minority language measures called for in the act and mandated by the NI Executive,” he said.
Mr Deeds stressed that since coming into office he had placed an emphasis on “respect for all cultures”.
He said he would “not be distracted by attempts coming from a small number of individuals in recent weeks and months to paint promotion of the Irish language as divisive or to lobby against the Office of the Irish language Commissioner”.
Ulster Scots commissioner Lee Reynolds described the development as a “swift step” towards the full establishment his new office.
“This progress will enable the work of the office to begin in earnest with hopefully a swift decision on our budget from the Executive Office to enable the office to have the staff and financial resources to fulfil these powers,” he said.
However, Dr Radford said it remained a challenge to ensure her office is “adequately equipped to ensure we can carry out our responsibilities in full, including providing the opportunity to raise the pro-file of the importance of celebrating different national and cultural identities”.
“I will continue to seek clarity and commitment on timescales for the commencement powers which have not yet been granted in relation to the office’s power to provide grants and to establish the Castlereagh Foundation for academic research into identity,” she said.
Direction UUP takes under Burrows can affect Irish unity debate
PAUL BREEN, Belfast Telegraph, January 29th, 2026
PARTY MUST DECIDE WHAT KIND OF FUTURE IT WANTS UNDER ITS NEW LEADER-ELECT
Within nationalism, the election of Jon Burrows as leader of the Ulster Unionist Party has been greeted with a mixture of curiosity and disinterest.
That reaction says something about the party's current position. Once the dominant force within unionism, it now finds itself struggling to define its purpose, cycling through leaders while searching for a direction that might restore relevance.
Stephen Walker captured the mood when he described the party as “like an ailing football club which is constantly changing managers”.
His follow-up observation was even more sharply linked to football: “You are judged by results, and any new leader has to reverse the electoral fortunes of the UUP very quickly.”
Burrows now inherits that challenge in this pre-season before a big year of elections. The question is whether the difficulty lies with leadership alone, or whether the party itself no longer knows what kind of unionism it wants to represent.
Unionism itself is at a crossroads, and the Ulster Unionist Party sits uneasily at its centre. Over the past decade it has moved between two tenures for Mike Nesbitt and a host of other leaders, including Doug Beattie and Robin Swann.
Now the baton has been passed once again without ever resolving its most basic strategic dilemma. Does it compete directly with the DUP and TUV for traditional unionist voters, or does it attempt to offer a more liberal, accommodating version of unionism that might appeal to those drifting towards Alliance?
That unresolved tension has produced constant tactical change. One leader emphasises outreach, another stability, another renewal. The effect has been political incoherence. In footballing terms, it resembles a club that keeps changing formation, philosophy and backroom staff, hoping that the next system will finally deliver results. It rarely does.
What makes this more than an internal unionist issue is that all this is happening at a time when unionism needs to participate in a growing debate about the constitutional future.
Disestablished part of Establishment
Historically, the UUP represented a strand of unionism rooted in establishment politics. It was long assumed in Dublin and London that if any form of agreed Ireland were to be reached, it would be with this wing of unionism, rather than hardline or populist forces.
Although much diminished, traces of that outlook remain, particularly in the border counties. In places such as Fermanagh and South Tyrone, unionism has been shaped by sharing towns and villages on an everyday basis, more than flags and murals marking territory. Daily cross-border life, shared services, and personal relationships have fostered a more pragmatic outlook. That experience has not disappeared, even if it is now politically marginalised.
This is why Burrows' leadership deserves attention. The key question is whether he sees any future in articulating a unionism that acknowledges social and demographic change, or whether he will default to the familiar instinct of cultural defensiveness.
Political unionism has historically struggled with this challenge. On issues of language, symbols and identity, there has been little appetite to reimagine the Union as a genuinely shared, progressive space. Change has too often been framed as loss rather than possibility.
From the perspective of Irish unity, this matters. Unionism's failure to offer an inclusive vision of the Union has played a significant role in strengthening the case for constitutional change.
The perception of Northern Ireland as a cold house for nationalism is not abstract. It is rooted in lived experience. When unionism responds to change by circling the wagons, it reinforces the sense that the status quo serves only one tradition.
Paradoxically, this is why the fate of the Ulster Unionist Party should concern those of us who support Irish unity.
Unionism needs more space for debate
A political landscape dominated by the DUP and TUV leaves little space for dialogue or imagination. A more reflective and confident Ulster Unionism could, in theory, contribute to a more measured constitutional conversation, even if its goal remains the preservation of the Union.
Whether unionism wants to play that role is another question. If it doesn't, the wheels of the debate may well move on without unionism's wagons attached.
Football analogies again help to clarify the dilemma. Clubs in decline often swing between pragmatism and idealism. Some appoint short term fixers to stabilise results. Others take a risk on a manager with a clear but untested philosophy, such as Wilfried Nancy at Celtic, hoping that fresh ambition will eventually deliver success. Both approaches carry risk. What fails almost every time is constant change without a settled vision.
The Ulster Unionist Party has not yet decided which tactical route it wants to take. If it moves closer to the DUP, it risks losing what remains of its liberal support. If it moves towards the political space occupied by Alliance, it risks further fragmentation of unionism. Either way, there is no easy path back to prominence.
Burrows now faces the central question that has eluded his predecessors. What is the Ulster Unionist Party for? Is it merely trying to survive, clinging on above the relegation places, or does it want to redefine what unionism looks like in a changing society?
Unionism is not simply changing leaders. It is deciding what kind of future it wants. That decision will matter not only for its own supporters, but for the shape of any agreed Ireland that may yet emerge.
Paul Breen is an academic and author from Fermanagh, now based in London
Kneecap: Starmer criticism ‘all the motivation we needed’ for new LP
CASEY COOPER-FISKE, Irish News, January 29th, 2026
BELFAST rap trio Kneecap have announced a new album claiming criticism from British prime minister Sir Keir Starmer was “all the motivation we needed”.
The group, made up of Liam Óg Ó hAnnaidh, Naoise Ó Cairealláin and JJ Ó Dochartaigh, will release their second studio album, titled Fenian, on April 24, after they hit the headlines in 2025 when Ó hAnnaidh was charged with a terror offence.
The charge, which was eventually dropped in September last year, alleged that Ó hAnnaidh, who performs under the stage name Mo Chara, had displayed a flag in support of Hezbollah, which is proscribed as a terror organisation by the British government, at a gig at the O2 Forum in Lon-don in 2024.
Announcing their new record on Instagram, Kneecap said: “They tried to stop us by branding Kneecap ‘terrorists’, with cancellations, with statements from the Prime Minister himself.
“We had all the motivation we needed… this isn’t a swift reaction, but a considered response to those that tried to silence us. And failed.
“Inspired by, and proudly named Fenian, who were warriors in Irish folklore, and later a derogatory term for the Irish. “Now we’re using it to name everyone speaking truth to power.
Kneecap Fenianism
“After 800 years of colonisation, they thought the Irish language would die, it didn’t.
“Thanks to Muintir na Gaeltachta, and all the Gaels who refused to let their culture and language be destroyed, and Kneecap is much the same… we haven’t gone away. “The Paddies are back.” The trio, who regularly rap in the Irish language, also told fans to tune in to Jack Saunders’ BBC Radio 1 show at 7.30pm last night, and said further news would follow on their WhatsApp channel.
Fenian will be released on Heavenly Recordings, with its first single Liars Tale being released yesterday.
The Crown Prosecution Service is currently appealing against the decision to drop Ó hAnnaidh’s case, which also saw prosecutors allege that the rapper could be heard saying “up Hamas, up Hezbollah” in video footage of the concert.
Kneecap’s performance at last year’s Glastonbury Festival, which saw them chant “f*** Keir Starmer”, also saw them face an investigation by Avon and Somerset Police, which was eventually dropped.
The group released their first full length album Fine Art in 2024, having previously released the mixtape 3CAG in 2018, and have collaborated with Fontaines DC’s Grian Chatten on the song Better Way To Live.
In between their first and second LPs, the band have released a number of standalone singles including The Recap, which looked back at their year in the press and took aim at Conservative Party leader Kemi Badenoch.
Stormont foreign bureaux hospitality spend ‘strategic investment’ claim
CONOR COYLE, Irish News, January 29th, 2026
OFFICIALS from the Stormont Executive’s three foreign bureaux in Washington DC, Brussels and Beijing have defended spending more than £400,000 on hospitality in the last five years as a “strategic investment” in Northern Ireland.
The Irish News reported this week that the three foreign offices had amassed the spend since 2020, more than the rest of its sponsor department The Executive Office (TEO) combined in the same time.
Representatives from the three bureaux, which are in place to represent the north’s interests in the United States, the European Union and China, appeared before a Stormont scrutiny committee yesterday and faced questions over the spend, which had been described as “deeply troubling”.
Paula Bradshaw, Alliance MLA and chair of the TEO committee, asked whether any cost analysis was carried out by the bureaux.
Aodhán Connolly from the Brussels bureau said the hospitality expenditure was about more than “just meals”.
“It’s a strategic investment in access, influence, relationship building and broadly supporting the programme for government objectives and delivering on it,” Mr Connolly said.
“That spend that was talked about covers three bureaux in three different international environments over five years.
“Annualised, it’s modest and tightly targeted.
“It’s a tool of access, convening power, relationship maintenance in places where decisions are shaped, and used properly it buys you time with the right people in the right format at the right moment.
“I did hear someone say it was ‘simply meals’, which kind of underdoes what we do.”
Representing the Washington bureau, Richard Cushnie said the US capital was “uniquely competitive” in terms of engagement with decision makers and that all spending was “purposeful”.
Kerry Cullen, who heads the Beijing bureau, said hospitality was particularly important in China as it is a “very relationship-led environment”.
“It’s culturally a very important aspect of activity here and there’s a strong expectation of professional reciprocity when we host events versus when we attend events.”
Burrows accuses Alliance of 'disingenuous' claims about dual market access
By David Thompson, Belfast News Letter, January 29th, 2026
A claim by the Alliance Party’s economy spokesperson that economic growth is due to “dual market access and all-Island based trade” lacks evidence – and refuses to acknowledge “the real damage caused by the Windsor Framework”, the incoming UUP leader has said.
Jon Burrows says economic success in Northern Ireland is built on a skilled workforce and a “can-do mindset” – not “exaggerated claims” about dual market access.
He says the province’s economic future depends on strengthening east west ties, accusing Alliance of “overhyping uncertain privileges that come at the cost of internal UK unity and friction free trade within our country”.
The Ulster Unionist Party’s leader elect was responding to a claim by the Alliance MLA David Honeyford that “the uncomfortable truth is our economy’s growth is because of” the post-Brexit arrangements. He also said the UUP had “opposed the very decisions that make that possible”.
The Alliance Party did not respond to questions from the News Letter about what evidence its economy spokesperson had for his assertions.
Under the Windsor Framework, Northern Ireland remains tied to EU regulations, harmonising the goods trade across the island of Ireland – but creating a trade border with the rest of the UK. Alliance have supported these arrangements, with Mr Honeyford a particularly vocal supporter of the ‘all-island economy’.
He has also been a strong advocate of so-called dual market access. That idea is based on the fact that Northern Ireland businesses can export to both Great Britain and the European Union. However, trade movements into NI from the rest of the UK are restricted, disrupting supply chains.
In response to Mr Honeyford’s comments, Jon Burrows told the News Letter: “There is much debate about Northern Ireland’s economic success, but I am unequivocal: our prosperity is built on a skilled workforce, a competitive business environment, and a determined, can-do mindset among our people and businesses.
“These are the real drivers of growth, not political arrangements or exaggerated claims about trading privileges. Some seek to diminish the vital role of our local businesses and workers, instead crediting success to politics and the supposed benefits of dual market access. This view is misguided and disingenuous.
“Northern Ireland has a vibrant, resilient economy that is world-leading in FinTech, cybersecurity, and agri-food. While far from perfect, we have strong foundations and the tools to build an even more dynamic future. Claims that our success depends on dual market access or that we would falter without it lack both evidence and self-awareness.
“Officials appearing before the Economy Committee, including from Invest NI and the Department for the Economy, have repeatedly confirmed there is no evidence yet of meaningful job growth or foreign direct investment attributable to dual market access.
Windsor Framework
“Worse still is the persistent refusal to acknowledge the real damage caused by the Windsor Framework. It entrenches regulatory divergence from Great Britain, imposes bureaucratic burdens, disrupts supply chains, and creates a long term economic obstacle for Northern Ireland. Our largest, most important, and most enduring market is and always will be our own nation, the United Kingdom.
“Our economic future depends on strengthening those unbreakable east west ties, not on overhyping uncertain privileges that come at the cost of internal UK unity and friction free trade within our country.”
Last week, economy minister Caoimhe Archibald faced questions from the DUP’s Jonathan Buckley about how many jobs had been secured through foreign direct investment as a consequence of ‘dual market access’. The Sinn Fein minister said companies make investment decisions based on “a multitude of factors” and some see it as “a competitive advantage”.
Mr Buckley said that Invest NI figures provided to the committee the previous week showed only one job had been created. The DUP MLA also said that most of the economic growth in Northern Ireland was attributable to sectors of the economy – such as services – which are outside the remit of the Windsor Framework.
Last year, unionists seized on comments by Mr Honeyford that Northern Ireland’s car industry is facing “the worst of every world” under the Windsor Framework – branding the outworking of the deal as “a nonsense”.
Car sales representatives told the economy committee in July that cars have to be specifically made for Northern Ireland – and while they can be sold into the Republic, they cannot be sold to the rest of the UK. When told the local consumers could instead buys cars across the border in the Republic, the Alliance MLA commented: “So it’s the worst of every world for you”.
He subsequently said the discussion was about “protecting [the] car industry - which doesn’t have dual market access” – and said his words had been “taken out of context”.
