British state ‘put the safety of touts before preservation of life’

Connla Young, Crime and Security Correspondent, Irish News, August 9th, 2025

THE sister of a man shot dead and secretly buried by the IRA has said the state put the safety of informers before “the preservation of life”.

Moira Todd was speaking after it emerged the RUC made no attempt to save the life of her brother Eugene Simons while he was being held captive by the Provisional IRA.

A father-of-three, Mr Simons was one of ‘The Disappeared’ – a group of people abducted, killed and secretly buried by republicans during the recent conflict.

Originally from the Castlewellan area of Co Down, the 26-year-old was taken across the border by the IRA after going missing on New Year’s Day 1981.

His remains were accidently discovered buried in a bog near Dundalk, Co Louth, in May 1984, by a man walking a dog.

New details about the circumstances of his death have emerged in a private report recently provided to the Simons family by Operation Kenova.

It was set up in 2016 to investigate the activities of the British agent known as Stakeknife – identified as Belfast man Freddie Scappaticci in 2003.

A former commander of the IRA’s Internal Security Unit (ISU), Scappaticci has been linked to 14 murders and 15 abductions.

Also known as the ‘Nutting Squad’, the ISU was responsible for hunting down and killing informers during the Troubles.

The report has revealed that authorities in the south of Ireland lost Mr Simons’ skull, which was recovered when his remains were found more than 40 years ago.

PIRA Wall of Silence

The IRA has never claimed responsibility or provided an explanation for why Mr Simons, who was also questioned by the republican group in 1980, was killed and secretly buried.

Operation Kenova has now confirmed “the role of the agent known as Stakeknife in the interrogation of Eugene in August 1980 and the planning of his abduction/murder on New Year’s Day 1981”.

The report says information was received that the IRA was investigating the possibility that there was two “touts” in its south Down unit after the arrests of four suspects, including Mr Simons, in May 1980.

It has now been revealed that after being ‘lifted’ by the IRA in 1981, Mr Simons was taken to a farmyard in Co Cavan for interrogation.

In its new report, Operation Kenova confirms that no intelligence has been recovered to suggest that the RUC or British army had prior knowledge that Mr Simons was to be taken away by the ISU.

The report also states that “despite the reliable information being received by the security sources, Kenova has found no evidence of any attempts being made by the Security Forces to try and locate Eugene”.

Eugene Simons was taken across the border by the IRA after going missing on New Year’s Day 1981. His remains were accidentally discovered buried in a bog near Dundalk, Co Louth, in May 1984, by a man walking a dog

Solicitor Kevin Winters says the PSNI has been contacted for more details on the original inquiry into internal leaks to see if this was a systemic issue

“It was the responsibility of the RUC to instigate such an operation,” the report states.

“We have also found no evidence of any liaison with the AGS (An Garda Síochána) by the RUC.”

Victim’s sister says priority given to protecting touts ‘unbelievable’

Ms Todd was scathing of the RUC response to the disappearance of her brother.

“It’s unbelievable. It’s the state putting their intelligence and their touts before the preservation of life,” she said.

“Again, I say, Eugene was charged with nothing, ever, never claimed by the IRA, nothing, and yet they (RUC) had him in Castlereagh four times.

“One of those times he was taken out of the custody suite for something like three hours – what happened in those three hours?”

Despite having intelligence that Mr Simons was dead, this information was not passed on to his family by police, which continued to treat his disappearance as a missing persons case.

Ms Todd said the recent report shows “how little was done” for her brother by the RUC.

“No forensics, no nothing,” she said.

“And they kept up the pretence that he was still alive.”

Operation Kenova also highlights the RUC’s failure to tell the Simons family that their loved one had been killed.

“The most shocking element of our findings is that the family of Eugene were not officially informed by the RUC of the reliable information that Eugene had been abducted and murdered by PIRA,” the report said.

Kenova said there is evidence Mr Simons was “warned about his safety by the RUC” after he was interrogated by the IRA in 1980.

Ms Todd is not convinced her brother was warned that he was at risk.

“These were just standard [warnings]. It’s a box ticked, if they did it at all,” she said.

Ms Todd has concerns about how police approached several suspects in the case, highlighting why some were “arrested, declined to speak [and] released”.

“Why were the main suspects handled with velvet gloves…? They seem to have been.”

Wall of Silence

Several suspects were personally known to Mr Simons and his wider family.

The Kenova report reveals how his father Walter, who died in 2019, made his own enquiries “including approaching Suspect D in bars to ask them directly what had happened to Eugene”.

“Walter was met by silence,” the report said.

Ms Todd said her family knows the identities of several people connected with the disappearance of her brother.

“Although we don’t have their names formally given to us, we have identified quite a few of them and we know who they are,” she said.

She said her family has lost trust in the police and while Kenova has provided fresh information, the contents of the report also raises new questions.

“No, how can we trust them anymore?

“We have been lied to for so long and then finally the Kenova family reports come out and it does not give us the information we had hoped for. “It’s another big disappointment. “I will say Kenova has given us much more information than we had ever had, but I was hoping for something more in the report.”

She also paid tribute to her mother Mary, who pre-deceased her father.

“I just feel for my mother, who never spoke out, who just held Eugene in her heart but who suffered desperately because of this, suffered in silence,” she said.

“You [IRA] kept us going for three-and-a-half years, you would have kept us going for longer only Eugene’s bones were found, and the suffering that caused the family, my mother in particular. It’s hard to come to terms with.”

On Friday The Irish News revealed that the Simons case featured in a “sensitive investigation” into the leaking of information by an RUC officer to the Provisional IRA.

Operation Kenova has confirmed the case was considered by a probe headed by an assistant chief constable “from a force outside the RUC”.

Solicitor Kevin Winters, of KRW Law, has now contacted the PSNI.

“The revelation about RUC leaks to PIRA allied to the delay in letting the Simons family know Eugene was dead takes this investigation to another level altogether,” he said.

“We have contacted PSNI for more details on the original inquiry into internal leaks to see if this was a systemic issue.

“Standing back from it, this latest Kenova report, whilst helping the family, actually raises more questions than answers.”

ICRIR investigates PIRA involvement in death of UVF chief

William ‘Frenchie’ Marchant was second in command of the UVF’s Belfast Brigade

Hugh Jordan, Sunday World, August 9th, 2025

Top UVF man William ‘Frenchie’ Marchant was waiting to meet loyalist Jimmy Craig when he was shot dead by the IRA.

And last week it emerged the killing on Belfast’s Shankill Road is to be revisited by the Independent Commission for Reconciliation and Information Recovery.

The agency is appealing for witnesses to the shocking mid-afternoon murder nearly 40 years ago to come forward.

And it is also asking members of the public who may have witnessed anything connected to the murder of west Belfast woman, 47-year-old Teresa Carson on Belfast’s Glen Road in November 1974, to make contact.

Launching the double appeal for witnesses, Assistant Commissioner Amanda Logan said the Marchant and Carson families had asked for the commission’s help in finding out what happened to their loved ones.

She said: “We have always underlined the commission’s unwavering commitment to helping families find the unvarnished truth and this is at the centre of our witness appeals.”

The Sunday World has learned that 39-year-old father-of-four Marchant – second in command of the UVF’s Belfast Brigade – had become aware of the extent of Craig’s double-dealing with the IRA.

And he also strongly suspected Craig of involvement in the murder of fellow UVF man John Bingham, who was shot by the IRA inside his family home on in September 1986, just seven months before his own murder.

Having arranged to meet Craig in the heart of the Shankill, Marchant planned to confront him about it.

But what Marchant didn’t know was that Craig had already offered his head on plate to the IRA.

‘Insurance Policy’

It was all part of Craig’s own person ‘insurance policy’ to avoid assassination at the hands of the IRA.

The IRA suspected Marchant of organising the killing of top republican Larry Marley at the door of his home in Ardoyne a few weeks before. And the IRA was determined Marchant would pay with his life.

An armed IRA murder squad was ready and waiting in a house it had taken over in Andersonstown in west Belfast when it received a telephone call to alert them Marchant had shown up on the Shankill for his meeting with Craig.

Within minutes the IRA gun gang were on the move to the Shankill, where they quickly identified their target.

Powerfully-built and with a strong public presence, Marchant wasn’t the kind of man who blended into a crowd.

Around 3pm on April 28 1987, ‘Frenchie’ was chatting to friends when a brown Datsun Bluebird car pulled up.

Using and Armalite rifle and a handgun, two IRA men opened fire, hitting him several times. He died soon after in the nearby Mater Hospital.

It is believed that at the precise time Marchant was shot, Craig had delayed his appearance on the Shankill by prolonging a conversation he was having in a furniture store until after the gunmen had fled.

Deadly collusion

Two years ago, a report compiled by the Ulidia Legacy & Educational Trust called The Marchant File concluded that loyalists, republicans and members of the security services were all involved in a crossfire of deadly collusion.

And during a meeting between Marchant’s family and senior officers at the PSNI’s Brooklyn Headquarters at Knock to hand over a copy of the report, an officer voiced serious concerns about the Marchant family’s safety.

Speaking to the Sunday World at the time, ‘Frenchie’s’ son Martin (53) said: “We already knew this report would put us in danger. But despite our concerns we are determined to get to the truth. And after meeting with the police, it’s clear they share our concerns.

“The police we met appear genuinely worried about us and it was obvious they realise the dangers we now face. Senior officers agreed to read the document delivered to them. And that’s all we can expect at this stage,” he said.

But Martin Marchant also told how he and his two brothers had given a deathbed commitment to their sister Helena, who died of cancer six years ago aged 40.

“Lena always believed there was much more to our father’s murder than what we were told. And before she passed away, she begged us to find out the truth,” he said.

He added: “In publishing The Marchant File, we’ve delivered on our promise to our sister.”

Dublin-Monaghan bombings

‘Frenchie’ Marchant was known to have been centrally involved in the Dublin/Monaghan massacre 13 years before his death. He arranged for cars to be stolen to deliver the bombs and UVF personnel to Dublin and Monaghan.

The atrocity – which claimed the lives of 33 people and injured hundreds more – was the greatest loss of life in a single day during the entire Troubles.

And in loyalist terror terms, ‘Frenchie’ was considered a ‘war hero’.

Details of broken UDA promise emerge as leadership pledged to stop paramilitary activity 20 years ago

Loyalist killer runs for his life after UDA squad storms home - but vows he’s ‘going nowhere’

Published two years ago, the 71-page Marchant File was several years in the making.

It alleges the PSNI and the Police Ombudsman’s Office failed in their duty to fully investigate IRA collusion with criminal loyalists and members of the security services in relation to the murder.

At the time, Martin Marchant told us he believed the report would blow away the belief that the police were solely involved colluding with loyalists during the Troubles.

He said: “All we ever hear about is British collusion in murder here or RUC collusion with loyalists, but I honestly believe our research shows we have uncovered collusion between the IRA and loyalist criminals. And that the police knew all about it.

“But when my father was murdered in broad daylight on the Shankill Road, innocent members of the public were standing all around him.

“We believe the report shows the cops knew what was about to happen on the Shankill Road that day.”

He added: “Automatic weapons were fired on a busy shopping street and it was only by sheer luck others didn’t die along with my father.”

Loyalist-PIRA collusion

The origins of double dealing between loyalists and republicans began in the early 1980s in Crumlin Road Prison, when, following serious rioting inside the jail, prisoners from both sides held a two-day conference which culminated in a ‘Top Man Agreement’.

This meant that 10 named loyalists from the UDA and the UVF and 10 named republicans from the IRA and the INLA would be totally exempt from terrorist attack by either side.

But following the signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985, Craig – a UDA leader well-known loyalist gangster and extortionist – took steps to protect himself from both sides.

Using a family connection to IRA killer Joe Haughey, he secretly set up a number of leading loyalists for murder, including UDA man William ‘Bucky’ McCullough and the notorious Shankill Butchers boss Lenny Murphy.

But the UDA leadership was suspicious of Craig and moved him to south Belfast, where there was rich pickings to be got on the many building site rackets.

Eugene Reavey – whose three brothers were shot dead by the UVF in 1976 – has said his construction company handed over £1.3 million in total to Craig.

It is believed British government spooks – under pressure from other hard-pressed businessmen – were also keen to see the end of Craig.

A diary kept by British Military Intelligence agent Brian Nelson – who operated inside the UDA – reveals he too was aware of Craig’s collusion with the IRA and INLA. It emerged that Craig even tried to have a UDA hit team wiped out by informing the IRA of an imminent attack on one its senior men in Twinbrook.

A group of heavily armed IRA men were waiting on the arrival of the loyalists, but the murder bid was aborted when Nelson tipped off the UDA killer gang that Craig had set them up.

It’s also believed that Craig set up John McMichael – the so-called Supreme Commander of the UDA and its flag of convenience the UFF – who was blown up by the IRA outside his Lisburn home in 1987.

Ten months later Craig died in a hail of UFF bullets as he played pool in an east Belfast bar. The UDA said he was guilty of treason – and history has proved them right.

Deportation fears prompt former PIRA man to flee the US

Mark Robinson, Irish News, August 9th, 2025

A FORMER IRA member living in the US for 40 years has said that he had to ‘self-deport’ over fears that he would end up dying in an immigration cell following Donald Trump’s return to office.

Matthew Morrison, originally from Derry, moved to St Louis, Missouri, in 1985 after spending ten years in prison.

In 1976, he was imprisoned over attempted murder in an IRA raid on a British army barracks.

Mr Morrison married in the states after his release, later had two children and worked as a psychiatric nurse.

President Trump has sparked an immigration crackdown

His immigration status previously made the headlines in the late 1990s, when the US immigration service tried to get him and six other former IRA members deported due to their past convictions.

The deportation was terminated in 2000 when President Clinton intervened in the cause and said that it would “support and promote the process of reconciliation” that was still in its early stages in the north.

However, they weren’t granted citizenship and still had to live with government restrictions, meaning the 69-year-old was once again faced with the threat of deportation following Mr Trump’s return to the Oval Office.

According to The Marshall Project, a non-profit organisation which specialises in cases relating to the US justice system, Mr Morrison ‘self-deported’ in July and flew to Dublin.

The publication said that he has had “several strokes” and now “leans on a cane” but that the fear of being picked up by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) was “more than he could bear”.

“I would bite the dust in an ICE holding cell,” he told The Marshall Project.

“There is nothing to stop them from deporting me to Ecuador, South Sudan or whatever. It’s really gotten insane here. It’s crazy what they are doing now, the Trump administration.”

Mr Morrison had to leave behind his wife, two children and grandchildren.

“Even though he’s still alive, I feel like I am grieving. It’s a huge loss for me and my children,” his daughter Katie told The Marshall Project.

The Trump administration announced in May that illegal migrants would be offered $1,000 (£743) and paid travel if they ‘self-deported’.

There are believed to be up to around 50,000 undocumented Irish in the US.

Shrapnel damage caused to houses after Maghera explosion

Liam Tunney, Belfast Telegraph, August 9th, 2025

Several houses have been damaged after an explosion sent shrapnel flying across a Co Londonderry housing estate.

Some residents in the Mullagh Park area of Maghera reported hearing a “loud bang” before midnight on Thursday.

The house targeted was empty at the time, while the force of the blast caused damage to several houses nearby.

One sustained damage to a side wall, with the pebbledash chipped away to reveal red brickwork in two larger lesions, and several smaller chips visible.

It is understood shrapnel from the blast was also projected through the door of another property nearby.

Yesterday morning, forensic officers arrived to examine the scene of the incident. All four window panes on the front of the targeted house had been smashed, while there was also damage caused to the front yard. It is believed the boarding on the door and window had already been in place prior to the blast.

Police said the device was discovered on the ground and exploded outside a vacant house.

PSNI Sergeant Shields said: “Our officers attended the scene with ammunition technical officers, who have taken away the remnants of this device for further examination.

“This was a distressing experience for residents who are dealing with the fear of this device in their community.

“Thankfully, no one was in this house at the time, as this could have caused serious injury or even worse.”

Police added that a public safety operation was put in place. Cordons have been lifted but the public is advised to avoid the area if possible.”

Latest vandalism attack at historic Craigavon House is condemned

Jessica Rice, Belfast Telegraph, August 9th, 2025

A spate of attacks at the former home of Northern Ireland's first Prime Minister has led to calls for action to safeguard the building.

In the latest incident, the 150-year-old staircase at Craigavon House in east Belfast, residence of Sir James Craig, was vandalised.

The intruders also erected a Union flag.

Built in 1880, the property is steeped in history. Sir Edward Carson declared the Ulster Solemn League and Covenant from its steps, vowing to resist Home Rule.

In 1917 it became a hospital for casualties of the Great War.

It was purchased by the Somme Association in 1992 and was its headquarters until 1999.

However, it has become a magnet for vandals in recent years.

The Somme Association said: “We are extremely disappointed to report that a malicious and destructive act of vandalism has taken place at the historic Craigavon House.

“Vandals broke in and intentionally destroyed the beautifully crafted 150-year-old spindles on the double return staircase.

“They then removed some of the original ornate cornice to use as a weight for the Union flag that they ironically erected.

“The unique history surrounding Craigavon House has made it harder to secure the funding required to have it restored to its former glory, but the Somme Association has tried tirelessly over the years to secure its future, but without success.”

It added: “We appeal to anyone who works with the youth of east Belfast to please educate them on the significance of this historic house and to encourage them to stop this wilful destruction.

“On our part, we would be willing to visit local youth groups or schools to talk about the history of Craigavon House.”

Deputy First Minister Emma Little-Pengelly said: “I am absolutely disgusted to see this terrible vandalism of one of the most historically and politically significant buildings in Northern Ireland.”

East Belfast DUP MLA Joanne Bunting called for action to save the building.

“We need to see greater protection in place to prevent further damage, alongside a clear plan for restoration,” she said.

“This building should be preserved and showcased as part of our history, a place where people can come to learn about the foundations of Northern Ireland.

“The sooner action is taken to secure and restore it, the better chance we have of ensuring that Craigavon House is not lost to neglect and vandalism.”

DUP councillor Bradley Ferguson said: “Craigavon House is a key part of the story of Northern Ireland and it should be treated with the respect it deserves.

“Those who have caused this damage have shown complete disregard for our community and its heritage.”

TUV councillor Matthew Warwick said: “This vital part of unionist and Ulster history has been shamefully neglected. Despite its inclusion in the 2020 New Decade, New Approach agreement as a site earmarked for restoration, nothing has been done.”

Hundreds of survey responses to dual language signs ‘held up by Royal Mail’

Michael Kenwood, Irish News, August 9th, 2025

A COUNCIL investigation is under way into a Royal Mail hold-up of hundreds of residents’ responses to surveys on Irish dual language street signs in Belfast.

The probe began after Belfast City Council staff noticed responses to surveys on having new dual language signs was “unusually low”.

As a result of the issue, no dual language street sign requests will be on the agenda for Belfast City Council to discuss this summer, it has been claimed.

Members of the council’s People and Communities Committee were told this week that postal irregularities were to blame.

A council officer told elected representatives: “We became aware in June this year the response rates to our dual language street signs surveys were unusually low, and so we undertook significant investigation internally, and subsequently with Royal Mail.”

It was explained how the investigation found around 375 responses in pre-paid envelopes were being held by Royal Mail at a delivery centre, with an “unconfirmed number being sent through by Royal Mail to their return centre”.

The officer said Royal Mail had been unable to confirm the number sent to the return centre, and that the council was “aware of a handful of responses being sent back to the people who filled in the survey, because they have been contacting us”.

“Royal Mail are now returning the remaining mail held at the return centre to us, and we have received three batches of those to date, and we are expecting more, although the numbers are dwindling,” the officer added.

New signage that has already been passed by the committee and ratified at a monthly council meeting is unaffected.

“When we became aware of this as a potential issue, we paused processing the applications and surveys that were to be reported to this committee,” the officer said.

19 live surveys to be held again

There are 19 live surveys of residents ongoing, which will have to be carried out again.

“We are continuing to investigate the timeline around this, and the circumstances that led to this situation, and I will be bringing forward a report to consider steps to avoid this happening again in the future,” the officer added.

DUP councillor Sarah Bunting said the problem “further undermines the confidence in the process that many were already sceptical about”.

Under council rules introduced in 2022, just one resident or councillor is required to trigger a consultation on a street having dual language signage.

If 15% of residents back the new signage, it is proposed for installation, though subject to an equality impact assessment.

The previous rules required 33.3% of a street’s residents to trigger a survey, and 66.6% to agree to new signage before it was erected.

Although the vast majority of applications are for dual signage featuring English and Irish, other applications have been made for Ulster Scots, and even more surprising languages.

The council officer added of the live surveys: “It is the 19 we are currently out assessing where we will have to resurvey all of them.”

Sinn Féin councillor RóisMáire Donnelly said: “We are well aware of the massive backlog, which the team is doing a great job of working through, but missing a month (of consultation) is concerning for us. There really needs to be a thorough investigation into this – it is really unacceptable that this lapsed, and it should have come to light before this.”

A Royal Mail spokesperson said: “We are not aware of this specific issue but will always investigate any concerns raised with us. If Belfast City Council can share further details, we will look into the matter.”

'Shut your mouth': Whistleblower's advice to anyone who suspects fraud in NI public sector

Sam McBride, Belfast Telegraph, Northern Ireland Editor, August 9th, 2025

JUST THREE WEEKS AFTER NI WATER DIRECTOR WROTE TO CONGRATULATE HIS FIRM FOR GOING THE EXTRA MILE, AND AFTER 20 YEARS OF WORKING FOR THE UTILITY, BUSINESSMAN HAD HIS CONTRACT ENDED - AFTER BLOWING THE WHISTLE TO ALLEGE SYSTEMIC FRAUD AGAINST TAXPAYERS INVESTIGATION

A businessman who blew the whistle on what he believed was systemic fraud against taxpayers has said his advice to anyone in a similar position is to “shut your mouth and carry on” as if nothing had happened.

The man, who first contacted the Belfast Telegraph a year ago, said he has lost confidence in the ability of Northern Ireland's public sector to protect public money.

After raising the alarm with NI Water, he lost his contract — a deal which he'd had for 20 years and which involved the majority of his business.

He's now left with a fraction of the work he'd had and NI Water is refusing to even properly investigate his allegations, despite having publicly — but erroneously — claimed to have done so.

Any business and any part of government is vulnerable to fraud, which can never be entirely eradicated. What taxpayers might expect, however, is that where there's even a whiff of potential fraud, that the organs of the state will ferociously seek to uncover the theft of money which should be used to teach children in school, to keep roads in a safe condition, and to save lives in the NHS.

Hundreds of Millions

The whistleblower says that's not what's happening in NI Water — despite the fact the publicly-owned company is demanding hundreds of millions more from Stormont to fix Northern Ireland's antiquated water and sewage infrastructure.

A year ago, we reported that an investigation was under way into claims that lax controls at NI Water meant it has been paying contractors for work which was never done.

We reported that those against whom fraud is alleged were continuing to be given new work by the publicly-owned company.

The issue had been raised directly with NI Water's most senior figures — chief executive Sara Venning and the utility's board.

One of the allegations was that a contractor has been paid twice for a job and was in line to be paid a third time.

Now the man who made those allegations says he's appalled by how they've been handled.

Although we are not naming him, we have verified his identity, have met with him, and have spoken to him multiple times about his story.

He runs what was a successful small company, employing several other staff.

He first alerted NI Water to what he was seeing in November 2023. At the time, he said he didn't even realise the full significance of the issue, simply believing that he was doing his duty by telling NI Water about problems being found at multiple NI Water sites.

He said it was only several months later that an NI Water manager said to him that what he was referring to would be fraud.

When told there would be an investigation by external consultancy Deloitte, he supplied it with considerable evidence gathered by his staff. But as time passed, he became increasingly concerned.

‘No evidence of fraud’

In February, NI Water issued a press release with the title 'Independent Investigation finds no evidence of NI Water wrongdoing or fraud'.

It said that after “a detailed investigation”, an “independent forensic team” had found “no evidence of fraud or wrongdoing”.

The statement went on to refer to an “extensive investigation” which was “an important piece of work to independently examine allegations of fraud and wrongdoing”.

It did say that as part of the review, “opportunities were found to strengthen internal controls” but gave no indication of what these were.

An anonymous company spokesman said in the statement: “We treat these allegations seriously and very much welcome the investigation report recommendations.”

The Belfast Telegraph immediately asked for a copy of this report, but NI Water refused to release it.

Instead, its press office said our request would be treated as a request under the Environmental Information Regulations (EIR), allowing it to take a month to respond.

Eventually, it replied to refuse the request. We appealed that internally, and it was refused again. We have appealed to the Information Commissioner's Office, which has been considering the case for several months.

Meanwhile, the whistleblower was seeing his business crumble after NI Water ditched him at the end of a contract. He'd worked for NI Water for two decades and it had repeatedly praised the company's work.

“I've lost my contract,” he said, explaining that it had been central to his business and so it means most of his business has gone.

The timing of this wasn't just extraordinary because it was so soon after he'd blown the whistle — it was also just after NI Water had hailed how the company had gone the extra mile.

Letter of gratitude

In a letter dated February 5, NI Water's second most senior figure, Ronan Larkin, wrote to the whistleblower personally to say: “On behalf of NI Water, I would like to express our gratitude for your unwavering support and efforts during the recent Storm Éowyn... your team was pivotal in ensuring that our customers regained their water supply.”

He went on to say the company's staff had been “crucial” and “the professionalism demonstrated by your team was truly commendable” and “invaluable”.

He added: “It is through partnerships like ours that we can overcome such obstacles and continue to serve our customers effectively. Thank you once again for your support and for being a reliable partner... we look forward to continuing our successful collaboration.”

Those were warm words — but meaningless words.

Three weeks later, a second letter arrived from NI Water with a very different message. Eilis Kelly, the utility's head of commercial, said in a coldly legalistic message: “Please take this letter as Notice of Termination (the Termination Notice) confirming the termination of the whole of the Contract, which shall take effect on Sunday 1 June 2025.”

The whistleblower had been pressing NI Water over its claims that there was no fraud.

He said that in a meeting with Deloitte on March 28, the consultancy “freely admitted that they had not opened all 40 cases” which he'd presented to them.

The man said he'd asked Deloitte how it had then been able to reach the conclusion that there had been no fraud or wrongdoing and it responded by saying “oh, it's not our job to find fraud — that wasn't part of our remit”.

He said that one Deloitte employee said “it's not my job to call fraud © we just gather evidence”.

He said that indicates that the way the 'investigation' was set up meant that Deloitte could never have found fraud.

He said Deloitte — which was paid £144,000 for its work - admitted that it never used a technical expert who understood any of the pieces of equipment which he'd claimed were central to the alleged fraud.

Raised in NI Assembly

In April, SDLP MLA Patsy McGlone raised the case in the Assembly, telling MLAs: “I have been contacted by a whistleblower about practices in NI Water. I initially spent literally three hours going through stuff with him, and my eyes started to stand in my head. It was incredible.

“Poor workmanship, potential fraud, the use of unregistered subcontractors and the use of non-approved subcontractors was drawn to the attention of NI Water in November 2023.”

He said that “there were suspicions that complicit fraud and wrongdoing was going on”.

Mr McGlone highlighted that over the last five years, Deloitte had received £1.6m from NI Water —meaning NI Water is a valuable customer of the consultancy.

In 2011, the Assembly's Public Accounts Committee found in another controversial investigation involving Deloitte that “the relationships between Deloitte, [the department] and NI Water were so extensive that those appointing [a Deloitte consultant] should have been aware of the risk of a perception of conflict of interest”.

McGlone said that Deloitte refused to even meet the whistleblower while investigating his allegations, saying that it wasn't necessary. It only met him in March after its report was complete.

Deloitte refused to meet Whistle Blower

In response to that, NI Water stood over the investigation as “appropriate and proportionate based on the issues and evidence provided”.

The company admitted it was doing more work on the investigation, which had supposedly closed, but insisted it hadn't been reopened and said the new work was due to fresh queries.

The man said that was utterly wrong and NI Water only returned to the investigation when he exposed that it hadn't actually investigated the central allegations: “It's not additional information; it's information that's always been there.”

When asked what advice he'd give other people who believe they've uncovered fraud, he said: “If you're working for a public sector body and if you discover fraud, shut your mouth and carry on because you will lose your contract, you will lose your employment, and your reputation.”

NI Water claims to have a “zero tolerance” policy on fraud, bribery and corruption and has policies which it says will tackle these problems. The reality, the whistleblower says, is very different.

The company's policy specifically highlights that a key vulnerability facing NI Water is “overcharging by contractors” and “payment for work not performed”.

The whistleblower said he believes these polices are essentially “a firewall” for management who can point at them as evidence of how serious they are in tackling fraud.

He said that his experience is that when there are allegations of fraud, “they do not want to see it and they do not want to hear it — they just don't want to know”.

We put to Deloitte that the volume of work it receives from NI Water could impact its perceived independence, asked why it didn't examine all 40 cases, questioned if it is now investigating those cases, asked why it didn't employ a technical expert who understood the issues in question, and asked whether it has any objection to the report being published.

In a statement, Deloitte said it “cannot comment on the specifics of a client engagement. Deloitte was commissioned by Northern Ireland Water to draft a report in August 2024. The final report was completed to the agreed scope in February 2025. The publication of the report is a matter for Northern Ireland Water.”

That suggests NI Water could publish the report — yet NI Water said in response to our EIR request that both it and Deloitte believed the report was “strictly confidential” and was “protectively marked throughout”.

NI Water accepted that simply stamping 'confidential' on a document does not mean it cannot be released, but it insisted that “its contents in their entirety would be considered exempt from disclosure” due to “commercial sensitivity” and “various identifiable personal data”.

Report not to be released

NI Water said Deloitte told it that the report — paid for by public money and relating to a matter of public interest — should not be “used, reproduced, or circulated for any other purpose, in whole or in part, without our prior written consent”.

NI Water said that meant it couldn't release the report without breaking contract law, unless Deloitte agreed. The same issue arose 15 years ago, with Deloitte insisting that the investigative work it had done for NI Water couldn't even be shared with the Audit Office; it backed down in the face of threatened legal action.

NI Water further justified refusing to release the report because “there is a very real risk the information…would damage NI Water's reputation, or the confidence that third parties may have in the company”.

NI Water told us it “treats all concerns raised with the utmost seriousness” and insisted that there was no link between the man becoming a whistleblower and losing his contract, something it said “followed standard public procurement procedures” in which, at the end of one contract “the company in question was not successful” in winning more business.

NI Water insisted that the Deloitte investigation “encompassed all material provided by the whistleblower” but “with varying levels of detail determined by investigation scope”. It said that after “a feedback session” that “in light of technical points raised, a further independent technical review of all evidence is under way”.

It said Deloitte's remit “included reviewing for indicators of financial fraud, recognising that the legal determination of fraud rests solely with the courts”.

When asked why Deloitte didn't employ a technical expert, it said: “The decision not to engage a technical expert was made after careful consideration of the available information and investigation scope. The investigation included recommendations aimed at strengthening contract management practices to reduce the likelihood of the potential for poor workmanship or fraud.”

NI Water declined to say whether Deloitte is now being paid more for the investigation. It said an “independent technical expert” has been appointed, but declined to say what they will be paid.

NI Water could not immediately provide the Belfast Telegraph with a copy of the Fraud Prevention Policy it trumpets on its website.

It said it is “considering publication” of the document and “will send you a copy in due course”.

PSNI minority association boss ordered back to force day before race plan launch

Connla Young, Crime and Security Correspondent, Irish News, August 9th, 2025

A PSNI officer who heads the National Black Police Association (NBPA) was ordered to return to the force just a day before it launched a new race and ethnicity action plan.

Chief Inspector Andy George, who is the NBPA president, did not attend the launch in Belfast on Thursday saying he has “little confidence” in the blueprint.

The decision not to attend was taken before he learned of the PSNI order to return to full-time duties earlier this week.

One of the PSNI’s most prominent Asian officers, Mr George has been NBPA president since 2020 and works full time with the group.

The support network for black, Asian and minority ethnic police officers and staff has around 6,000 members across Britain and the north.

Mr George, whose father is from Malaysia, joined the police in 1999 and was promoted to his current rank in 2022.

Earlier this year The Irish News reported that the high-profile officer has lodged a case against the PSNI with the Industrial Tribunals and the Fair Employment Tribunal.

Mr George alleges he has been “subjected to acts of discrimination on the grounds of race and political opinion and/or subjected to acts of victimisation”.

It has now emerged the NBPA president received a letter from PSNI Chief Constable Jon Boutcher this week.

Mr George said the letter states that “he will not support my full-time role as president any longer and that he is ordering me back to PSNI on October 1 despite it being an elected post”.

“It’s an elected post and I am still standing as president, I will still do the role outside of my PSNI duties if I need to, but it’s up to the NBPA membership to decide, not the chief constable – one chief constable of around 50,” he said.

“He is now ordering me back despite members wanting me to stay.”

While the association was represented at the plan launch, Mr George said his non-attendance “had already been decided”.

“I didn’t attend because I have little confidence in [it] delivering the key aims it is meant to, based on my knowledge and experience working across all other police services in Great Britain, who have funding an accountability,” he said.

Around 50 of the PSNI’s 6,200 officers are from an ethnic minority background, according to police.

Mr Boutcher said his force has “made a commitment to being an anti-racist organisation” while the report pledges that “anti-racist and cultural competence training” will be delivered to all officers and staff.

Mr George believes the plan comes up short.

“There’s no committed resource, there’s no committed funding for the plan,” he said.

“If you look at the actions, they are reasonably woolly, there’s nothing specific in them, there’s no measurables, there’s no timelines, they are aspirational rather than… ‘we will improve representation by 2%, 4% by 2030’ or something like that.

“There’s tangible things that could be done and that’s the problem.”

Mr George said there is no mechanism in the plan to hold Mr Boutcher to account.

“Having been involved in the national plan… funding for that plan finished in March 2026,” he said.

“We planned for this plan to be run and to start in 2021 and it’s only being delivered now.

“It’s taken a long time to get us here.

“It’s good that we are finally here but I think a more robust plan with proper accountability built in – nationally they have an independent scrutiny oversight board – but there’s nowhere where the chief constable will be held to account, so, that’s the big fear.”

Mr George revealed the date on which he has been ordered to return to the PSNI coincides with his association’s 2025 conference and a day before voting for presidential voting closes.

Mr George hopes to be returned as NBPA president in the coming months.

“If I have to, I will do it in my spare time and delegate some responsibility to others in England,” he said.

“But, it’s up to the NBPA members to decide who they want to be president and not an individual chief constable.”

Mr George said “cultural issues” still exist within the PSNI

“This is what we continually say about the culture, whilst we welcome the recent race and ethnicity action plan and some targeted interventions on race, there are wider cultural issues.”

Chief Constable Jon Boutcher said Mr George has been “supported both financially and pastorally throughout this time” as NBPA president.

“In October 2023, following my appointment as chief constable, I approved a two-year extension to Chief Inspector George’s secondment,” he said.

“By offering this extension I was clearly demonstrating my support for the officer and recognising the important work of the National Black Police Association.”

Mr Boutcher said he previously told Mr George he would have to return to PSNI duty.

“I clearly explained to him at that time that I expected him to return in October 2025,” he said.

“With the launch of our race and ethnicity action plan on August 7, alongside the significant resourcing pressures within PSNI, it is vital that an officer with Chief Inspector George’s experience returns to deliver leadership and a policing service to the communities in Northern Ireland.

“Throughout my policing career I have been committed to working with our ethnic minority communities to advance equality, build trust, and ensure justice across all communities, but in particular people from ethnic minorities.”

Mr Boutcher insisted Mr George will return to the PSNI later this year.

“Public confidence in the police, especially among ethnic minority communities, has been impacted by historical injustices, disparities in policing outcomes and a perception of bias within the system,” he said.

“It is our responsibility to not only recognise these concerns, but to actively address them and this is why Chief Inspector George will return to duty on 1 October 2025.”

'I escaped pervert teacher's clutches narrowly... I'm still angry he got away with it for so long'

Suzanne Breen, Belfast Telegraph, August 9th, 2025

NEW UUP MLA JON BURROWS ON PAEDOPHILE LINDSAY BROWN, SERVING WITH THE MET AND PSNI, ACCUSATIONS HE'S A 'CELEBRITY POLITICIAN', HOW DAVID CAMERON'S BLOODY SUNDAY APOLOGY HIT RIGHT NOTE, AND WHY SIMON BYRNE FAILED AS CHIEF CONSTABLE

UUP MLA Jon Burrows says he “escaped the clutches” of prolific paedophile schoolteacher Linsday Brown “by centimetres”.

Mr Burrows, who was co-opted into the Assembly earlier this week, details horrific scenes in Bangor Grammar when he attended the school in the 1980s.

The new North Antrim MLA remains “very angry” at the school's “failure to protect children”.

He says: “I escaped Lindsay Brown's clutches by centimetres. He was an RE teacher when I went to Bangor Grammar aged 11.”

Describing how Brown would be visibly aroused, Mr Burrows said “he'd openly stand in the swimming pool changing rooms naked — bar a pair of flip-flops”.

“He'd offer to put talc on you and ask inappropriate questions. I realised that something was very wrong, but I wasn't able to process it.”

Mr Brown went on to become deputy principal of the school.

“He was arrested after I left Bangor Grammar but what's most disturbing is that the school was told numerous times about his behaviour,” Mr Burrows says.

Repeated warnings

“Repeated red flags weren't acted upon. Instead, Brown was promoted. The school was more interested in protecting its own reputation than protecting boys. I'm still very angry about that. It's why I think the duty of leadership is so important.”

Mr Burrows (48) was co-opted into Colin Crawford's Stormont seat on Monday. Mr Crawford had resigned as an MLA after just a year in the job following internal party issues.

His replacement has entered politics four years after retiring from the PSNI on health grounds. A former Foyle area commander, he was sent a letter bomb by republican dissidents in 2013.

“It was a viable device which was intercepted by Royal Mail. The New IRA had sent three letter bombs — one to the then Secretary of State Theresa Villiers, one to the then PSNI Chief Constable Matt Baggott, and one to me,” he says.

“The dissident republican threat was high then, and Derry was one of their strongholds. It wasn't safe for me to live in the city so I lived in Ballymoney.

“Thankfully, I never had to move house. I'd just upgrade the security at my home following threats. But that doesn't compare to what police who served during the Troubles faced — officers who lost legs or who saw their friends blown to bits.

“The dissident threat never approached the level of that posed by the Provisional IRA.”

Father was ACC

Mr Burrows grew up in Bangor, the second youngest of four children. His mother Audrey was a mental health nurse, and his father Colin was a police officer who eventually became an assistant chief constable.

“We were much more sheltered from the Troubles in Bangor than kids elsewhere. But the conflict still did impinge on my childhood in the 1980s because of my dad's job,” the MLA says.

“I was always scared when he wasn't back from work on time. It was before mobile phones, so we couldn't check if he was OK. There'd be a big sigh of relief when he walked through the door.”

Mr Burrows was raised in a family with a strong ethos of “public service, doing your duty, putting on a uniform and being proud of your country. We were taught patriotism, but it was non-sectarian — religion didn't matter.”

He says: “At my grandfather's funeral, my father said with pride that he had never heard his dad — who worked in the shipyard, served in the Royal Ulster Rifles during World War II and later the UDR at home — say a sectarian word in his life.

“My grandfather had gone to war with his two best friends. They were known as BBC — Burrows, Beck and Crangles. Hugh Crangles was a west Belfast Catholic. He was killed in the final days of the D-Day landings. It broke my grandfather's heart.”

The UUP MLA says that “loyalist terrorists were loathed as much as republican terrorists” in his home.

“My father would talk about the first RUC officer murdered in the Troubles, Victor Arbuckle, shot dead by the UVF on the Shankill Road,” he recalls.

Mr Burrows always wanted to join the RUC. He applied in 1995, but “fluffed” the multiple-choice examination paper.

London tour of duty

“I went to Ulster University to study law and government, yet my heart remained in policing,” he explains.

“After graduating, I worked in a toy shop in Bangor before applying to both the Met and the RUC. The Met came back first with an offer. I'd a student loan to pay and wanted to get cracking in my career so I took it up. I moved to London in 1999 and stayed there for five years.”

Mr Burrows found it an extremely challenging job at times. “In my first week, I saw a dead toddler. He'd strangled to death in Venetian blinds. I saw a few black teenagers stabbed to death. It was very difficult,” he recalls.

“I encountered an armed robber. He pointed a handgun at me and I wrestled with him. He was a huge guy. We both fell to the ground. I remember the revolver chamber opening and the bullets rolling out. My colleagues arrested him.”

The former police officer describes it as a “near death experience”. He adds: “You have no physical injuries yet the trauma leaves scars. You move on very quickly, it's never mentioned by your colleagues again, but the body doesn't forget trauma.”

Mr Burrows returned to Northern Ireland in 2004 and joined the PSNI, serving in Foyle where he became area commander in 2010.

“Jim Doherty, a police officer from the Bogside, was shot leaving his teenage son at Lumen Christi College in 2007,” he says.

Dissident threat

“The dissident threat was potent. The Real IRA murdered two soldiers at Massereene Army Barracks in Antrim in March 2009.

“Two days later, dissidents shot dead Constable Stephen Carroll in Craigavon as he answered a 999 call. It was a challenging time. Many officers were young, they weren't of the generation who had to deal with the Troubles.

“They became concerned about responding to routine calls. It was a balancing act between our public service duties and officer safety.”

Mr Burrows says that camera phones and social media also meant it was “a completely different ball game” to what police in the past had faced.

“Dissidents started videoing officers when they were stopped and searched. The videos would go online. I viewed that as an attempt to intimidate officers.”

The former PSNI commander decided on a proactive media approach.

“I did a lot of interviews trying to challenge the dissident republican narrative, to check their nonsense that we were an imperialist police force, and to promote the good work we were doing,” he says.

Pathway to politics

“I'd be regularly on Radio Foyle. Being interviewed by its presenters honed my skills. It gave me confidence for when I started working as a commentator after leaving the police. My media experience opened a pathway to politics.”

Mr Burrows says the dissident republican threat started to “fall away” in 2014, two years after the Real IRA had merged with Republican Action Against Drugs and former Provisionals to form the New IRA. “The security forces got a handle on them, as they always do,” he adds.

The former commander recalls that in Derry he dealt with a range of politicians including former Sinn Fein MLAs Martina Anderson and Raymond McCartney who had both been in the IRA.

“I found talking to them challenging,” he says. “They'd been part of a movement which would have wanted to murder my father and people who served in the police.

“But I had to be professional and deal with people even if they had been part of a movement which had viewed police as legitimate targets.

“I hugely respect officers who, unlike me, had served during the Troubles. Working with Sinn Fein would have been even more difficult for them.”

Mr Burrows was one of five police officers outside the Guildhall in Derry when the Saville Report into Bloody Sunday was published in 2010. David Cameron's apology in the House of Commons for the atrocity was shown on big screens to the assembled crowd.

“I felt a massive emotional lift in the city after that,” he says. “I agreed with the Prime Minister when he said Bloody Sunday was 'unjustified and unjustifiable'. I'm not saying I see the soldiers involved as terrorists but, as a collective operation, Bloody Sunday was a catastrophe.”

Mr Burrows believes Mr Cameron's apology was fitting. “There hasn't been an equivalent response from the republican movement. There have been bland words of regret that anyone died, but never a strong specific apology for any one incident,” he says.

PSNI’s worst Chief Constable

The former commander views Simon Byrne as the PSNI's worst chief constable. “He didn't understand Northern Ireland, his judgment was awful, and he was susceptible to political influence.

“It was an extremely dangerous period for the force. A culture was created that officers were scared of making decisions in case they'd be punished.”

Mr Burrows argues that the “single greatest flaw” in the system is that the Policing Board, which holds the chief constable and his senior officers to account, also appoints them and decides on contract renewal.

“The top team's relationship with board members is instrumental to their careers so there's a disincentive to have robust, honest conversations. Senior officers should be able to push back and make unpopular decisions without worrying about their career,” he says.

After leaving the PSNI in 2021, Mr Burrows volunteered with his local church's food bank in the Banbridge area. “My comfortable middle-class lifestyle had sheltered me from some other people's reality,” he says.

“I was shocked at the poverty I saw. I remember one day near Christmas visiting a house with no heat and no light. I got back into my car with its heated steering wheel and felt very guilty. I also saw how quickly people can fall into poverty after divorce or domestic violence.”

Mr Burrows lives with his wife Jenni, a civil servant. He has two grown-up stepsons. His three dogs are his pride and joy: a German Shepherd Maggie, border collie Nancy, and black Labrador Cassie.

He threw his hat into the ring for the North Antrim MLA seat after “weeks of soul searching”. He had found media commentating “liberating after serving so long in a hierarchical organisation like the PSNI”.

Some observers wonder how he'll take to party discipline. “After being freelance for four years, things will change for me, but I'm a team player,” he says.

Nobody’s puppet

One senior UUP figure didn't support his MLA application, seeing him as too close to former party leader Doug Beattie. “I'd warm relations and a good rapport with Doug when I policed Lurgan,” Mr Burrows says. “We stayed in touch. He's a friend and colleague, but we've never socialised together and I'm nobody's puppet.”

Some in the North Antrim UUP association view Mr Burrows as a “celebrity” politician. He'll need to convince them of his sincerity if he's to hold the seat.

“If anyone has concerns, they can talk to me,” he says. “I'm a very open, direct, straightforward person. There are no back doors with me.

“I want to build a relationship of trust with local UUP councillors and members to deliver for the party and constituency.” Sources speculate that Mr Burrows will be appointed to the Policing Board “once he's found his feet in Stormont”.

He is a Christian with “a personal faith”. He holidays in Donegal every year but sees himself as “British and Northern Irish, not Irish”.

Brexit was a “head versus heart” issue for him. “I don't think I voted,” he says. “I understood the desire for the UK to leave the EU, but I foresaw complications. The UUP analysis was correct.”

He has never been to a GAA match but would go to one. “I've constituents and former PSNI colleagues who are in the GAA, but I think it should rename clubs and tournaments called after dead republican terrorists.”