Defacement of war memorial condemned
‘This attack shows a blatant disregard for our community and a shocking ignorance of history’: Defacement of war memorial condemned
Conor Sheils, Irish News, October 6th
Latest war memorial vandalism marks the latest in a series of similar incidents which have taken place in Glengormley in recent years.
The defacement of a war memorial has received widespread condemnation.
The obelisk, which is situated in Lilian Bland Park Glengormley, stands to remember those who served in both world wars.
The vandalism, which was first reported to police on Saturday afternoon, can be seen at the front and back of the monument.
It is believed the letters ‘GGRY’ graffitied over the cenotaph is an acronym for ‘Glengormley Republican Youth’.
The ‘GGRY’ acronym has reportedly been found in several graffiti incidents in the area over the past two years.
DUP MLA Phillip Brett MLA said he was seeking “urgent action” from the police following what he described as “this latest attack in Glengormley by republicans”.
“This memorial represents Protestant, Catholic and neither who served in both world wars. To attack it is to attack their memory,” he said.
Previous incidents
“Not content with targeting the traditional arch, attacking a young girl at the Mini-12th, ripping down flags along the parade route and daubing sectarian graffiti on local businesses, they have now turned their hatred towards Glengormley’s war memorial.”
TUV North Belfast spokesperson John Hunter said he was “disgusted” to learn of the attack, where he said “a beautiful tribute to those who paid the ultimate sacrifice for freedom has been vandalised with what appears to be spray paint”.
Mr Hunter continued: “This attack demonstrates both a blatant disregard for our community and a shocking ignorance of history.
“Men from all political and religious backgrounds served side by side in both World Wars. The divisions of society were left behind as these men fought for shared ideals — freedom, liberty, and justice."
Outrage at threats by loyalists to set fire to vehicles
CONOR SHEILS, Irish News, October 6th, 2025
A UNIONIST MLA has branded loyalist threats against Belfast City Council because of Irish language signs as “wrong and reprehensible”.
Jon Burrows was reacting to UVF and UDA threats to burn out council vans bearing a council logo which includes Irish.
Last week nationalist and Alliance councillors outvoted unionists to pass a new policy to include dual language logos on council vehicles, uniforms and signs.
The DUP said its members have been contacted by some council staff worried about their safety in parts of the city if they have bilingual writing on their uniforms.
Mr Burrows, a former police officer, said: “It is entirely legitimate to oppose Belfast City Council’s new language policy. It is entirely wrong and reprehensible to use or threaten violence. Loyalist paramilitaries have no place in our society.”
Belfast Alliance councillor Michael Long described the threats as “totally unacceptable” and said that paramilitary attacks would only lead to worse services for all communities.
“Obviously we had a democratically taken decision this week, with a large majority ‘Unacceptable’ to threaten workers of councillors voting for an Irish language policy. And I think for people to then announce threats and potential violence is totally unacceptable,” he told The Irish News.
Protests would only make things worse
“The reality is that that would only lead to worse services and fewer facilities for people in their own communities.
“Is that really what these paramilitaries want – to actually make things more difficult for people?”
Mr Long added that the Irish language policy may not be as widespread in unionist areas as some think.
“I’ve had a number of people contact me, and this policy, and indeed the implementation plan, primarily deals with buildings in the city centre, he said.
“For a start, it deals with the council’s website. The only parks, for example, that will be included are those in areas with the highest level of Irish language speakers.
“ Is that really what these paramilitaries want – to actually make things more difficult for people?
“It may be rolled out down the line, but the reality is that the whole policy — and the thrust of the policy — is that it provides those services in areas where presumably there are the highest levels of Irish speakers. Therefore, it’s not going to be imposed on local parks in other areas.
Need for further consultation
“We very much believe that it’s important we move forward with this Irish language policy, but taking into account the concerns and views of those who aren’t in favour.”
When asked where else there might be limitations, Mr Long said that nothing had been set in stone with regards to where a dual language logo might be used.
“Contrary to what’s been published, the uniform logo has not been agreed and there’s continued discussion about that as we work through,” he said.
“Basically, we have agreed a bilingual logo, but we have not yet 100% decided where that logo will be used — and one of the areas is on the uniform.
‘Pictorial’ option for signage
“For example, in other councils like Newry, Mourne and Down, which has a Sinn Féin majority, they don’t have any writing; they just have pictorial versions of their logo, and that’s something we think would be a good idea in Belfast as well.
“The area of the uniform and the logo has been an issue under discussion because of concerns raised by staff and trade unions. It’s most likely that it will go on vans, though it again hasn’t been finally decided exactly where it’ll go.
“In reality what is the impact on anybody? I would imagine most people couldn’t tell you what’s on the side of a Belfast City bin lorry at the minute.
“I think most people want to have the services in their community, and any attempt to damage those services is really just unacceptable and would negatively affect the local community.”
It was reported on Sunday that loyalist paramilitaries have threatened to torch council vans and property that display the Belfast City Council logo in both English and Irish.
Representatives of both the UVF and UDA reportedly warned that loyalists would “embark on a campaign of burning any council vans or centres displaying Irish language signage in order to make the Belfast City Council policy unworkable.”
Irish language group calls for all parties to condemn UDA and UVF threats
GABRIELLE SWAN, Belfast Telegraph, October 6th, 2025
TERROR GROUPS WARN THAT THEY'LL SET FIRE TO ANY BELFAST CITY COUNCIL PROPERTY WITH DUAL-LANGUAGE
There has been widespread condemnation of threats from the UVF and UDA to carry out an arson campaign against Belfast City Council property displaying Irish language signage.
The threats from the loyalist paramilitary organisations came after Belfast City Council voted in favour of a new Irish language policy.
This would mean that both English and Irish would be displayed on council buildings, vehicles and uniforms.
A unionist motion to exempt staff uniforms from the policy was defeated by 42 votes to 17.
The Sunday Life reported that UVF and UDA members would carry out arson attacks against any property displaying the Irish language owned by the council.
In a briefing, representatives of both the UVF and UDA warned of future violence, saying: “Loyalists will embark on a campaign of burning any council vans or centres displaying Irish language signage in order to make the Belfast City Council policy unworkable.”
Ulster Unionist councillor Jim Rodgers disagrees with the new policy, but strongly condemned the threats made by the paramilitary gangs.
Situation deteriorating
“As the longest serving councillor in Belfast City Council, serving 33 years, I totally condemn anyone who is threatening action, even though they may not be happy with this decision,” he said. “The UUP firmly believes in ensuring that the law is not broken. We are very much opposed to what happened a few days ago. I am a democrat but there are times you have to speak out, you have to express your opinion when you think things are not right.
“That is what happened in this case. I fear that the situation has gotten worse.
“I appeal to people not to take the law into their own hands. We can go into conversation about it, but the last thing you want is people fighting or people getting caught in illegal behaviour.”
Joining him in condemnation of the threats was the SDLP group leader for Belfast City Council, Séamas de Faoite.
“Paramilitaries shouldn't exist, whether that's to make 'threats' or to brief newspapers,” said the councillor.
“The council's Irish language policy simply seeks to recognise the legitimate place of the Irish language and its importance to many people in our city and across this island.
“We will work with the council and its staff at every opportunity to ensure that this policy is successful.”
Alliance Party councillor Michael Long said: “To see such threats being made following the result of a democratic vote, taken by those who are actually elected to represent the people of Belfast, is nothing short of downright sinister.
“It only further highlights that the only real aim of these groups is to continue their coercive control over our communities, fanning the flames of tension, fear, and violence for their own agendas.
“That this comes so soon after the appointment of an official paramilitary interlocutor demonstrates the UK and Irish Governments' glaring misstep in treating these proscribed organisations as legitimate parties to be negotiated with, rather than the violent criminals that they are.”
‘We don’t just describe the problem, we find answers too’
SDLP leader Claire Hanna told the party’s annual conference on Saturday that public confidence in the Stormont Executive was being drained
JOHN MANLEY, Irish News, October 6th, 2025
PUBLIC confidence in politics is being drained by a Stormont Executive that “kicks big decisions into the long grass” and “never seems far from collapse”, Claire Hanna has said.
The SDLP leader was speaking at her party’s annual conference at the Crowne Plaza Hotel in Belfast on Saturday.
The conference, which was attended by up to 200 delegates, was Ms Hanna’s second as leader, having succeeded Colum Eastwood a year previous.
Casting her party as “centre left… anti-sectarian… and proudly for progress and a new Ireland”, the South Belfast and Mid Down MP said the north’s politics “holds our people back”.
“Successes are in spite of government, certainly not because of it,” she said.
She highlighted how there was peace but not reconciliation, equality in law “but not all have the chance to succeed” and north-south structures “that are just going through the motions”.
“Yes, we have power shared out – but no one can call it good government,” she said, pointing to “marathon waiting lists”, a housing crisis and public services “people can no longer rely on”.
“Our most precious natural resource – polluted; a home for the GAA in Ulster – unbuilt; a safe A5 – stalled,” she said.
‘Kicking decisions into the long grass’
“Confidence draining in politics; an executive that kicks big decisions into the long grass and that never seems far from collapse; in government, but not truly in power.”
Ms Hanna accused Sinn Féin and the DUP of being “allergic to responsibility”, while the smaller executive partners were “along for the ride, no matter the destination”.
The SDLP leader said her party’s role as Stormont’s official opposition was “driving forward accountability from the four parties in the executive”.
“To show that people are allowed to expect something better,” she said.
“We don’t just oppose – we offer. We don’t just describe the problem, we find the answers too. On Lough Neagh, on housing, on childcare, on Europe, on making Stormont actually work.”
Ms Hanna said events outside Ireland were “shaping how people think about their future”.
“Today’s Britain is more and more at odds with our values,” she said.
“Politics there doesn’t have much to say about the people who live here. It barely has the energy to care.”
Referencing Reform UK’s recent positive polling, she said its leader Nigel Farage had “never hidden his complete disinterest in this place”.
High Priest of Protest
“The high priest of Brexit, who was only too happy to burn our agreement,” she said.
“An architect of chaos who is forcing people to question where they belong. A man who’ll wrap himself in a union flag but still do you an ‘Up the Ra’ video if the price is right.”
The South Belfast MP said discussion about a constitutional change “won’t be put off any longer”.
“A new Ireland is not just about removing a border. It can’t just be about reversing partition. It is about so much more… a time for real reconciliation; not just a photo-op, a handshake, a soundbite.”
She said a new Ireland brought a “focus on opportunity” and that the Republic was “not a utopia”
“It has had dark episodes in the past too,” she said.
“Systems that don’t work for all the people but more than almost any country in the world, it has shown a true capacity for transformation.”
The SDLP leader said she understood that for many “big change feels daunting”.
“I respect those who disagree, just as I understand those who remain unsure,” she said.
“In a place shaped by history and scarred by division, those feelings must never be dismissed.”
She said “no party alone” could deliver Irish unity but that the SDLP “has an enormous part to play”.
Ms Hanna said the growing potential for constitutional change also posed a challenge for the southern government.
“The shifting nature of politics means they cannot afford to be caught off-guard,” she said.
“They can’t keep denying responsibility for planning for constitutional change. We’re not just a peace project to be managed and soothed.”
While stressing that the campaign for constitutional change was “not about an arbitrary deadline for a border poll”, she urged the Irish and British governments “to begin real planning”.
She said a ‘Ministry for a New Ireland’ in Dublin would “create a defined structure for all-island dialogue”.
“A forum where all voices are welcome, but no one view can stop play,” she said.
“Preparing for a future which might be closer than many think.”
ANALYSIS: JOHN MANLEY, POLITICAL CORRESPONDENT, Irish News, October 6th, 2025
SATURDAY’S SDLP conference marked a year since Claire Hanna succeeded Colum Eastwood as party leader. Her predecessor’s nine-year and ten-election tenure isn’t regarded as a disaster – the Foyle MP is credited with modernising the party and helping it shed a stale, conservative image.
Yet Mr Eastwood also oversaw electoral decline. There were a few notable exceptions, including his own 2019 regaining of the Foyle Westminster seat from Sinn Féin, but his leadership saw a continuation of the general post-Good Friday Agreement downward trajectory in the SDLP’s electoral fortunes.
The handover of power a year ago was amicable – few new leaders have received a more enthusiastic endorsement from their predecessor – but once the inauguration had finished it was time to get down to business.
In terms of political direction, there’s plenty of continuity but it’s acknowledged within the SDLP that organisationally the party stagnated on Mr Eastwood’s watch.
‘Hanna factor’ alone won’t lift SDLP fortunes
One of Ms Hanna’s key priorities has been revitalising the party’s constituency branches, aiming to extend her enthusiasm and dynamism beyond South Belfast and Derry, where the SDLP is strongest.
To date, this project has largely involved ‘getting the messaging right’ and making sure all reps are on script.
Reinvigorated party
The eve-of-conference resignation of Fermanagh councillor Garbhán McPhillips notwithstanding, Claire Hanna’s leadership appears to have reinvigorated the membership. There is sense of unity and common purpose in the party ranks; optimism even.
The next phase, which involves turning internal cohesion into external electoral success, will be more challenging.
It’s widely acknowledged that the party leader is an electoral asset, with broad appeal. But she is not engaged in a presidential contest and isn’t scheduled to stand for election to defend her Westminster seat for at least another three years.
The challenge for the SDLP therefore is transferring the Hanna-factor to its candidates across 18 Stormont constituencies and 11 councils between now and spring 2027.
Matthew O’Toole, her South Belfast Stormont counterpart, is helping the party punch above its (eight seat) weight in the assembly, under the guise of leader of the Opposition.
Arguably though, this role means he is visible to a fault, often at the expense of other members of the party’s assembly team.
If it is to grow, or even just stand still, in terms of Assembly (and council) representation, the SDLP needs to demonstrate it has strength in depth and the capacity to govern, should the electorate choose to endorse it on the necessary scale.
Recent attacks on Alliance show where the SDLP believes it can win back support. Alliance took four seats off the SDLP in 2022 but recently Naomi Long’s party has appeared vulnerable. Alliance’s association with an Executive that’s failing to deliver is among the reasons for plateauing support, and the SDLP believes it can exploit growing voter disillusion.
Meanwhile, Ms Hanna is also keen to reassert her party’s nationalist credentials. The proposal for a ‘ministry for a new Ireland’, which was accompanied by criticism of Taoiseach Micheál Martin’s lack of an appetite for Irish unity, served the dual purpose of seeking to outflank Sinn Féin and burying the ghosts of the ill-thought-out love-in between her predecessor and Fianna Fáil.
The SDLP is serious about Irish unity, but party will still struggle to hold onto seats
SUZANNE BREEN, Political Correspondent, Belfast Telegraph, October 6th, 2025
The SDLP is serious about Irish unity. It's not box-ticking, it's not going through the motions, or making throwaway comments for a quick political hit.
In her address to her party conference in Belfast, Claire Hanna spoke about the excitement of creating “a brand new nation”.
It wasn't just the chance of change for citizens here, but also about what “a fiery northern star” would bring to a new Ireland.
A fiery northern star is of course the last thing that the Southern political establishment want on their horizon. That's why Hanna's words challenging the Irish government's decision to opt out of the conversation on constitutional change were highly significant. It is much easier for Micheal Martin and Simon Harris to ignore or dismiss demands to prepare for a united Ireland when they come solely from Sinn Fein.
The SDLP calling for the same alters the dynamic, and gives the Fianna Fail and Fine Gael leaderships less political cover.
Varadkar and Bacik
With former Taoiseach Leo Varadkar and Labour leader Ivana Bacik sitting in the front row, Hanna urged the Irish government to start planning for unity.
“Many across this island are looking to Dublin for leadership that they have yet to provide. Give a new Ireland the focus it deserves with a new ministry in the south. Create a structure for all-island dialogue,” she said.
Those critics who claim the SDLP is trying to “out-green” Sinn Fein in a desperate attempt to attract votes from its rival just don't get it.
Brexit, Northern Ireland lagging behind the Republic on a wide range of social and economic areas, the political direction of unionism, and Stormont's inability to deliver have shaped the party's position.
“Northern Ireland is frozen in a stale status quo. A political Hotel California where the past is ever present, and the future never arrives,” Hanna said.
Along with a quip about Nigel Farage — “a man who'll wrap himself in a Union flag but still do you an 'Up the Ra' video for £50”— it was the strongest line in her speech.
Silence on Starmer
There were no wisecracks about Keir Starmer. It's hard to believe that, if a Tory prime minister had such a record on Gaza and all the rest, they wouldn't have secured an incisive one-liner in the SDLP leader's address.
Around 200 delegates attended the conference, and the event wasn't lacking in either energy or enthusiasm.
Varadakar spoke after the SDLP dinner on Friday night. He had been due to depart on Saturday morning with his former Northern Ireland advisor Jim D'Arcy, but such was the conference buzz that they stayed until it ended on late Saturday afternoon.
There is a real warmth among the membership for Hanna. They know what her leadership has brought to the party: how genuine she is and how hard she works. Her brand remains much stronger than the SDLP's corporately.
The party has enjoyed a bounce in the polls — from 8% to 11% — since she took over from Colum Eastwood a year ago, but it is still by no means in a secure zone.
Attracting new talent, more activists, and improving its ground game will be key to its performance in the 2027 Assembly election.
Hanna was nervous last year as she gave her first address as party leader, and she seemed nervous this year too.
Despite the politics of the day, it was also a family occasion. Hanna's parents Carmel and Eamon were present for her speech, and her husband Donal and one of her daughters joined her on the podium afterwards.
The SDLP has wisely curtailed the constant references to its yesterdays, and is instead focussing on today and tomorrow. Citations to Hume and Mallon are for the history books, not for a political party in 2025 appealing to the post-Good Friday Agreement generation.
Matthew O'Toole delivered a hard-hitting speech laced with humour. “DUP MLAs spend much of their time pursuing tribal grievances or MAGA style culture wars,” he said.
“Sinn Fein MLAs don't say much at all, beyond short scripted remarks. And the brutal, unavoidable truth is that the Executive isn't delivering at all. It isn't just failing — it's inert, it's comatose.”
He explained that under Assembly rules, ministers were meant to answer questions quickly. A question he asked in February 2024 about the publication of the Programme for Government was answered last week.
“A question that should have been answered in 10 days, took 20 months. In that time Taylor Swift and Bruce Springsteen had completed world tours,” he said.
“France had four different prime ministers. And my baby daughter — then not even a twinkle in my eye — has just started on solids.
Emma and Michelle quicker to accept Royal invites than answer MLAs questions
“If Emma and Michelle were as quick to answer questions as they are at RSVP for royal invites, we'd be flying.”
The leader of the Opposition took aim at Alliance. He said many people had invested their hopes in Naomi Long's party at the 2022 Assembly election. “We know how historic their success was because — let's face it — it came at our expense!” O'Toole joked.
He accused the party of not fighting the corner of integrated schools when Education Minister Paul Givan “took £150m” off them “days into the new executive”.
On the environment — particularly Lough Neagh — progress by Alliance had been “painfully slow”.
O'Toole noted that when power-sharing was restored Sinn Fein had chosen “three strategic economic departments” — finance, economy and infrastructure.
“They have the unique opportunity to champion and deliver on an all-island agenda,” he said.
“Whether that's expanding cross-border energy projects by driving the north-south interconnector; rebuilding all-island connections broken by partition by putting resource behind all-island rail review; investing in our water infrastructure to encourage cross-border investment.”
There was no shortage of vision on display from the SDLP. However, it has just eight MLAs. It will struggle to hold onto these seats in 2027, let alone win new ones. The party certainly had a successful conference, but having a good election will be a far greater challenge.
Stormont Executive worst one in over a quarter of a century, says SDLP MLA
SUZANNE BREEN, Belfast Telegraph, October 6th, 2025
MCCROSSAN CLAIMS THAT SINN FEIN AND DUP HAVE DELIVERED NOTHING
The current Stormont Executive is the worst one since devolution returned to Northern Ireland over a quarter of a century ago, an SDLP MLA has said.
Daniel McCrossan said the Sinn Fein-DUP led administration excelled at “glossy documents and photo opportunities”, but was failing to deliver for people on life-and-death issues.
The West Tyrone MLA rounded on Gavin Robinson's party for initiating a “Donald Trump-style culture war” in Northern Ireland.
“The DUP has widened its net of targets from nationalists, republicans and gays to now include trans people and those they call illegal immigrants,” he said.
In an interview with the Belfast Telegraph at the SDLP's annual conference on Saturday, Mr McCrossan said: “The current Executive is the worst one we've seen since power-sharing was set up after the Good Friday Agreement in 1998.
“It's utterly dysfunctional, and it's coming nowhere close to meeting the needs of people.
“This Executive excels at glossy documents, photo opportunities and excuses. There are strategies that are never followed up.
“The DUP and Sinn Fein talk about the challenges we're facing regarding our health service, housing and special educational needs.
“They speak of these issues as though they're nothing to do with them. They fail to remind us that they have presided over these failures in government for the past two decades.”
Mr McCrossan claimed that the recent rows and hostility between Stormont's two biggest parties were deliberately staged.
“They find a reason a reason to fight in order to distract us from their failures,” he said.
Nothing to improve lives
“They have calculated that if they keep people divided in their trenches, then it keeps then in power. Division is profitable for Sinn Fein and the DUP.”
The SDLP MLA said that “undelivered projects” were “damning examples of the incompetence of the DUP and Sinn Fein in government”.
“Casement Park, the A5 and other capital projects have spiralled in cost as time has passed,” he said. “In terms of the A5, the cost in human life has spiralled too: 57 people have now been killed on that road.
“Infrastructure Minister Liz Kimmins must see ensure the road upgrade goes ahead. If Sinn Fein fails to deliver the A5, the people of Donegal, Derry, Tyrone and Fermanagh will never forgive it.”
Mr McCrossan accused the DUP of being an entirely negative party. “Where is its positive vision for unionism? What is it offering the next generation of unionists?” he asked.
“The DUP's outlook is unremittingly negative. The party has done more to harm unionism over the past 50 years than anybody or anything else.”
The SDLP MLA claimed Gavin Robinson's party had become “even more reactionary” because it was “running scared of Jim Allister”.
He said: “The DUP is afraid of the TUV, but by following the TUV's political direction it is giving energy to its rival.”
Mr McCrossan said immigration was not a major issue in his constituency. “West Tyrone is an inclusive and diverse constituency. None of my constituents raise immigration with me,” he said.
“I see massive deprivation. People are struggling to heat their homes, feed their families, and put fuel in their cars.
"Stormont is doing absolutely nothing to improve their lives.”
Levelling up of language rights across north is long overdue
CHRIS DONNELLY, Irish News, October 6th, 2025
IT was my daughter who finally guilted me into attending Irish classes, after years of threatening to follow through on the pledge had come to naught.
Life is busy, and it became too easy to put it off for another year (what’s Irish for ‘mañana…’), until she suggested we make it a joint endeavour, an offer this father could not refuse.
Áras Mhic Reachtain is jampacked on Monday evenings as hundreds filter in to the many classes run simultaneously to develop the language skills and knowledge for aspiring Irish speakers at different stages in their development.
I have used different phrases and greetings as Gaeilge in exchanges with people over many years, but it has been great to try out my fledgling language knowledge on the Primary 4 and 5 pupils who have been learning a similar curriculum with Gerard ‘Yash’ Armstrong, the legendary Rossa footballer and former De La Salle College teacher who takes Irish lessons with the children of my school every Wednesday.
I had not sat through Irish classes since Mrs Thompson’s third-year lessons in St Mary’s, Barrack Street, back when the sound of the British Army helicopter dropping supplies to Her Majesty’s forces perched atop Divis Tower to spy on the locals invariably drowned out the teacher’s valiant efforts.
The new draft Irish language policy adopted by Belfast City Council is a positive step towards redressing centuries of British and unionist state policy in Ireland which led to the emasculation of Irish culture – not least the language – as part of a deliberate strategy which proved to be devastatingly successful.
The absence of a visible and prominent place for Irish in Béal Feirste, the second city of Ireland, has been a scandal rooted in unionism’s desire to deny the geographical, historical and cultural realities of the place they call home.
Thankfully, it is political realities which have now made this possible.
Prominent amongst those responsible for reviving the language over a century ago were Belfast Protestants including Dr John St Clair Boyd, first president of the Belfast branch of Conradh na Gaeilge, the organisation set up by another Protestant, Douglas Hyde, who would go on to become the first Uachtarán na hÉireann (President of Ireland).
The two most prominent Irish language cultural centres in Belfast, Cultúrlann McAdam Ó Fiaich and Áras Mhic Reachtain, are both named for significant personalities from the Protestant tradition.
Alas, as sure as night follows day, there have been unrelenting complaints from unionist politicians, even ridiculous claims that staff and council property could be attacked if the Irish language featured in future on the council logo.
Step forward DUP leader Gavin Robinson, who solemnly warned that city council staff will now “have to be branded in a way that they are uncomfortable with”, conjuring up an image of staff waiting in line for the hot iron to be applied.
As ever, it is the absence of self-awareness that is breathtaking.
Every day, Royal Mail employees can be seen in all parts of the city delivering post in uniforms which, like their vans, prominently display the British royal crown. Hundreds of employees stream in and out of the Royal Victoria Hospital which, like the university across town, is named for a British monarch.
The streets around Sinn Féin’s Falls Road headquarters include Sevastapol and Odessa, named to honour British involvement in the Crimean War, whilst city centre streets laud the ethnic-cleansing, sectarian mass murderer Arthur Chichester, correctly described as a “monster” by Cathal O’Byrne.
His fellow monster, Oliver Cromwell, is honoured with his own road in the south of the city, whilst Lord Kitchener, the brute responsible for the obscene scorched earth policy and conception of concentration camps in South Africa, in which tens of thousands of black and white women and children suffered horrible deaths, is also honoured with a street name in the city.
Seemingly blind to all around him, former Ulster Unionist councillor John Kyle declared last week that the council decision would “set community relations back a decade”.
The BBC did not cover itself in glory again when its high-profile and controversial host, Stephen Nolan, invited Jamie Bryson on to his TV programme and failed to intervene when the loyalist figure openly mocked Irish language words in the ‘curry my yoghurt’ style of Gregory Campbell.
Levelling Up ‘long overdue’
The levelling-up process across northern Irish society is long overdue. Parity of esteem demands that what was once exclusively British is now increasingly shared, with the Irish tradition and culture finding a place and space.
Those resisting the equality agenda will claim objections on the grounds of concern for public finances, reconciliation, or that such proposals somehow raise ‘fears’.
The dubious nature of the complaints would be hilarious were they not so tragic and indicative of the woeful standard of leadership being offered to unionism’s grassroots.
Step forward the DUP’s junior firebrand, Dean McCullough, who proclaimed that “the unionist community have been ignored, their concerns have been dismissed, disregarded, demonised. They do not want Irish language anything”.
Presumably Dean is talking about the residents of Ballysillan (town of the willow groves), Shankill (old church), Finaghy (white field), Knocknagoney (hill of the rabbits) and Ballyhackamore (town of the soft mud) – all districts in the city with place names derived from the very language of which Dean wants no part. Education, be damned.
Some unionist politicians and commentators have been reduced to introducing false equivalence to deflect from the small-minded and petulant nature of their protests.
For the avoidance of doubt, forcing hundreds of loyalists down the Garvaghy Road or Crumlin Road is equivalent not to bilingual street signs, but rather to a similar number of republicans parading – complete with republican bands – through the loyalist Edgarstown or Ballysillan districts, scenarios which everyone knows would never be contemplated by unionism.
Irish language group calls for all parties to condemn UDA and UVF threats
GABRIELLE SWAN, Belfast Telegraph, October 6th, 2025
TERROR GROUPS WARN THAT THEY'LL SET FIRE TO ANY BELFAST CITY COUNCIL PROPERTY WITH DUAL-LANGUAGE
There has been widespread condemnation of threats from the UVF and UDA to carry out an arson campaign against Belfast City Council property displaying Irish language signage.
The threats from the loyalist paramilitary organisations came after Belfast City Council voted in favour of a new Irish language policy.
This would mean that both English and Irish would be displayed on council buildings, vehicles and uniforms.
A unionist motion to exempt staff uniforms from the policy was defeated by 42 votes to 17.
The Sunday Life reported that UVF and UDA members would carry out arson attacks against any property displaying the Irish language owned by the council.
In a briefing, representatives of both the UVF and UDA warned of future violence, saying: “Loyalists will embark on a campaign of burning any council vans or centres displaying Irish language signage in order to make the Belfast City Council policy unworkable.”
Ulster Unionist councillor Jim Rodgers disagrees with the new policy, but strongly condemned the threats made by the paramilitary gangs.
“As the longest serving councillor in Belfast City Council, serving 33 years, I totally condemn anyone who is threatening action, even though they may not be happy with this decision,” he said. “The UUP firmly believes in ensuring that the law is not broken. We are very much opposed to what happened a few days ago. I am a democrat but there are times you have to speak out, you have to express your opinion when you think things are not right.
“That is what happened in this case. I fear that the situation has gotten worse.
“I appeal to people not to take the law into their own hands. We can go into conversation about it, but the last thing you want is people fighting or people getting caught in illegal behaviour.”
Joining him in condemnation of the threats was the SDLP group leader for Belfast City Council, Séamas de Faoite.
“Paramilitaries shouldn't exist, whether that's to make 'threats' or to brief newspapers,” said the councillor.
“The council's Irish language policy simply seeks to recognise the legitimate place of the Irish language and its importance to many people in our city and across this island.
“We will work with the council and its staff at every opportunity to ensure that this policy is successful.”
Alliance Party councillor Michael Long said: “To see such threats being made following the result of a democratic vote, taken by those who are actually elected to represent the people of Belfast, is nothing short of downright sinister.
“It only further highlights that the only real aim of these groups is to continue their coercive control over our communities, fanning the flames of tension, fear, and violence for their own agendas.
“That this comes so soon after the appointment of an official paramilitary interlocutor demonstrates the UK and Irish Governments' glaring misstep in treating these proscribed organisations as legitimate parties to be negotiated with, rather than the violent criminals that they are.”
Irish interest in Middle East is not just symbolic
NOEL DORAN, Irish News, October 6th, 2025
THE eyes of the world are on Gaza as we reach the second anniversary of the October 7 attacks tomorrow, and there are few other countries where people are following events there more closely than in Ireland.
It is obvious that the appalling bloodshed in the region goes back many decades further than 24 months, but it is equally clear that the Hamas invasion of Israel was a major turning point which has led to slaughter on an unprecedented scale, with war crimes committed by both sets of combatants, and the US framework designed to end the conflict still surrounded by uncertainties.
All the statistics are grimly familiar by now, with 1,200 people killed and a further 250 taken hostage by Hamas before the Israeli Defence Forces began what can only be regarded as a campaign of genocide in Gaza, resulting in an estimated 65,000 deaths, the overwhelming majority of them women and children.
It is striking that nationalists and unionists have such committed and radically contrasting views on what is happening 2,500 miles away, and are frequently prepared to declare their allegiances through the widespread public display of emblems.
There is invariably a danger that, in our divided society, one side will want to find ways of contradicting and confronting the other without necessarily having a detailed understanding of the issues under discussion.
Some visitors to loyalist parts of north Belfast two decades ago were taken aback to find the unmistakeable flags of Israel and Egypt being deliberately placed together on a range of lampposts.
It transpired that members of the illegal Ulster Defence Association wanted to pay homage to their then self-styled brigadier, Andre Shoukri, whose father was Egyptian, while simultaneously displaying their opposition to the Palestinian cause, and were not unduly perturbed by the clash of symbols.
In fairness, other observers within both main traditions have taken a long term and much better informed interest in the Middle East, going back to and even before the seismic Balfour Declaration of 1917, which declared Britain’s support for a “national home for the Jewish people in Palestine”, and paved the way for what eventually became the state of Israel in 1948.
Unionist and Zionist links
It is fascinating to examine the archives and, among other factors, consider Arthur Balfour’s ardent unionist beliefs, as well as his contentious role, before he became British prime minister and later foreign secretary, when, as chief secretary of Ireland, police acting on his orders fired on and killed unarmed land reform protestors at Mitchelstown, Co Cork, in 1887.
An Israeli flag flies close to Windsor Park in south Belfast
Ronald Storrs, the British military governor of Jerusalem from 1917 to 1920, drew even more direct parallels when he later said that forming Israel meant the creation of a “little loyal Jewish Ulster in a sea of potentially hostile Arabism”.
The British home secretary in 1916, Herbert Samuel, supervised the internment of almost 2,000 republicans after the Easter Rising and approved the execution of Roger Casement before becoming the first high commissioner of Palestine.
When Samuel needed assistance in his new role after announcing a state of emergency in 1921, hundreds of members of the notorious Black and Tans who were no longer required in Ireland were sent to Palestine at the instigation of Winston Churchill.
The militant Zionists who went on to direct prolonged and intensive violence against the British authorities there before Israel came into being also looked to Ireland for their tactics, as has been well documented.
Yitzhak Shamir, who eventually became Israeli prime minister, used the pseudonym Michael – referring to Michael Collins – during his underground days as leader of the extremist Lehi group, also known as the Stern gang.
It was named after Avraham Stern, who translated Patrick Sarsfield O’Hegarty’s 1924 book The Victory of Sinn Féin into Hebrew, while Shamir was also noted as a student of Irish republican literature.
Connections between Ireland and Israel have taken many other twists since then, including the stage shortly before the signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985 when, according to state papers subsequently released in Dublin, the Israeli ambassador to London told his Irish counterpart that he had been approached by the late DUP leader Ian Paisley, who was seeking arms for what was described as “border protection”.
The request from Paisley, who launched the openly paramilitary Ulster Resistance organisation the following year in response to the Anglo-Irish Agreement, was turned down by Israel.
Nationalist and unionist perceptions about developments in the Middle East since 1948, never mind 2023, may differ sharply, but, whether or not the flags which dominate so many of our main roads are appropriate, the historical links behind them are a matter of record.
Unintended consequences …Students increasingly turning away from US to the Middle East
ZAINAB FATTAH, JANET LORIN, Irish News, October 6th, 2025
IN recent weeks, hundreds of students from around the world have arrived just outside Qatar’s capital of Doha, headed for a stretch of desert that hosts one of the largest clusters of American universities overseas. Some have chosen to go to offshore branches of top US schools, including Northwestern, Carnegie Mellon and Georgetown. Others to a large local college.
Those arrivals have helped propel enrollment at this small but emerging education hub – funded by the Arab world’s richest nation – to a record. Rising demand is a contrast with the US, where international arrivals are showing signs of tailing off as President Donald Trump’s administration has clashed with institutions like Harvard, frozen billions of dollars in government funding, threatened to bar foreign students and delayed visas.
For some of the US schools it can be a valuable source of revenue at a time of squeezed finances that demonstrates the enduring power of their brands. But their presence in Qatar also risks giving Republican lawmakers and the White House an opportunity to vilify their ties to Middle Eastern money. Critics have accused Qatar – which hosts an office of the Palestinian militant group Hamas – of leveraging partnerships with American schools to extend influence in the US – and of propagating anti-Israel and antisemitic views.
In 2024, Texas A&M said it would terminate its agreement early after reports about its research collaborations in the region and it isn’t enrolling a freshman class for a second year.
While the Texas exit sparked fears other universities might follow, that didn’t materialise. Instead, Washington’s moves to reshape American higher education are injecting momentum into Doha’s ambitions.
Dynamic change coming
“What is happening in the United States is triggering a much more dynamic movement of international education outside of the United States,” Francisco Marmolejo, president of higher education at the Qatar Foundation, which funds the hub, said in an interview. “Parents and students no longer see the US as the only place where they consider that education might be the option.”
Doha’s district is home to six American universities, a line-up that also includes Georgetown, Texas A&M and Virginia Commonwealth. In addition, it houses French business school HEC Paris and Qatar’s Hamad Bin Khalifa University. Total enrolment in this centre rose about 12% to 4,463 this year, its officials say.
While that’s a fraction of the almost 1 million foreign students that go to the US each year, Qatari ambitions are only growing. The hub is developing a new model to bring academic programs from several international colleges on a single Doha campus and is in discussions with universities in the US and elsewhere for that, said Marmolejo. It would be on the space that Texas A&M now occupies.
While Education City was once populated mainly by students from nearby countries, the hub says they are now coming from as far afield as Africa and South America.
Natural gas sales have turned Qatar into one of the world’s richest countries, with a $500 billion sovereign wealth fund and per capita GDP of more than $70,000. It’s leveraging that money to diversify its economy, train its own population and boost its soft power globally. This nation of about 3 million – mostly expat – has hosted the 2022 FIFA World Cup, acted as a vital US ally and has played an outsize role in global politics by acting as a negotiator with Hamas and Iran. Education City dovetails with Doha’s efforts to boost its international heft.
One South Asian student, who arrived at Northwestern Qatar this August and asked not to be identified discussing personal matters, said she had long dreamed of studying in the US like her father. Although she was accepted by several schools in the US, the arrests and deportations of international students worried her family. Getting an American education in Doha seemed like an astute middle path, she said.
Still, Doha’s efforts to win influence by mediating in international conflicts has the potential to complicate its efforts at nation building. As Iran and Israel lobbed missiles at each other in June, the Islamic Republic hit a US base in Qatar. More recently, Israel conducted strikes on Hamas’s Doha offices. Life quickly returned to normal after both attacks because they were contained. But if Qatar were to be repeatedly pulled into the region’s geopolitical tur-moil, it risks losing its reputation as a safe place to live and do business.
While the size of incoming classes can be small in Qatar and sometimes number less than a hundred for some colleges, Doha’s investments have drawn scrutiny in the US.
In April, Education Secretary Linda McMahon criticised the Biden administration for “allowing nations like China and Qatar to funnel billions of dollars to US universities with little to no oversight.” Such funding reshapes how elite campuses teach about Israel and the Middle East, she said. Qatar has rebutted such criticism, saying its payments to universities are not gifts but fees for operating campuses. The colleges independently handle teaching without any interference from Qatar, the Gulf hub says.
Students, meanwhile, say their families are focused on the daily college experience in Doha, and they are attracted by its low crime rate. Some can also apply for interest free education loans in the hub and could get them written off by working in Qatar for some years.
In the US, visitors arriving on student permits plunged in July, falling year-on-year for a fourth straight month, according to data from the International Trade Administration. Meanwhile, a proposed overhaul of the H1-B work visa system that many foreign graduates use could also dent interest in US schools.
Countries like the UK are also attempting to lure students, boosting competition for Doha. In Shanghai, Maggie Tan, who runs an overseas education consultancy, said demand’s jumped for satellite campuses like NYU Shanghai and Duke Kunshan. In the UAE, Alex Lopez Martin, an 18-year-old from Madrid recently arrived at NYU Abu Dhabi after turning down several schools in the US on concerns about Washington’s policies and as he received a more generous scholarship in Abu Dhabi.
“My cohort is very diverse with so many international students from the US, Spain, Hungary, Japan, Korea and many other countries,’’ Lopez said. Qatar campuses offer limited programs, and for US universities any revenue from the offshore branches can be a fraction of the global total.
Yet the long-term potential remains hard to ignore. Georgetown and Carnegie Mellon recently extended their Qatar contracts by a decade. “It is no longer just a US sort of sector,” Marmolejo said. “It is literally a global one.” – Washington Post
How Dutchman who fought Nazis forgave IRA after 36-day captivity
PAT MCGARTY, Belfast Telegraph, October 6th, 2025
DR TIEDE HERREMA WAS KIDNAPPED NEAR HIS LIMERICK HOME FIFTY YEARS AGO THIS WEEK
Fifty years ago this week, Dr Tiede Herrema left his home at Castletroy in the Limerick suburbs to travel to an early-morning meeting.
The 54-year-old managing director of Ferenka was travelling to the company's steel-cable manufacturing plant in nearby Annacotty.
Owned by Dutch multinational AKZO, Ferenka had opened its Limerick plant in 1969 and was the biggest employer in the area, with a workforce of 1,400 people.
However, by the early 1970s, relations between management and unions had deteriorated and Ferenka was riven with ongoing strikes and work stoppages.
As a result of the industrial relations situation, Dr Herrema, a mechanical engineer and industrial relations specialist, was appointed managing director of the Limerick plant in 1973.
The Dutch national moved to Ireland with his wife Elizabeth and their two youngest sons to become boss of AKZO's Irish operation.
Soon after leaving home on that fateful autumn morning, and less than a quarter of a mile away from his house, Dr Herrema's car was stopped at a bogus garda checkpoint.
Dr Herrema was taken at gunpoint by an IRA splinter group led by Donegal man Eddie Gallagher.
In a phone call to the Dutch embassy in Dublin, the kidnappers demanded the release from Portlaoise Prison of Gallagher's partner, Oxford educated debutante and IRA activist Rose Dugdale, IRA leader Kevin Mallon, and another republican prisoner, James Hyland.
Further demands included a payment of £2m and safe passage to the Middle East. The kidnappers threatened to kill Dr Herrema unless their demands were met within 48 hours.
Kidnapping rash
In the 1970s, kidnapping wealthy individuals for ransom or political leverage was not uncommon in Europe.
Various militant groups across the continent including the Baader Meinhof Group-Red Army Faction in Germany and the Red Brigades in Italy had resorted to similar methods.
Dr Herrema's status as manager of a large multinational corporation was hoped to bring international pressure on the Irish government to yield to the kidnappers' demands.
Fearful that the kidnapping of a foreign industrialist would threaten Ireland's reputation for foreign direct investment, the Fine Gael-Labour coalition government led by taoiseach Liam Cosgrave issued a statement refusing to meet the kidnappers' demands.
However, the Dutch government and Herrema's employers appealed to their Irish counterparts to do what was necessary to save Dr Herrema's life, and AKZO sent a former Dutch foreign minister to Ireland to act as a negotiator.
The kidnapping caused shock waves in government and business circles, and the biggest manhunt in the State's history involving over 4,000 gardaí, supported by army personnel, was launched. Despite a widespread search operation, neither the kidnappers nor Dr Herrema were found and many feared that the Dutch man was dead.
Finally, just over two weeks later on October 21, the kidnappers were tracked to a housing estate at St Evin's Park in Monasterevin, Co Kildare. A brief gun-battle took place when the house was stormed, and Gallagher and his accomplice Marion Coyle retreated to the upper floor with Dr Herrema.
After an 18-day standoff and following prolonged negotiations, led by garda chief superintendent Laurence Wren, during which a minimum amount of food was allowed into the house, the kidnappers surrendered on November 7.
Tiede Herrema was released after 36 days in captivity. Following a holiday in the Bahamas to recover from his kidnap ordeal, Dr Herrema returned to Ferenka and resumed his job.
Soon after, in December 1975, he and his wife Elizabeth were honoured by the government with honorary Irish citizenship, and the couple also received the Freedom of Limerick.
In his home country, Dr Herrema was also voted 1975 Dutchman of the Year.
In March 1976, Eddie Gallagher was sentenced to 20 years in jail, and Marion Coyle received a 15-year sentence. Coyle was released from prison in 1985 and Gallagher in 1990.
In the aftermath of his kidnap ordeal, Herrema's attitude to his kidnappers was seen by many observers as magnanimous in expressing no grievances and stating: “I see them as children with a lot of problems. If they were my own children, I would do my utmost to help them.”
Surviving the Nazis
Dr Herrema attributed part of the reason for his survival to physical and psychological fitness and his humble upbringing in the Netherlands.
After the Nazi occupation of the Netherlands in 1940, he was active in the Dutch resistance and was captured and sent to a labour camp in Poland. After being liberated by Soviet forces in April 1945, he walked over 500km to American lines before returning home.
Following his retirement from AKZO in 1983, Dr Herrema established a consultancy practice and served in a succession of public service roles in the Netherlands, including chairman of the Dutch Red Cross.
Despite the 36-day kidnap ordeal in 1975, both Tiede and Elizabeth Herrema consistently said that “Ireland has a special place in our hearts”.
Although living in the Netherlands, the couple were frequent visitors to Ireland, where they still had many friends.
Elizabeth died after a long illness on April 19, 2020, and five days later, Tiede Herrema, the man at the centre of one of the most dramatic episodes in Ireland's modern history died, three days after his 99th birthday.
Anti-Poverty Strategy points to problems but offers few solutions
PLATFORM: DR CIARA FITZPATRICK and SIOBHÁN HARDING, Irish News, October 6th, 2025
THE consultation process for the draft Anti-Poverty Strategy has recently closed and we have no confidence that Minister for Communities Gordon Lyons will act to take the action needed to address poverty.
He recently defended his plan on the BBC NI podcast The State of Us and dismissed the concerns of 95 organisations and individuals who wrote to the executive to ask them to go back to the drawing board.
The minister said the letter did not provide a “fair representation” of the draft strategy.
It is undeniable that the contents of the document categorically fail to reflect the everyday realities of people’s lives or to address the financial pressures they contend with as the cost-of-living crisis stretches household incomes.
The draft strategy often pointed to a problem, but there was no subsequent read across to the ‘strategic commitments’.
For example, it notes that “food insecurity is an issue that cuts across all age groups, on every day of the year including weekends, when a child is sick and also during school holidays”.
Yet, there is no commitment to reinstate ‘holiday hunger payments’ which were cut by the permanent secretary of the Department of Education in 2023.
No attempt to roll out ‘Breakfast Clubs’
There is no offer to roll out ‘breakfast clubs’, which the Labour government is implementing in England. Neither is there a commitment to increase the value or extend access to free school meals.
Again, the Labour government has recently announced that all households in England in receipt of Universal Credit will be entitled to free school meals.
The 90,000 children living in absolute poverty in the north are owed the Barnett Consequential for this policy change, but they are being denied the right, as this money will go into a general pot that is used to patch the holes in other areas.
We spent the consultation period listening to women talk about poverty and financial hardship to understand what interventions they want to see.
Some 145 people who are either living on a low income or who are supporting those on a low income provided written feedback on the draft strategy and they took the opportunity to voice the disconnect between those up on the Hill and the thousands of people languishing in poverty at the bottom of it.
One respondent said: “The draft that has been released is quite frankly a slap in the face. I myself see hard-ship every day. I work with it, I see it and I’ve lived it. What I can see in this draft is a continuation of what already exists: no big changes, no big plans… no money!
“How any government could listen to the lived experience, nod along with it and then publish a document as cold, heartless and meaningless as this, is a real shame for to kit their children out for school.
There is no commitment to increase the school uniform grant now or in the future, despite rising costs.
“ 145 people who are either living on a low income or who are supporting those on a low income provided written feedback on the draft strategy and they took the opportunity to voice the disconnect between those up on the Hill and the thousands of people languishing in poverty at the bottom of it
Parents with secondary school children receive just over £90, despite recent research from the Irish Northern Ireland. I am disgusted and I know I’m not alone.”
Most of the respondents (78%) felt that the draft Anti-Poverty Strategy would make no difference to the financial hardship and poverty that people experience.
A further 15% reported they were unsure if it would make a difference and only 7% felt that it would make a difference.
82% have no faith in anti-poverty initiatives
Some 82% of respondents also rated the draft strategy as ‘poor’ – a damning indictment of the executive’s attempt to address growing poverty levels here.
The interventions suggested by women in the feedback and during our engagements represented common-sense approaches to tackling poverty.
An issue that came up time and time again was the need to cap the cost of school uniforms and provide more support through the school uniform grant which is awarded to households on a very low income.
Unfortunately, the School Uniform Bill, currently going through the assembly, is unlikely to make any material difference to parents struggling
League of Credit Unions showing that the average cost of a secondary school uniform is £1,094.
There were many respondents who were in work and struggling to get by. This aligns with evidence that shows that most children who are in poverty live in a household where someone is working, with many impacted by the two-child limit on Universal Credit.
There was despair that the draft strategy committed to undertaking more research on the impact of the two-child limit, rather than taking action to protect people from it.
This is despite there being a strong consensus between all political parties in the north that it should go. Scotland has committed to getting rid of the harmful policy from next year.
It is nothing less than shocking that the executive thought it was acceptable to publish a draft Anti-Poverty Strategy that didn’t include one clear action that would make a tangible difference to the thousands of people who are struggling to put food on the table.
A respondent summed it up well: “It all makes me very sad. I don’t see any change for me in my situation, and I know a lot of people in my situation. And I just don’t see any change for me out of this strategy.”
Dr Ciara Fitzpatrick is a senior lecturer at Ulster University and Siobhán Harding is research and policy officer at the Women’s Regional Consortium.
Can tradition of Ulster dissent reveal new middle ground?
DR PAUL BURGESS, Belfast Telegraph, October 10th, 2025
Northern Ireland's politics is weary. More than a quarter of a century after the Good Friday Agreement, the promise of a new political culture has curdled into stalemate.
Mandatory coalition, designed to safeguard inclusion, has ossified into a machine of dysfunction. Sinn Fein and the DUP dominate the Executive, but also posture as opposition, producing a curious system in which accountability is diluted and blame diffused.
The effect is paralysis Institutions collapse at regular intervals, whether over the Protocol or a botched energy scheme. Policies are made and unmade in the same breath. The Assembly is kept alive more by procedure than by conviction. The Northern Ireland Life and Times survey (2023) revealed that only 35% of citizens trust the Assembly. For a legislature born in the hope of peace and renewal, it is a damning statistic.
More telling still is the generational shift. Younger voters are increasingly disillusioned with the binary. Over a third now identify as “neither unionist nor nationalist”. Their refusal to tick the old boxes is not apathy, but a clear signal: the electorate is hungry for something beyond the Sinn Fein-DUP duopoly.
Pop culture reflects the malaise. Give My Head Peace and The Blame Game lampoon politicians as clowns and charlatans. Comedian Neil Delamere jokes that Stormont is like the Titanic, “except the iceberg is invited in as a junior minister”. The humour raises a laugh, but beneath it lies a corrosive cynicism: that the system is incapable of delivering change. If ever there were a time to recover Ulster's dissenting tradition, it is now.
A forgotten third strand Ulster dissenters — Presbyterians above all, but also Methodists, Baptists, Congregationalists and Quakers — were never merely a footnote to the Protestant story. They were at once colonists and colonised: beneficiaries of the 17th-century plantations, yet subject to the discrimination of the Anglican establishment. Denied full civil rights, they developed a culture of suspicion toward monopolies of power and a stubborn insistence on conscience.
At their most radical, dissenters were the driving force behind the United Irishmen of the 1790s. Belfast Presbyterians like Henry Joy McCracken and William Drennan dreamed of a politics that would transcend sectarian lines. Their rallying cry — “Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter” — was an attempt to craft a common civic identity, grounded in liberty and fraternity. The rebellion of 1798 failed, mercilessly crushed. Yet its echo endures as proof that Ulster once dared to imagine politics beyond the binary.
Of course, dissent was never only radical. By the 19th century, many Presbyterians had aligned with unionist respectability. The tradition became bifurcated: revolutionary memory alongside loyalist reality. Yet that very ambivalence is what makes dissent usable today. It demonstrates that identities are not fixed.
Why dissent matters now. There are three reasons dissent is relevant today. First, its working-class pedigree. Belfast's linen weavers, overwhelmingly Presbyterian, were the backbone of 1790s radicalism. Politicised by economic grievance and Enlightenment pamphlets, they turned dissent into a popular movement. In the 20th century, Protestant radicals played key roles in the labour movement. This matters because any centrist project must avoid Alliance's fate: a party respected but often dismissed as middle-class and detached from working-class realities. A dissenter politics can claim a more authentic vernacular — rooted in the idioms of labour, mutual aid, and conscience.
An ethos of conscience
Second, its ethos of conscience. Dissenters insisted on individual interpretation of scripture, congregational independence, the right to dissent from authority. Translated politically, this means accountability. Leaders must answer to principles, not just their tribal base.
In an Assembly where accountability is diffused, such a politics would be revolutionary.
Third, its cultural symbolism. From Psalm-singing to punk rock, dissent has left a deep cultural imprint. Contemporary literature continues this questioning impulse. Glenn Patterson's novels probe Belfast's conscience; Jan Carson's magical realism exposes the absurdities of division; David Park's work explores trauma and responsibility. Satire, song, and story all remind us that dissent is more than theology — it is a civic imagination.
A roadmap for renewal How might dissent be reactivated? Not by launching a new “Dissenter Party” overnight, but by stages. Cultural reclamation: retelling the stories of McCracken, Drennan, and the weavers; commissioning murals and plays that highlight dissent's radical strand.
Civic forums: convening local assemblies on housing, health, jobs - bread-and-butter issues that matter across communities.
Electoral entry: fielding independents with civic credibility who embody conscience rather than careerism.
Institutional reform: campaigning for a formal opposition at Stormont, curbing veto powers, and strengthening the “Other” designation.
Long-term reimagining: cultivating a political culture where conscience and accountability matter more than tribal loyalty. Risks and opportunities There are obvious obstacles. Many will see dissent as too bound up with unionism to be a credible bridge. Sectarian leaders will mock it as naive. Stormont's structures marginalise “Others”. Creative and imaginative leadership is scarce. Yet dissenters were always ambivalent, always awkward.
They lived in contradiction, sometimes radical, sometimes conservative. Their awkwardness was their strength: a refusal to conform, a determination to speak truth to power. That awkwardness may be exactly what Northern Irish politics needs now.
Time for dissent again?
Time to dissent again The electorate is weary. Citizens want accountability, competence, imagination. Younger generations in particular are signalling that they are not content with the old tribal labels. In such a moment, the dissenter tradition offers a resource: not nostalgia, but a living memory of conscience, working-class radicalism, and cultural creativity.
As journalist Fintan O'Toole has written: “The future of Ireland will not be found in the repetition of its binaries, but in the invention of something new, rooted in memory but turned towards possibility.”
The dissenter tradition is one such memory. Whether it becomes possibility depends on whether citizens are willing, once again, to dissent.
Dr Paul Burgess is a Belfast-born academic, novelist, and songwriter/musician. His current project, The Contested Identities of Ulster Dissenters: Rediscovering a Radical Tradition for a Centrist Future, is part of a trilogy which includes The Contested Identities of Ulster Protestants and The Contested Identities of Ulster Catholics. (Palgrave MacMillan)
'The next thing Sky News announced breaking news...and I was mortified'
SINN FEIN MP PAT CULLEN TALKS ABOUT BEING ANNOUNCED AS A CANDIDATE, HER CAREER IN NURSING AND WHY SHE BELIEVES THAT A UNITED IRELAND IS IN EVERYONE'S INTERESTS. BY ALLISON MORRIS
Sinn Fein MP Pat Cullen says it was as a mental health nurse, working at Belfast's interfaces during the Troubles, that shaped how she now lobbies at Westminster for her constituents.
Fresh back from the Labour conference, the Fermanagh and South Tyrone MP says she has a good working relationship with Andy Burnham, the man tipped as the next leader of the party.
Adding that she also admires Jeremy Corbyn, as a man of “integrity”, but has not yet had a meeting with his new party of the left.
The youngest of seven children, Pat says she always knew she wanted to follow her elder sisters into the nursing profession, but says she had never considered a career in politics.
“I would never have described our family as political, I can't remember politics ever being discussed, but obviously, I know, now looking back, inevitably it was,” she said.
“When you come from Carrickmore and a community that really did suffer the worst of times during the conflict, politics were talked about.”
The career change came at a time when she was head of the Royal College of Nursing (RNC).
As head of the RCN she led the nurses out on strike for the first time in 103 years, something that earned her a reputation for being radical.
Given her high profile, her move into politics made headlines. “I was in the kitchen, making a cup of tea and the next thing Sky News announced breaking news,” she recalled.
“I was watching and wondering what the breaking news was and it was me, I was mortified, absolutely mortified, I thought, why would anybody be interested in what I'm doing?”
Having attended a convent school in Omagh as a self-confessed “rebellious child” she finished her secondary education in The Dean in Carrickmore, now Dean Maguirc College.
“The nuns couldn't wait to see the back of me … The Dean was where I really found my place at school.
“That was the most fantastic school and it brought out the absolute best in me, I really thrived at it”.
With four of Pat's elder sisters nurses, she says “there was almost an inevitability” about her career choice.
“When I was growing up, I had a fascination with their beautiful uniforms and at that stage we did have beautiful uniforms.
“I remember watching my mother starching the hats and cuffs. My eldest sister Bridie would coming home and talk so fondly of her last shift on the ward and some of the patients that she'd nursed.
“So that was really in my blood, but the one big thing that really influenced me in nursing was my only sister who isn't a nurse has a learning disability, and she is absolutely the boss of our house.
“I was really blown away with how my mother raised Anna to really achieve at a really high level for someone who's got quite a profound learning disability.
Mental health
“When I moved into mental health nursing, you actually have the privilege of nursing a lot of people who have an underlying learning disabilities.
“I had a three month placement within an acute mental health unit, and immediately that I stepped in the door of mental health services, I knew that that was where I was going to end up, that's where my career should be.
“I think everything that I've done in relation to nursing within mental health facilities has not just shaped me, but shaped my whole life”, she said.
Pat worked along the Falls and Shankill roads during that time, visiting people in metal health crisis.
“I was really seeing it from what people would have called various sides of the community”, she said.
“The pain and the heartache and the impact of the conflict felt exactly the same.”
Pat started nursing school in Belfast when she was 17-years-old: “I remember packing and thinking it was a million miles away.
“I lived in Antrim with my sister Bridie, who was a ward sister, and she was a ward sister in every respect.
“Being the eldest — and at that point my mother had passed away, I always say I had five mothers, my four elder sisters and my mum.
“Bridie didn't have any children, so I nearly became her daughter as well as her sister and she expected really high standards from me.
“Bridie, as we all do, had a very strong Christian faith and so any time I wasn't on shift, we had mass every morning and I was expected to be there and there was a curfew right up until I left her house.”
After mental health nursing — by then married to her GP husband Enda and with two children — she took up a post within the Department of Health.
“I went to work as a nurse advisor at the time when Bairbre de Brun was the health minister,” she said.
“She was definitely a workaholic, but she expected us to be the same.
“And because we could see the change that it was having communities, we actually really did get in behind that and it was fantastic.
“It didn't matter whether it was services that needed to be developed within the Shankill Road or in the Falls Road, she treated every proposal and every development objectively. I really then got a flavour for how much influence policy and legislation can bring to people's lives”.
In 2019 Pat was appointed head on the RCN, “some people might say they were turbulent times, some people might say I brought the turbulence with me”.
“Nursing in the North was in a pretty dire state, they were totally out of pay parity with nurses in England, Scotland and Wales”, she said of that time.
“They hadn't had a pay rise in I think about seven years.
“I had the most palatial office in Windsor Avenue, and I remember coming in sitting at this lovely desk and thinking to myself, now what do I do?
‘If you listen to nurses you listen to patients’
“I thought the answer to this lies with the actual nursing profession, because I truly believe, that if you listen to nurses, you listen to patients.
“So I decided within a couple of weeks of arriving into that job that I was going to get out amongst the nursing workforce and ask them what they wanted, what they expected me to do.
“So for days on end, I used to go out, just get into my car on my own and go to every single ward in every hospital in the north.
“They (nurses) are the only group in the health service that's there, 24 hours a day and 365 days a year, Christmas Day and every other day, you will never walk into any hospital and not find nurses.
“When I was in negotiating on behalf of my own profession at Westminster, I knew in my heart what those people were thinking.
“The majority of nurses are working class people … they are a female dominant profession.
“People do need to have a voice at the table and local politicians — and that includes me — should be their voice and not be afraid.
“I actually have a responsibility to speak up for people.”
The selection of Pat Cullen as a candidate, replacing sitting MP Michelle Gildernew was not without controversy.
There was criticism that she didn't live in the constituency and that might damage her prospects. However, she was elected with a 4,500 majority, against the unionist unity candidate Diana Armstrong, a record for the once marginal constituency.
She said canvassing “was like just being back at home”.
“Whilst I love Belfast, if anybody asks me where I come from I say Carrickmore.
“Nearly 25,000 people actually went out on a day, went to a polling station and voted for me.
“And that in itself is a privilege, but it comes with a responsibility as well because when people do that they expect something back from you and that's my challenge now.”
As an abstentionist MP, who does not sit in parliament, she says her working week is split between lobbying in Westminster and constituency work.
“I had a very good relationship with Jeremy (Corbyn). Every picket line that I was on in London, Jeremy arrived on his bike.
“I would have met on many occasions with Andy Burnham … we could learn an awful lot from him actually.
“He's been a formidable mayor and a mayor for the people and has developed and enhanced Manchester beyond recognition.”
But she added: “We are not best served in Westminster.
“Our people aren't … I believe the North is treated as a forgotten entity.
“Our people here are best served in a united Ireland, and I truly, truly believe that.
“We need to move towards a referendum, within this decade to do the right thing for our people.”
Sinn Fein are not running a candidate in the Irish presidential elections, instead backing Catherine Connelly.
“That was a big decision for the party and it wasn't the one that they took lightly,” she said.
“There has to be a change of government in the South. So in our decisions and deliberations, that's first and foremost in our mind.
“We need to see a government led by Mary Lou next time around.
“Catherine Connolly, and I met her last Saturday at a conference in Dublin, shares all our values.
“She is a principled woman. She absolutely believes in Irish unity for all the right reasons, and she's an environmentalist.
“And for me, that's the type of people that you need to be in leadership positions.”
Strike action by Northern Ireland nurses ‘imminent’,
NI Executive had “reneged” on its commitment to maintain pay parity for nurses with the rest of the UK RCN warns
By Jonathan McCambridge, PA, Belfast News Letter, October 6th, 2025
Strike action by nurses in Northern Ireland is now "imminent", a union has warned.
Rita Devlin , executive director of the Royal College of Nursing (RCN) in the region, said the power sharing Executive had "reneged" on its commitment to maintain pay parity for nurses with the rest of the UK.
Health Minister Mike Nesbitt said in May that he had signed off on a pay award in line with the Pay Review Body (PRB) recommendation of a 3.6% pay rise for health workers in Northern Ireland but said the money would have to be found by the powersharing Executive because he is facing a funding shortfall in his department.
The RCN has lodged a formal dispute over the failure to implement this year's pay award for staff. Finance minister John O'Dowd said last week he had no doubt healthcare workers would receive their pay award.
However, the RCN has said it will now begin the formal process of balloting members for strike action. The first step will be consulting the RCN's governing council on Thursday.
In a statement, the RCN said strike action is now "imminent".
Ms Devlin said: "This time last week, we held out hope that the Northern Ireland Executive would finally act to resolve this crisis.
"Instead, we are once again out of pay parity with our UK colleagues.
" The Northern Ireland Executive has reneged on its commitment to maintaining pay parity for nurses.
"It is not unreasonable to expect a pay award to be planned and delivered on time but currently, we don't have a commitment or timeline for the payment of the 3.6% uplift which has been paid to our colleagues across the UK.
"It is nothing short of shameful that it is our own Northern Ireland politicians who are forcing nursing staff in Northern Ireland back onto the picket lines in order to get the pay award that has been recommended, and which they all agreed should be paid."
She added: "This is not an inflation-busting pay uplift, in fact it barely covers the rising cost of living.
"The damage being caused to staff morale over this issue is unquantifiable and I have no doubt this will be reflected in how nursing staff vote in the next election.
"It is very clear to our members that they are not seen as important or valued by those in power when something as simple as a pay award, which they knew was coming, cannot be delivered.
"How can we promote nursing as a respected and rewarding career when our professionals are treated with such disregard year after year?
"I am beyond disappointed, I am angry and disgusted that we have reached this point."
The RCN has called on the Executive to act immediately over the pay award.
Gavin quits presidential election over ‘impact on family and friends’
CORMAC McQUINN, Political Correspondent, Irish Times, October 6th, 2025
Fianna Fáil’s presidential election candidate Jim Gavin has withdrawn from the presidential election after a bruising week on the campaign trail and questions raised about his time as a landlord in the late 2000s.His decision will cause shockwaves in the race to succeed President Michael D Higgins, reducing the field to just two candidates – left-wing Independent TD Catherine Connolly and Fine Gael’s Heather Humphreys.
In a statement late last night, the former multi-All-Ireland- winning Dublin football manager said he had “thought long and hard about the potential impact of the ongoing campaign on the wellbeing of my family and friends” and he had withdrawn “with immediate effect”.
It comes after questions were raised about an allegation reported by the Irish Independent that a former tenant of his mistakenly overpaid €3,300 in rent for an apartment he previously owned and was never paid back.
Mr Gavin and his wife Jennifer used to own an apartment in the Smithfield area of Dublin. The report set out how they got into financial difficulties and the property was handed back to the bank with an additional sum added to the mortgage on their Rathfarnham home.
Mr Gavin said during yesterday’s televised debate on RTÉ that he was “looking into” the matter and “if it happened, I’m very sorry that it happened, I really am, and I will address it”.
In his statement last night, Mr Gavin said: “When I announced my intention to contest the presidential election I did so in a spirit of lifelong public service and a love of country.
“That has always been my sole motivation. I believe deeply in this country, its dreams, its hopes and above all its people.
“The office of Uachtarán na hÉireann is the highest in the land and the pinnacle of public service. It is an office that must be untainted by controversy or distraction.”
He said he always knew the campaign “would be robust and challenging and anyone who knows me knows that I have never shirked from a contest. I have always sought to act in honour and good faith”.
Mr Gavin added: “Recent days have given me cause to reflect. I made a mistake that was not in keeping with my character and the standards I set myself. I am now taking steps to address the matter. I have also thought long and hard about the potential impact of the ongoing campaign on the wellbeing of my family and friends.
“Taking all these considerations on board, I have decided to withdraw from the presidential election contest with immediate effect and return to the arms of my family.”
He said he was “humbled” by the kind words he received during the campaign and thanked supporters, adding: “I truly hope you understand my decision and do not feel let down. Go raibh míle maith agaibh.”
Taoiseach and Fianna Fáil leader Micheál Martin said: “I fully understand his decision and believe it is the correct one.
“Jim has achieved an enormous amount in his life. His commitment to service and helping others has always, quite rightly, defined his character and his great standing with the public. Jim has accepted that he made an error in relation to an issue that has arisen in recent days.”
Mr Martin said Mr Gavin was “clear that he does not want to bring controversy onto this office. This has been a very difficult decision for Jim given his commitment to public service. I wish him well. I have no doubt that he will continue to make a significant contribution to Irish life and society”.
Last week, Mr Gavin’s campaign used drone footage shot without the appropriate permissions having been secured for two events in social media posts. The errors jarred with his job as a senior figure at the Irish Aviation Authority.
A Sunday Independent/ Ireland Thinks poll suggested he was trailing Ms Connolly and Ms Humphreys.
Shankill Bomb families met ICRIR on Monday to find out more about the attack
By Philip Bradfield, Belfast News Letter, October 6th, 2025
Shankill Bomb families 'encouraged' after meeting Troubles investigations ICRIR body as part of campaign to find republican leaders behind atrocity backed by Jamie Bryson
Shankill Bomb families have met with the Troubles investigations body as part of their campaign to find the republican leaders who organized and sanctioned the Shankill Bomb attack.
Nine people were killed in the 1993 attack, as well as one of the IRA bombers. More than 50 were injured.
A law graduate and campaigner, Mr Bryson assisted Shankill bomb victims Charlie Murray and Gary Butler, along with Paul Shields – whose father was also murdered by the IRA – in lodging their files in August.
Those attending were Gary Murray, Michelle Williamson and Charlie Butler, accompanied by Jamie Bryson
The terror attack killed Mr Murray's little sister Leanne and Mr Butler's family members Evelyn and Michelle Baird and Michael Morrison.
Michelle Williamson's mother and father George and Gillian Williamson were also among those killed.
The group met with the Independent Commission for Reconciliation & Information (ICRIR) about the case on Monday.
Mr Byrson said the victims have been campaigning for more than three decades for truth but have been "consistently let down".
Group ‘greatly encouraged’ by ICRIR approach to investigation
He said the group were "greatly encouraged" by the ICRIR approach and believe the body is the right vehicle by which to pursue "truth, justice and ultimately accountability" in respect of those who played any role - including planning, preparing or sanctioning the terror attack.
Mr Bryson said the group emphasised that there can be "no block on truth, regardless of whether this leads to political consequences".
He also said they are seeking full answers on the question of whether a state agent was involved - named 'Agent AA' or with any other name.
"The families have confidence in the ICRIR and look forward to embarking upon this journey with them," he said.
"These families call on the Secretary of State to ensure the body is properly resourced and equipped with the necessary powers to fulfil its statutory objectives.
"They further wish to emphasise that the Secretary of State and Northern Ireland Office need to understand that there are more than nationalist groups with an interest in legacy and they reiterate their concern as victims of the IRA that a small but noisy network of nationalist legacy activists have been allowed to drive both the narrative and the process around these matters. That must end.
"It is time for truth, and that includes truth about the evil terrorism of the IRA," he added.
Whilst bomber Thomas Begley was killed in the explosion and Sean Kelly was jailed for it, they are pressing for the ICRIR to find all those involved – from those who sanctioned and planned the attack to those who procured vehicles, built or moved the bomb, transported the bombers or gave logistical assistance.
Last month the government unveiled plans to overhaul the ICRIR, which it plans to rename the Legacy Commission.
Former PSNI ACC Alan McQuillan dies after long battle with cancer battle
By Gemma Murray, Belfast News Letter, October 7th, 2025
It is understood he passed away yesterday afternoon (Monday) and had previously revealed he had been diagnosed with terminal prostate cancer.
Mr McQuillan is survived by his wife Heather, daughter Jane and son Andrew.
His son Andrew McQuillan issued a statement on behalf of the family on social media:
‘Passing of Alan McQuillan OBE
‘Former PSNI Assistant Chief Constable Alan McQuillan OBE has passed away peacefully following a four year battle with prostrate cancer.
‘Despite graduating as an astrophysicist with no policing career plans, a series of events and his overwhelming care for others took him into policing.
‘Alan cared deeply about protecting and helping every community across Northern Ireland, even when this meant personal sacrifices
‘In his role as a senior police officer, he was unafraid to take hard decisions to achieve peace for everyone, even when the consequence would be as significant as collapsing the government.
‘His work in setting up and running the Assets Recovery Agency (now within the National Crime Agency) hammered major blows to paramilitaries and organised crime across Northern Ireland, the rest of United Kingdom and internationally.
‘His actions stopped hundreds of millions of pounds from being used to harm and murder people by criminals and terrorists.
‘A true professional, with integrity, honesty and a sense of fairness which was evident in every aspect of his career; a likeable and popular man who was always ready to provide advice and guidance to all who needed and asked for his support, even long after his retirement.
‘Alan is survived by his loving wife Heather, daughter Jane and son Andrew who ask for privacy at this time.
‘There will be a service of thanksgiving at St Columba's Church, Knock Road, Belfast on Monday 20th October at 11am’.
Tributes from former colleagues and friends
Paying tribute UUP MLA Jon Burrows – a former senior officer in the PSNI – posted on X: “I am very sad to hear of the passing of Alan McQuillan OBE.
"Alan was a former Assistant Chief Constable in the RUCGC and PSNI, and a former Director of the Assets Recovery Agency.
“ A towering intellect, a brilliant communicator and a fearless public servant. Thoughts with his family.
Former senior police officer Jim Gamble also posted: ‘So sorry to hear that former ACC Alan McQuillan passed away last night. RIP’.
And former DUP MP Peter Weir added: ‘Sorry to hear of the passing of former Assistant Chief Constable Alan McQuillan OBE. Condolences to his family’.
Meanwhile the Northern Editor for RTE news, Vincent Kearney added: ‘Sorry to learn of death of good friend Alan McQuillan, former PSNI ACC.
‘With a degree in astrophysics he was always very down to earth, great company + sharp as a tack. Critic of darker side of policing, including recently revealed illegal surveillance of journalists. Rest easy’
Liam Kennedy: Two years after October 7, the threat to peace comes from Islamists, not just from Israeli warplanes
By Liam Kennedy, Belfast News Letter, October 7th, 2025
One of the very useful sayings in the Irish language is a bheith idir dhá intinn (the state of being between two minds).
There’s much folk wisdom there when it comes to reacting to complex problems that have deep historic roots.
That is how I find myself in relation to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The invasion of Israeli border areas by Hamas on the seventh of October 2023, exactly two years ago, had all the signs of genocidal intent: the rape and sadistic killings of civilians, the abduction of hundreds of men, women and children, and the indiscriminate firing of hundreds of rockets into Israel. The only check on genocidal intent was the military limitations of the Islamist forces.
Faced with an existential threat, it was no great surprise that Israel struck back with fury. Its defence options were limited but most neutral observers would say that the response over two long years has been disproportionate. Images of mass movements of civilians, of emaciated children, of families decimated by Israeli bombings, have shocked the outside world.
The inflammatory statements of the ultra-right partners of Benjamin Netanyahu’s coalition government, notably by those in Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Power), give some credence to allegations of genocide. The existence of Jewish supremacist attitudes, albeit a minority viewpoint, stain Israeli consciences and society.
The fall-out from the war is being felt across Europe. In England, the most recent murderous example is the killing and wounding of Jewish civilians at a synagogue in Manchester on Yom Kippur, the holiest day in the Jewish liturgical calendar. Anti-semitic attacks are on the rise. According to one source, there were 1,500 or so anti-semitic incidents in Britain during the first half of 2025. Between June and September 2025 there were 17 attacks on mosques and Islamic institutions, though this does not include individual incidents.
Vulnerability of Jewish communities in Europe
In any case, the differences are dramatic. The vulnerability of Jews is even more visible when one considers the demographic picture revealed in the 2021 Census. Jews represent about 0.5% of the population of England and Wales (there are relatively few Jews in Scotland and Northern Ireland), whereas the Muslim population accounts for almost 7%. In other words, in the population at large, for every one Jewish person there are 14 Muslims.
Of course, most Muslims and most Jews are peace-loving, but this demographic contrast helps us to understand the insecurity felt by Jews in many parts of the world, outside of Israel and the United States.
Then there are the massive pro-Palestinian demonstrations across the world, though interestingly not in some Arabic countries. It is hard not to see these as linked to rising anti-semitism, however idealistic the motives of many of the participants. The demonstrators would argue, and I think correctly, that Israel has committed war crimes in Gaza.
Personally speaking, I would like to see Benjamin Netanyahu, and members of Jewish Power, and in particular the Security Minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir, answering charges at the International Criminal Court in The Hague.
But here’s the rub. The reality, which so impresses us as we watch the horror unfolding daily on our screens, is of the vastly superior firepower of the Israeli state as against that of the puny terrorists in their tunnels. But paradoxically, it is this overwhelming military advantage that serves to obscure some fundamental moral responsibilities.
It is true the Israeli state has shown scant regard for the welfare of Palestinian people in its crusade to crush Hamas. But it is also the case that Hamas has turned a blind eye to the tens of thousands of Palestinian casualties and bears its own responsibility for the civilian carnage. Its failure to release the hostages has brought death and destruction raining down on the captive Palestinian men, women and children over the last two years.
It would be helpful if the many pro-Palestinian demonstrations across Europe, as well as denouncing Israeli actions, also charged Hamas with the war crime of sacrificing its own people in pursuit of Islamist victory and martyrdom. I can’t recall many platform speakers making demands of Hamas, and fewer still calling for the release of the hostages. More generally, it would be good if these massive mobilisations in many countries took a more balanced and a more global perspective. Slogans such as ‘From the Jordan to the Sea, Palestine will be free’ has the implicit punch line of ‘Judenfrei’.
It is time those of us aching for peace in the Middle East also recognised the threat posed, not just by Israeli warplanes, but also the racism, misogyny, and religious intolerance embedded in Islamist ideology, with Hamas as the exemplar. The women of Iran and Afghanistan might tell us a thing or two. But perhaps, in our self-righteousness and our pursuit of black-and-white stories, we don’t want to listen.
Dr Liam Kennedy is emeritus professor at Queen's University, Belfast
