Father of Sean Small victim slams justice system but his perpetrators death should not be ‘celebrated’
‘That man destroyed our daughter’s life’ - Father of Sean Small victim slams justice system
The family say the convicted paedophile’s three year sentence was an ‘outrage’ while also condemning those celebrating his murder
By Allan Preston, Irish News, September 3rd, 03, 2025 at 8:00pm BST
The murder of the convicted paedophile Sean Small in Newcastle is “not to be celebrated,” the father of one of his victims has warned despite what he calls a “mockery” of the justice system.
Small (84) was found dead outside his home on Slievenabrock Avenue on August 24, after what police described as a “brutal and sustained attack.”
Mark William Bready (41) from the same street has since been charged with his murder on a date between August 19 and 24.
Small had been recently released from prison, serving half of a six-year sentence behind bars for sexual offences against a child and a vulnerable young woman.
Reported by the Mourne Observer, the father of one of Small’s victims has called for an “urgent overhaul” of the justice system, criticising both his sentence and the “horror” his family experienced when they learned of his release.
He also condemned the many people who chose to celebrate Mr Small’s murder on social media.
“That man destroyed our daughter’s life. He murdered who she was in every meaningful way,” he said.
“The joyful, loving and kind-hearted daughter we once knew has been stolen from us.
“What remains is a young woman condemned to live with fear, with torment and with shadows that follow her from morning until night.
“She has been sentenced to carry this suffering for the rest of her life.”
He also acknowledged the suffering of the other family’s daughter, and how they had stood together as the painful details were relived during the trial.
‘Mockery’
On Mr Small’s sentence, with three years in custody and three he had yet to serve under supervised licence conditions, he said: “That is not justice. That is a mockery.”
“It is a statement from the court that our daughter’s stolen life, her broken future and her enduring pain are worth almost nothing.
“That sentence demonstrates that his freedom was deemed more important than her healing. It is an outrage and a disgrace.”
He continued: “Even though the courts acted within the remit of the law, that being said, an urgent overhaul is required.”
He called the social media commentary on Mr Small’s murder “sickening.”
“The hate, the venom, the smugness and the self-righteous display of other people’s pain for likes and shares is abhorrent.
“Let me be clear: his murder was not for anyone else to celebrate.
“That was not justice. That was not righteousness. That was not closure. His end was for God alone.”
Pacemaker Press 25-08-2025: Police have launched a murder investigation after a man died in Newcastle in County Down. It happened at about 22:30 BST in Slievenabrock Avenue on Sunday.
Officers will continue to be in and around the area throughout the day and cordons remain in place, police said.
Victim learnt of death through social media
Criticising a lack of media attention on his daughter’s wellbeing, he also described how she learned of his release on social media.
“That knowledge broke her all over again. It caused more mental anguish, reignited her fear, deepened her scars and spread stress and trauma throughout her entire family.”
A spokesperson for the Northern Ireland Prison Service has previously explained that victims and their families must be registered with the Prisoner Victim Information Scheme to receive updates about a prisoner’s sentence and when they may be released.
A statement from the office of the Lady Chief Justice, Dame Siobhan Keegan, said that the sentencing framework which all judges must abide by is set in law by the Department of Justice.
This includes maximum sentencing for particular crimes as well as setting out a range of circumstances which a judge must consider before imposing a sentence.
At the time of Mr Small’s sentencing in 2022, Judge Gordon Kerr said that although he had a starting point of 14 years, he reduced the total sentence for Mr Small’s guilty pleas, his poor health and on medical evidence that prison “will be more onerous” for him compared to other inmates.
He also spoke of the serious consequences for both victims who had both suffered from PTSD as a result of his crimes.
While Mr Small had entered guilty pleas, Judge Kerr still said there was an “element of victim blaming” and that he had shown “limited insight” into the consequences of his actions.
Government undecided on naming of Stakeknife
ANDREW MADDEN, Belfast Telegraph, September 4th, 2025
SECRETARY OF STATE TELLS MPS KENOVA DECISION WILL COME AFTER COURT RULING ON LOYALIST MURDER
The Government has not yet decided if it will agree to a request to name the agent within the IRA known as Stakeknife in the final Operation Kenova report, MPs have heard.
Secretary of State Hilary Benn said they are awaiting a Supreme Court ruling relating to the case of Liam Thompson, who was murdered by loyalist paramilitaries in 1994, before deciding whether to depart from its Neither Confirm Nor Deny (NCND) policy on Stakeknife.
In March 2024, the High Court ruled that a limited summary of information in a police file on Mr Thompson's murder should be provided to his next of kin.
However, lawyers for Mr Benn and PSNI Chief Constable Jon Boutcher said this would be in breach of the NCND policy, which is used to prevent the release of sensitive information on national security grounds, including identifying state agents.
The Secretary of State appealed the High Court ruling in the Thompson case at the Supreme Court earlier this year, but a judgment has not yet been handed down.
Sir Iain Livingstone heads up Operation Kenova, which is focused on the activities of Stakeknife, widely believed to be west Belfast man Freddie Scappaticci, who died in 2023.
Will Final Kenova Report name Stakeknife?
The final Operation Kenova report is due to be published in the coming months.
Sir Iain has written to Mr Benn to request permission to publicly identify Stakeknife in the final report, which would be a departure from the NCND policy.
Mr Benn was asked during a meeting of the NI Affairs Committee yesterday whether permission will be granted.
“What I said in my letter to Sir Iain was that the Government holds the view that NCND is a very important policy for reasons that are long established and well set out,” the Secretary of State said.
“There is a very important court case, the Thompson case, which has been heard in the Supreme Court, but we are waiting for the judgment, and therefore I've said to him that on this particular question we will come back to Kenova after we have received the judgment.”
Committee chair Tonia Antoniazzi questioned what would happen if the Supreme Court judgment does not come before the Operation Kenova final report is published. She asked: “Assuming that Kenova doesn't and can't then publish the name of Stakeknife, is there wider consideration that the Government, at the appropriate moment in time… post the Supreme Court cases being decided on, that you as a Government would be able to name Stakeknife on the floor of the House?”
Mr Benn replied: “You're asking me to presume what the Government's decision would be after the Supreme Court judgment. I'm not going to do so before the select committee today.
“The Government will return to this matter after the judgment.”
During the session, Mr Benn also confirmed the Government is “close” to a new agreement on how to deal with legacy and that, following discussions with the Irish Government, a framework has been designed that will include significant reform of the Independent Commission for Reconciliation and Information Recovery, which was set up to examine Troubles deaths.
Shankill bomber Kelly fights IRA jacket conviction saying organisation 'no longer exists'
Belfast Telegraph, September 4th, 2025
Shankill bomber Sean Kelly shouldn't have been convicted for wearing an IRA jacket as the organisation “no longer exists and is wedded to peace”, a court has been told.
It was also claimed he was prosecuted for wearing the garment in part because he carried out the 1993 atrocity in which nine people were murdered.
The 51-year-old is appealing his conviction from earlier this year for wearing clothing which would have “aroused reasonable suspicion” of support for a proscribed terrorist organisation.
Kelly, from Ardglen Place in the Ardyone area of north Belfast, was fined £300 at the city's Magistrates Court following a contested hearing in April.
At Belfast County Court his appeal hearing was shown CCTV footage of the funeral of ex-IRA prisoner Jimmy Donnelly on Boxing Day 2022 in which Kelly could be seen taking part.
Donnelly took part in the 1983 break out from the Maze prison where he had been serving a sentence for firearms offences.
Kelly could be seen walking in front of the coffin — draped with an Irish tricolour — wearing a black jacket with a distinctive emblem relating to the IRA's “A Company” and directing those carrying the coffin.
He was arrested in January 2023, after police became aware of footage on social media of the procession.
Kelly's home was searched during which the jacket was recovered and he gave a no comment interview about it.
‘IRA’ remains proscribed
Crown counsel said while the defence claimed this particular company of the IRA has been disbanded in 1976, the IRA was a proscribed organisation then and remains so to this day.
She pointed out the IRA was first on the list of proscribed organisations which included “all emanations” of the IRA.
The barrister added if a person walked into Musgrave police station and said they were a member of the IRA they would be arrested.
Kelly's barrister said the IRA had been on ceasefire since 1997 and ceased its armed campaign in 2005.
He said that support for a proscribed organisation should be interpreted as support for an organisation which is active.
The lawyer said Kelly could not be accused of supporting a proscribed organisation as the IRA has “left the stage” and if it hadn't “we wouldn't have the peace we have”.
When asked by Recorder of Belfast, Judge Patricia Smyth, what evidence there was the IRA no longer existed, Kelly's barrister said nothing had been heard from the organisation for 20 years.
He said “you can't see them and you can't hear them” and it had “explicitly stated” its armed campaign was over.
The barrister said the jacket was a commemorative jacket and was worn in the context of a peaceful funeral in which there were no masked men present or volley of shots over the coffin.
He also highlighted others in the funeral party wearing the jacket had not been prosecuted and there were a “mounting number of unexplained examples” of people not being prosecuted for taking part in similar events or worse.
The lawyer also said it was the defence's belief that Kelly was prosecuted while others were not because of his conviction for carrying out the Shankill bombing.
A barrister for the Crown stated it is open to the Public Prosecution Service in any case to take into account a person's criminal record as one of the factors in deciding to proceed with a case.
Adjourning the case Judge Smyth said she would deliver her judgment as soon as possible.
Senior Sinn Fein figure 'urged the embrace of Provo links'
SAM MCBRIDE, Belfast Telegraph, September 4th, 2025
Senior Sinn Fein figure privately told colleagues it should 'bring on debate by embracing IRA links'
AMID THE INCREASING PROMINENCE OF NORTHERNERS IN THE PARTY'S HIGHLY CENTRALISED STRUCTURE, SINN FEIN HAS NOT DENIED THAT ITS NEW BELFAST-BORN GENERAL SECRETARY TOLD COLLEAGUES THOSE WHO WANT TO ESCAPE THE LEGACY OF THE PAST ARE WRONG
For years, it has been received wisdom that Sinn Fein wants to move away from its Provisional IRA past.
There has been considerable evidence to support this and it seemed logical for a party with ambitions to represent far more than those who supported the IRA. But what if that's now wrong?
The Belfast Telegraph has been told that a senior Sinn Fein figure recently told colleagues that the party should deliberately embrace its links to the Provisional IRA.
The party's influential new Belfast-born general secretary Sam Baker also told colleagues in early summer that a Sinn Fein candidate for the Irish presidency should be from north of the border and his rationale around the presidency was surprising, the source said.
That jars with years of apparently clear Sinn Fein movement in the opposite direction.
The replacement of Martin McGuinness with Michelle O'Neill and Gerry Adams with Mary Lou McDonald personified how the old guard were being succeeded by those with no IRA links.
When McDonald became leader, Niall O Donnghaile, Sinn Fein's then Belfast-based senator, explained to The Irish Times that under Adams' leadership every media interview with him inevitably ended up looking back to republican violence.
With McDonald, he said, “she will have the space to focus without distraction on other issues such as housing and health, without having to have one eye looking at the past”.
This strategic shift continued with a series of decisions to move out those who were either IRA members or who were prominent Sinn Fein figures while the IRA was killing and replace them with individuals from professional backgrounds without IRA links.
Gerry Kelly was replaced as Sinn Fein's North Belfast Westminster candidate by solicitor John Finucane, who went on to win the seat.
Barry McElduff was replaced as West Tyrone MP by another young solicitor, Orfhlaith Begley.
Padraig Delargy, a young teacher, replaced IRA bomber Martina Anderson in the Assembly.
Again and again, the pattern was clear.
This wasn't just about the inevitable shift from an older generation to those too young to have had any IRA role.
There are plenty of former IRA members, such as Martin Lynch and Padraic Wilson, who are far younger than some frontline Sinn Fein figures.
As Michelle O'Neill's time as First Minister is built around the strapline of being “a First Minister for all”, this strategy appeared to be even more pronounced in a wider softening of previous republican orthodoxy.
O'Neill attended the King's coronation, laid a wreath at the Cenotaph on Remembrance Sunday, and has on multiple occasions used the words 'Northern Ireland'.
This hasn't been universally popular among those who backed Sinn Fein when it adopted the opposite of each of those positions.
This has overlapped with internal re-organisation linked to a series of gaffes and scandals. For months, there have been substantial rumblings from within and around Sinn Fein. This normally tightly-disciplined party is not entirely happy.
Michelle Gildernew was shunted out as MP last year, then made redundant earlier this year. Despite being head-hunted by O'Neill as her replacement, Pat Cullen has mostly been shut away from public view by a party which seemed happy to trumpet her professional credentials to get votes but then refused to use her abilities.
Fence sitting
Sinn Fein as the main party of Opposition is still fence-sitting on even whether it will run a candidate, with no clarity at all on who that candidate might be.
Initially, McDonald ruled herself out of running but has more recently retracted that stance, leaving it possible that she could be the party's candidate. Others in the party believe it should sit out the contest — in which it was resoundingly defeated seven years ago — and instead back the left-wing candidate Catherine Connolly, who is endorsed by Labour and others on the left.
A source with knowledge of Sinn Fein's internal debate about the presidency said that in early summer Baker had asked northern party members for their views on whether to run a candidate and who that person might be.
He is said to have made clear that if there was to be a Sinn Fein candidate, they should be from north of the border, and he is said to have floated three possible names: Conor Murphy, Michelle Gildernew and Martina Anderson.
His reasoning, the source said, was partly that this would energise activists around the question of partition.
But that wasn't the most significant element of the rationale set out by Sinn Fein's new general secretary, the source said. The Belfast man is said to have told colleagues that they should embrace the criticisms of Sinn Fein's Provisional IRA links which running a northern candidate would amplify — even though Gildernew was never a member of the IRA.
‘Bring it on’ and re-energise the base
The source said Baker had said they should essentially say “bring it on” because that debate would be good for Sinn Fein by energising its core support and “educating” voters about its view of the Troubles.
In reasoning which runs contrary to the belief that Sinn Fein is set on promoting people on the basis of the absence of links to the IRA, Baker is said to have told party colleagues that those who want to escape the legacy of the past are wrong, and instead the party needs to grasp the chance to explain Sinn Fein's view of the violence to those unaware of it, as well as stubbornly refusing to allow its rivals to tell it what it can do.
The same source said that Baker had been specifically dismissive of Fintan O'Toole — then being discussed as a possible left-leaning non-party candidate (and with whom this reporter has co-authored a book) — as someone who the party could ever support.
The author and former Irish Times journalist has written some articles which have been ferociously critical of Provisional IRA violence and so it would have been entirely unremarkable if Sinn Fein had objected to him as a potential candidate.
However, it wasn't that which Baker is said to have objected to. Instead, the source said he had complained that O'Toole had not written enough about the war in Gaza and that he had a “sanctimonious attitude” to Hamas which was similar to how others had criticised the Provisional IRA.
Historic dividend
That suggests elements in Sinn Fein believe that there is political gain from associating what it sees as the IRA struggle with the actions of Hamas — a potentially awkward position given that some of Sinn Fein's most influential US supporters are firm backers of Israel and were appalled at Hamas's mass slaughter of Jews on October 7, 2023.
We put the source's claims to Sinn Fein's press office a week ago. The party did not deny the claims; in fact, it didn't respond at all. We asked again — and again — but there was no response.
We then put the claims to a senior Sinn Fein press officer, who said they would go away and come back to us. They never did.
We contacted Baker himself twice, but he didn't respond.
Another Sinn Fein source drew attention to the move of Conor Murphy into the Seanad earlier this year. On paper, it didn't make much sense. Murphy was one of the party's most capable and most experienced figures in a Stormont Assembly where it is light on both ability and experience.
The source suggested that Murphy's role in the Oireachtas is more about keeping a watching northern eye on southern colleagues amid concerns of a “partitionist” mindset among some southern Sinn Fein politicians.
Internal changes
Baker's own appointment is part of a wider growth of northern influence within Sinn Fein's highly centralised core. He replaced Dubliner Ken O'Connell, who was reportedly close to McDonald. Last year, Stephen McGlade, formerly the key adviser to O'Neill, moved south to advise McDonald.
Few southerners move in the other direction within Sinn Fein's system.
In public, Baker's message has been that he's seeking to professionalise Sinn Fein after a series of scandals.
He commissioned a KC to examine the party's disciplinary procedures and recruited a new human resources manager.
In a message to the party's ard Comhairle in May, Baker stressed the need to accept “independent expert advice”.
That doesn't sit easily with the suggestion the party views even an election as significant as that for the Irish presidency as a chance to 'educate' the public about the Troubles, rather than simply considering the candidate most likely to win.
Yet, often Sinn Fein's opponents attribute far more strategic credit to the party than is objectively warranted. It has a history of lurching between seemingly contradictory positions, or holding both those positions at once.
Jonathan Powell, who as Tony Blair's powerful chief of staff was closer to Sinn Fein for longer than any other British minister or official, said in his memoirs that Adams and McGuinness “were far less strategic than they were given credit for. In fact, they had an eventual goal — Irish unity — but they had no medium-term strategy. That was why they kept coming to us looking for new ideas every time one bit of road ran out.”
Just another party?
The ongoing debacle over whether Sinn Fein will stand for the presidency, and, if so, who will stand, is an unusually public demonstration of this.
Some in the party were clearly lining up support for Frances Black, the Irish Senator with strong links to Rathlin. She had been quietly talked up for months, even though she was a minor political figure known mainly for introducing the Occupied Territories Bill, which seeks to ban trade with some Israeli settlements. For whatever reason — perhaps private polling, internal dissent, or a refusal by Black to go along with the plan — that fell apart.
This is not unusual; Fine Gael has seen its preferred candidate drop out suddenly for health reasons but has almost immediately been able to find a credible replacement.
Sinn Fein has not. Instead, it has floundered.
McDonald firmly ruled herself out, before then ruling herself back in. O'Neill did likewise. Murphy ruled himself out while being talked up internally by others. It was suggested the party could join other left-wing parties in backing independent Catherine Connolly. It couldn't make its mind up, so she launched without Sinn Fein.
Last week, she said she was hopeful of the party's support. If she gets it, it will be obvious that Sinn Fein has nowhere else to go: she wasn't its first choice, but it hasn't yet been able to find anyone else it can agree on.
Last week, Sinn Fein suffered the indignity of Connolly visiting the Falls Road as a guest of its main electoral rivals in West Belfast, People Before Profit.
This dithering seems set to go on for several more weeks, with no firm decision expected until September 20.
At its heart may lie something far more fundamental than whether to run a candidate, and who such a candidate might be.
Those questions involve a more fundamental assessment by those now in the ascendancy in Sinn Fein as to whether they want to transcend its IRA past in keeping with the evolution of Fianna Fail and Fine Gael — or whether they so fear political gentrification that they think it advantageous to seek out ways to remind voters of Sinn Fein's highly atypical nature.
New legacy agreement cannot dash the hopes of victims again
Pro Fide, Pro Patria, Irish News, September 4th, 2025
IT is difficult to overstate the damage caused by the decision, two years ago this month, to place the Legacy Act on the statute books at Westminster.
Conservative ministers closed their ears to appeals from a broad range of victims’ groups and political parties, as well as the Irish government, in forcing the highly contentious legislation through parliament.
Presented as an attempt to address the legacy of the Troubles and promote reconciliation, it was instead a transparent attempt to appease a small constituency of elderly military veterans who faced the possibility of court proceedings over controversial killings dating back several decades.
The act shut down all historical inquests and civil actions as well as offering an amnesty to those suspected of crimes if they co-operated with a new information recovery body.
The legislation was in clear conflict with human rights commitments and key provisions have already been successfully challenged.
It also abandoned a framework for dealing with the past which had secured substantial agreement at the cross-party Stormont House talks a decade ago.
The Labour Party pledged to repeal and replace the Legacy Act if it came to power and following the election of Keir Starmer as prime minister last year, with Hilary Benn appointed his Secretary of State, there was an expectation that action would swiftly follow.
Joint approach to Legacy issues
Appearing before the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee at Westminster yesterday, Mr Benn said the UK and Irish governments were “close” to finalising new arrangements.
He said they aim to build on the principles of the Stormont House Agreement as well as reflecting the experience of Operation Kenova, which investigated the activities of Stakeknife.
That is encouraging and if, in particular, the fundamental right to inquests is fully restored, it will be welcomed by families.
More controversial is the government’s determination to retain the Independent Commission for Reconciliation & Information Recovery, albeit in “significantly reformed, independent and human rights-compliant” form.
The commission has so far failed to win widespread support and judges have ruled that the UK government retains too much power over disclosure to families.
Mr Benn has promised independent oversight, public hearings and “much clearer conflict of interest arrangements”, as well as “maximum disclosure consistent with national security”. Victims will await the full detail before making their judgement.
Indicating also that former soldiers may no longer have to travel to Northern Ireland as part of hearings, the secretary of state said “we’re looking to make progress as soon as we possibly can”.
“Just bear with us a bit longer,” Mr Benn added.
Victims have, in some cases, been waiting more than 50 years, with many tragically passing away before receiving the truth or justice they desperately need and deserve.
Their hopes cannot be dashed again.
DUP ‘stirring up racial tensions’ with Belfast playpark proposal
MICHAEL KENWOOD, Irish News, September 4th, 2025
THE DUP have been accused of “dog whistle politics” and “stirring up racial tensions” against “non-whites” with a proposal on Belfast playparks.
At the monthly meeting of Belfast City Council on Monday, all non-unionist parties were united in condemning a motion by DUP Alderman Dean McCullough, which called for a consultation on a proposed policy on alleged “predatory” behaviour in playparks across the city.
Alderman McCullough said he would be seeking “advice” after other elected members said the motion was “racist”, and aimed to whip up tensions rather than help women and young girls.
Others pointed out that statistics relating to Belfast playparks showed antisocial and criminal behaviour was at its lowest in five years, and that police said some recent accounts showed “misreporting” of behaviour in playparks.
Alderman McCullough said he brought forward the motion “because parents in communities across Belfast have told me that playparks, places meant for joy, are too often becoming places of fear”.
At a council committee meeting last month, the DUP motion was deferred over wording and to look at legal implications.
The DUP motion reads that the council “expresses its deep concern at the growing number of reports
“ relating to indecent, threatening, and predatory behaviour in council-owned playparks across Belfast”.
“These spaces, intended for the happiness and well-being of children, are increasingly being compromised by individuals loitering without lawful purpose, in a manner that alarms parents and communities,” it continues.
‘Right to play safely’
“This council believes that every child has the right to play safely, and every parent has the right to peace of mind when bringing their children to a local park.
It called for the “creation of a comprehensive Safeguarding Belfast’s Playparks Policy, to prohibit loitering in and around children’s playparks by any adult not accompanying a child, or without a legitimate purpose”.
It also called for “a full public consultation” and for the council to work with agencies including police to “combat predatory sexual crime and anti-social behaviour in our public spaces”.
Alderman McCullough said: “When a mother says she doesn’t feel safe bringing her children to her local playpark because of loitering, harassment or indecent exposure, she isn’t talking about general criminality, she is talking about predatory behaviour. “If we cannot name the problem, we cannot solve the problem.”
‘Dog whistle’ politics
He added: “Some critics have called this ‘dog whistle’ politics. What an insult, not to me, but to the parents and children who simply want safe playparks. Others have called me ‘the worst of the DUP’.
“Well if standing up against predators makes me the worst, I’ll wear that badge with honour. And then there was those more concerned with my social media language than with predatory behaviour.”
He unsuccessfully proposed the council reject the committee decision to defer, and instead adopt his original motion.
Forty councillors voted against it, while 15 from unionist parties supported it.
Sinn Féin’s Ronan McLaughlin said: “Our council parks already have bylaws, they are there, written, for everyone to see. There is legislation on the statute for any criminal activity regardless of whether it is in a park or not.
“So this is dog whistle politics. It is 18 months away from an election, the DUP is looking over its right-hand shoulder.”
SDLP councillor Séamas de Faoite said the DUP motion “whips up fear and tension, and creates an environment that we should not be standing for”.
“Facts provided from our own parks department indicate that antisocial behaviour and incidents reported in parks are on a downward trend. In fact last year was the lowest in five years,” he said.
Councillor de Faoite presented an actual dog whistle in the chamber, and said in reference to Alderman McCullough: “I brought him a gift this evening, and he is more than welcome to take it. I am appalled that this type of politics has taken hold again in our city.”
Self-styled vigilantes
Green Party councillor Brian Smyth said: “I’ll tell you one issue I have seen in our local parks in the last number of weeks, supposed self-styled vigilantes patrolling these parks late at night.
“Doing what? Some of the people have been reported as having recent criminal records. They are targeting people whose skin is not white – they are nothing more than racist scumbags, and I will not be retracting that. And I have heard very little, to nothing, from the DUP on these vigilantes.”
Alliance councillor Jenna Maghie said the vigilante movement in re-cent weeks in east Belfast had “shaken me to my core”.
“The place we need to start talking about ending violence against women and girls in this city is in homes, it is not in our playparks,” she said.
DUP ministers Lyons and Little-Pengelly condemn racist and sectarian attacks
GABRIELLE SWAN, Belfast Telegraph, September 4th, 2025
POLITICIANS CALL FOR AN END TO VIOLENCE BLAMED ON LOYALIST PARAMILITARY THUGS
The Deputy First Minister and the Communities Minister have strongly condemned recent racist and sectarian attacks in north Belfast and Ballymena.
DUP ministers Emma Little-Pengelly and Gordon Lyons called for an end to the attacks, which have been blamed on loyalist paramilitaries.
It comes after a number of families were forced from their homes in north Belfast after a spate of attacks on homes in the Oldpark area last Thursday.
Catholic and ethnic minority families in north Belfast were left shaken after homes were targeted and windows were smashed.
One Catholic mother of four reported her children being threatened by adults while playing in the park. The family had also been subjected to sectarian abuse, with threats to petrol bomb their home.
They had fled their home three weeks ago.
Sia Fay — originally from Nigeria — told BBC NI she was a victim of numerous racist attacks since moving to her Manor Street home in March.
The mother-of-two's home was subjected to an attack last Thursday, when the living room window was broken. Back windows were also smashed in July.
Other houses in the Manor Street and Summerhill Court were damaged, with 'locals only' sprayed on a wall.
A social housing complex in Annalee Street was previously targeted by loyalists in sectarian attacks in May.
One Catholic mother-of-three, who has been living in temporary accommodation since that month, initially had plans to move back to her home in the Oldpark area.
They ‘want all Catholics out’
However, this has been abandoned since fresh threats were made.
She claimed sinister elements “want all Catholics out”.
On Sunday in Ballymena, six vehicles were burnt out outside a property in Lisnevenagh Road, where a number of members of the Filipino community live. Police are treating the attacks as arson and a racially motivated hate crime.
The widespread attacks have sparked widespread condemnation.
Mr Lyons yesterday said they were “something we want to see the end of in Northern Ireland”. He spoke out as he prepared for a 5k run at the Mary Peters Track in south Belfast, where he was promoting a new fitness campaign, Move More, Live Better.
“This is something that no one should ever have to endure. Unfortunately, we have seen it all too often in the past. It has to end, there is no excuse for it whatsoever,” said Mr Lyons. “There is never any excuse for violence or intimidation, regardless of the motive and regardless of where it comes from.
“I want to make sure that everybody is treated fairly, and everybody is treated equally in our society.
“I have been working through my officials with the housing associations affected and the families, and also working with the PSNI to ensure that we can take the robust action we need to take so that this doesn't happen again.”
‘All intimidation is wrong’ says Little-Pengelly
Speaking to Cool FM News, Deputy First Minister Emma Little-Pengelly said “all intimidation and violence is wrong”.
“Sadly we have seen scenes of harassment, of intimidation, of violence on our streets, over the last number of years,” she added.
“It is important first of all to remember that this is a small minority of people, it does not represent the vast majority of people of Northern Ireland.
“Those who are feeling intimidated, who are feeling that pressure — very unfairly — it is absolutely wrong.
“They should listen to that message that the vast majority of people do not agree with this behaviour, they are absolutely opposed to that. It doesn't represent the views of many. Of course, there are frustrations out there in terms of the need for regeneration, and the access to housing, but that is entirely separate from any intimidation or violence.
“That is always wrong, and it will continue to be always wrong. It is really important that politically we do stand up and say that strongly, as we have done throughout and we will continue.
“The key message to all of those that suffer this wrong, is that it doesn't represent the majority of the people in Northern Ireland.
“From a DUP viewpoint, we have said very strongly that it is totally wrong. It must stop, it should not be repeated.”
Belfast Orangefest invites ideas to make Twelfth as inclusive as possible
By Philip Bradfield, Belfast News Letter, September 3rd, 2025
The Orange Order in Belfast is inviting the public to share its ideas to help shape its events, outreach, and celebrations.
The project is being led by Belfast Orangefest, which was first established by the County Grand Lodge of Belfast in 2007.
The organisation is designed to modernise the Twelfth of July celebrations to make them more accessible, inclusive, and relevant to contemporary Belfast.
William Mawhinney, director of development of Belfast Orangefest, said: “We believe Orangefest has the potential to be a powerful platform for community celebration, education, and unity. But that only works if we listen – really listen – to the people it represents. This strategy is an open invitation for the public to help us shape a festival that speaks to today’s Northern Ireland.”
The initiative will see the development of a refreshed brand and messaging as well as a marketing strategy, led by Belfast-based media and marketing agency Excalibur Press.
Excalibur Press strategist and chief vision officer, Tina Calder, said the project is about more than just the development of Orangefest, but about “people, stories and cultural connection”.
She added: “Our goal is to work collaboratively with communities to develop messaging and engagement strategies that are authentic, respectful, and meaningful.
“We want to ensure Orangefest reflects the values of the people involved in it and resonates with wider society, both now and in the future.”
As part of the campaign, Excalibur Press will deliver a comprehensive strategy covering stakeholder engagement, marketing and PR, content development, media analysis, and brand storytelling.
A key focus will be exploring how the history and values behind Orangefest can be communicated in ways that inspire curiosity, bridge divides, and build understanding.
Website to share ideas
Members of the public are invited to register their interest in participating.
Ms Calder said that supporters, curious observers, or community members with ideas to share should fill out an expression of interest form, which can be found at: https://forms.gle/d21E3PsFB3u2f9UE7.
The rejuvenation of Belfast Orangefest is led by a board of directors, who are working towards increasing city centre footfall, supporting tourism growth, developing a wider community engagement programme, and strengthening inter-community relations.
Back in June, Communities Minister Gordon Lyons announced £40,000 for the initiative.
“This support will enable Orangefest to engage with other bodies to make this year’s Twelfth of July celebrations an even more inclusive and family friendly event,” he said.
“Orange celebrations are one of the largest, long-standing events of their kind in Belfast, attracting tens of thousands of domestic visitors, and year-on-year, increasingly many more from Great Britain, the Republic of Ireland and many other parts of the world.”
Orangefest director Spencer Beattie welcomed the funding as “an important step forward for Belfast Orangefest”.
He said: “It gives us the opportunity to work behind the scenes to secure the necessary funding and partnerships to not only to reinvigorate the Twelfth of July celebrations, but also to deliver a year-round programme that reflects the heritage, culture and diversity of our city.”
Why not punish the big polluters with high taxes?
NEWTON EMERSON, Irish News, September 4th, 2025
THE SDLP has hit on a great idea, although only by accident.
The party published a plan last week to address the environmental damage exemplified by the crisis in Lough Neagh.
Its headline proposal is a 1% levy on the profits of large agri-food firms, raising £7.5 million a year. This would be spent employing 100 “advisers” to help farmers reduce nutrient pollution.
This softly-softly approach has already been tried. In 2017, the Department of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs moved from an enforcement to an ‘educational’ policy, with no unannounced farm inspections and a presumption against prosecution.
Clearly, this has failed. Any plan that involves further indulgence of polluters is either naive or cynical.
Yet the concept of a levy remains intriguing. While the SDLP has given no details on its operation, it would amount to charging a different rate of corporation tax.
The ability to implement this is Stormont’s for the asking. Westminster passed a law in 2015 to devolve corporation tax at the executive’s request. The request never came due to two Stormont collapses and the pandemic.
The original reason to seek the power now appears unaffordable. The DUP and Sinn Féin wanted to match the Republic’s 12.5% rate at an initial cost to the executive of £300m a year, which would hopefully fall as growth generated more tax.
Lowest Corporation tax in UK
The UK’s main rate has since risen by four percentage points and the amount of corporation tax collected here has almost doubled, so the initial cost of equalisation today could be closer to £1 billion, which is obviously out of the question.
But what if the tax was devolved for a new purpose – charging different rates to different industries?
This already occurs to a limited extent. There are separate rates for small firms, banks, and oil and gas companies. The 2015 law envisages Stormont setting only one “Northern Ireland rate” but it will have to be amended if it is ever used, as the small firms rate was only introduced in 2023 and it would be pointless to devolve corporation tax without it.
“With the power to set different rates, Stormont could reward and punish different industries at a manageable cost
So some lobbying might be required, although little more than would have to take place anyway and nothing compared to the decade of campaigning that delivered the 2015 legislation.
With the power to set different rates, Stormont could reward and punish different industries at a manageable overall cost.
Sinn Féin says it wants a comprehensive new industrial strategy that favours particular sectors – examples would probably include software, life sciences and advanced manufacturing. These could be given lower rates.
Agri-food could get a higher rate, or have the lower rate withheld until pollution improved.
One criticism of the SDLP’s proposal is that an agri-food levy would raise food prices, so withholding a tax cut would be more palatable. The SDLP’s report may have been pandering to farmers but it is correct that food processors bear a major responsibility for agricultural pollution.
Stormont can barely get its pants on in the morning, so it might sound wildly optimistic to suggest it sets up an innovate multi-sectorial tax regime.
However, such a regime could be far simpler than the current system.
The executive already has strategies favouring particular industries, delivered through a bewildering array of grants and other forms of support. This is expensive and inefficient even when it works.
Invest NI gave out £93m in grants last year and cost another £100m to run, and that is only a fraction of the help Stormont provides. The vocational training budget is nearly £400m a year.
Industrial de-rating – lower property rates for factories – could be seen as establishing the principle of different taxes for different industries. It cost £76m last year.
If some or all of that money was used instead for targeted corporation tax cuts, the administrative cost would be pennies in the pound and deciding how to make best use of the extra resources would fall to each and every firm in an industry rather than a handful of ministers and civil servants.
The original hope of devolving corporation tax would still apply – lower taxes could pay for themselves through growth.
Of course, there are many ideological, political and financial objections to cutting business taxes, but these do not apply where the alternative is simply giving companies public money, or spending public money to try to help them.
Perhaps what really makes all this unthinkable at Stormont is that running elaborate government support schemes is an industry in itself.
