SAS to sue British Government?
'I know of no precedent for this in the entire history of the British Army':
Government threatened with legal action by SAS association over Troubles legacy legislation
By Harry Taylor, PA Political Staff, Belfast News Letter, November 19th, 2025
The Government has been threatened with legal action over its reforms to legacy legislation on the Northern Ireland troubles by the body that represents the SAS and its veterans, MPs have been told, amid concerns that it could lead to prosecutions for former soldiers.
The SAS Regimental Association has reportedly written to Northern Ireland Secretary Hilary Benn in an “unprecedented” move, according to former Brexit secretary Sir David Davis.
He told Prime Minister’s Questions that the Government’s overhaul of the law affecting veterans who served in Northern Ireland was affecting recruitment, retention and morale of those still serving in the regiment.
Sir David went on to ask Sir Keir Starmer to personally intervene, after he said it was a matter of “national honour”.
Sir David Davis told MPs today that lawyers for the SAS Regimental Association have threatened the government with legal action over its Troubles legacy legislation
Threat of Legal Action
Sir David Davis told MPs today that lawyers for the SAS Regimental Association have threatened the government with legal action over its Troubles legacy legislation
The Government’s proposals, which received their second reading in the House of Commons on Tuesday evening, will set up a commission to investigate Troubles-related killings, and establish a separate information recovery.
However, the Conservative Party and others have raised concerns it could lead to legal cases against veterans.
Labour repealed part of the previous Legacy Act, which contained an immunity scheme after it came into office last year because it was found unlawful by the courts.
Sir Keir told MPs that the commission would only go over old cases if there were “compelling reasons”.
Sir David said: “The Prime Minister knows that last week, nine four-star generals made plain that yesterday’s Northern Ireland Bill is doing harm to the British Army already.
“Most acute damage is being felt by the Special Air Service. It is already affecting their recruitment, their retention, their morale and their operational effectiveness.
“As a result, lawyers for the SAS Regimental Association have sent a letter before action to the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland.
‘No precedent for this in the entire history of the British Army’
“I know of no precedent for this in the entire history of the British Army, and… it reflects how important it is.”
He continued: “Can I make a plea to the Prime Minister? Will he involve himself personally to make sure that 60, 70, 80-year-old soldiers, who have carried out actions which most of us would view as heroic, are not persecuted in the coming years, because now it’s a matter not of national security, but of national honour.”
On its website, the SAS Regimental Association describes itself as “the only official organisation that represents the Special Air Service Regiment and its affiliated units”. It is a registered charity, and runs a benevolent fund.
All UK police investigations into Troubles-related killings were shut down in May last year under the previous Conservative government’s Legacy Act, and a new Independent Commission for Reconciliation and Information Recovery (ICRIR) was established.
Labour’s Bill, agreed as part of a framework with the Irish Government, will put in place a reformed Legacy Commission with enhanced powers.
Replying to the Conservative backbencher, Sir Keir replied: “Can I thank him for his question and reassure him on the protections that he seeks for veterans? Because it is a very important issue, and he’s continually and rightly raised it.
“There will be protection from repeat investigations so the commission doesn’t go over old ground without compelling reasons.
“There will be a protection from cold calling, and protection in old age, so that elderly veterans are respected. Those who do contribute to the legacy process will have a right to anonymity, a right to stay at home to give evidence remotely, and a right to be heard through the commission.
“That is the work that we’re doing and I’m happy to discuss it further with him.”
The SAS Regimental Association, the Ministry of Defence and the Northern Ireland Office have been contacted for comment.
SAS legal threat over legacy is ‘offensive to victims’
PAUL AINSWORTH, Irish News, November 20th, 2025
A LEGAL threat against the British government by a group representing SAS veterans shows that victims’ rights do not matter in the debate over Troubles legacy legislation, it has been claimed.
The SAS Regimental Association, which represents veterans of the Special Air Service, is considering legal action over fears reformed legislation could lead to further prosecutions of ex soldiers.
Lawyers for the charity organisation have sent a “letter before action” to Northern Ireland secretary Hilary Benn, it was revealed yesterday.
The group has confirmed that legal action will ensue if the bill is “enacted in anything like its current state”.
Conservative MP and former Brexit secretary David Davis told the House of Commons there was no precedent for the move “in the entire history of the British army”.
Labour is repealing the Legacy Act introduced by the previous Tory government, including its controversial immunity from prosecution plan for those involved in Troubles crimes who co-operated with the Independent Commission for Reconciliation and Information Recovery (ICRIR).
On Tuesday, the new legacy legislation passed its second reading in the House of Commons.
If made law, the legislation will see the ICRIR reformed, with the setting up of a Legacy Commission to investigate Troubles killings and a separate information recovery body created.
This has sparked fears among veterans and opponents of the legislation in the Conservative Party that it could lead to more prosecutions of former soldiers who served in the north during the conflict.
During yesterday’s Prime Minister’s Questions, David Davis said the bill is “doing harm to the British Army already”, with the SAS among units facing significant impact.
“It is already affecting their recruitment, their retention, their morale and their operational effectiveness,” Mr Davis said.
“As a result, lawyers for the SAS Regimental Association have sent a letter before action to the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland.
“I know of no precedent for this in the entire history of the British Army… it reflects how important it is.”
Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer said of the new legislation that it will contain “protection from repeat investigations so the commission doesn’t go over old ground without compelling reasons”.
In a statement to the Irish News, a spokesperson for the SAS Regimental Association said: “As set out in our letter to the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, we have made our current position clear.
“If the Troubles Bill is enacted in anything like its current state, without adequate protections for our veterans, it will be subject to legal challenge.”
They added: “We remain prepared to work constructively with the government to ensure that if the bill becomes law, it contains within it fair and proportionate safeguards for veterans as we have outlined.
“It must make clear distinction between the status of veterans, who played a vital role in the campaign to counter an insurrection in Northern Ireland and that of the terrorists responsible for the violence. We look forward to hearing from the Secretary of State.”
Angry reaction
However, the threat has sparked anger among those representing victims of security force violence and killings during the Troubles.
Mark Thompson, chief executive of Relatives for Justice (RFJ), said the SAS is an organisation that during the conflict was “engaged in numerous pre-planned, premeditated ambushes that were essentially extra-judicial killings”.
“These ambushes included the killings of civilians and unarmed republicans,” he told The Irish News.
He said RFJ supported families who “successfully challenged the immunity provisions within the (previous) Legacy Act”, leading to the Court of Appeal of Northern Ireland ruling last year that parts of the legislation were unlawful.
“The current British government were directed by the courts to disapply these and other provisions identified within the Legacy Act as unlawful,” Mr Thompson said.
“The current semantics within Westminster are a reminder that the only rights that matter are the rights of those within the British army involved in horrific killings and not the rights of their victims.
“In fact, victims of state violence and collusion don’t even merit mention. It is offensive.
“If those members of the SAS involved in killing Irish citizens in Ireland believe they have acted lawfully then why would they require special protections and special treatment?”
The Northern Ireland Office declined to comment when contacted by the Irish News, referring to the Prime Minister’s answer to Mr Davis.
‘It looks like 2027 will be the last ever Assembly election’
Fr Sean McManus, Irish National Caucus, November 19th 2025.
IRISH CONGRESSIONAL BRIEFING
Distributed to Congress by Irish National Caucus
“If he is right, this is a dismal and foreboding article by Brian Feaney in today’s Irish News—'…Unionists don’t want to share power with Nationalists of whatever stripe…’ ”—Fr. Sean McManus.
It looks like 2027 will be the last ever Assembly election.
Brian Feeney. Irish News. Belfast. Wednesday, November 19, 2025.
After the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement (AIA), it became more and more usual to talk about “the two governments” and “Dublin and London”, or the other way round if you took a unionist view of the world.
In reality it was two sets of officials who had initially developed a close relationship since 1982, men like Britain’s Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong, his deputy David Goodall, and on the Irish side, Dermot Nally, Michael Lillis, Seán Donlon and Noel Dorr, a veteran of the Sunningdale negotiations, still going strong at 92.
That close relationship continued into the 1990s and later with the addition of NIO officials like Quentin Thomas.
The British had excluded the NIO until after the AIA because of its close connections with unionists and indeed the unionist sympathies many of its officials based in the north held.
It came to be accepted that politics in the north only progressed if the two governments were operating jointly.
So, it continued with umpteen all-party talks Dublin and London convened at various luxurious venues around Britain to cajole unionists into sharing power with Sinn Féin, culminating in the St Andrews Agreement.
The election of the British coalition government in 2010 wrecked that relationship, which has only begun to recover since the return of a British Labor government last year.
An enormous amount of damage was done during the period 2010-24, as Conservative politicians’ exaggerated idea of sovereignty meant excluding Dublin from important decisions, running down the British- Irish Inter-Governmental Conference, and, according to John Major, breaching the Good Friday Agreement by making a confidence and supply deal with the DUP.
It has to be said it wasn’t all one-sided. After the two governments twisted the DUP’s arms to devolve justice at Hillsborough in 2010, Enda Kenny’s government neglected the north.
A series of disengaged ministers of foreign affairs simply went through the motions, letting the British take whatever stupid decisions they wanted without a cheep, including ending 50-50 recruitment to the PSNI at the behest of the DUP.
Meanwhile, the Stormont Assembly was suppurating. It teetered all through the ‘noughties’ but since 2011, it has been on life support.
After 2017 it collapsed into a permanent vegetative state, briefly resuscitated in 2020 and 2024, only to relapse almost immediately.
North in stasis
Everyone accepts the north is in stasis. Administrative machinery doesn’t work, there are no developments: the program for government is rightly ridiculed, the anti-poverty plan is rubbished. Infrastructure is the road to nowhere etc., etc.
Now that the two governments are cooperating again, you might think this is an opportunity for them to take an initiative to revitalize Stormont, but the definition of a permanent vegetative state means they can’t. It’s sustained only by periodic injections of cash from Westminster.
What would the two governments do anyway? Repeat what they’ve been doing in one form or another for 25 years to get the Executive up and running? They’ve done it again and again and for some reason expect a different result.
They need to face the reality that Unionists don’t want to share power with Nationalists of whatever stripe, and that any Unionist party that reluctantly does, immediately faces attack from a party that doesn’t.
Thus, the DUP is now looking over its shoulder at the advancing TUV.
The bad news is we’re stuck. Given the current state of politics, there’ll be no initiative of any kind from Dublin and London, despite the fact that they both know Stormont isn’t working and isn’t going to work.
There’ll be no initiative because the two governments have their own troubles to contend with.
Keir Starmer is toast. The only question is when the toaster will pop him out; before Christmas? Or after May’s universally anticipated disastrous results?
Micheál Martin is also toast – at least one small morsel of good news for northern nationalists.
His growing number of enemies in Fianna Fáil await the results of the review into his stupid imposition of Jim Gavin as presidential candidate, but secondly, how much his failed stroke cost the party: €200,000?
In these circumstances it’s pretty obvious that there’ll be no effort to deal with The North, given the impending turmoil in the two governments.
That means the stasis at Stormont prevails until the 2027 Assembly election, unless Sinn Féin or the DUP discovers a compelling electoral advantage to call it a day.
Two questions follow. First, will SF and the DUP find a compelling reason to enter an Executive in 2027 on the same basis as now?
Secondly, will the two governments decide to call it a day and give up trying to go through the same process yet again, and expecting a different outcome?
It looks likely that 2027 will be the last Assembly election.
Irish Government endows Childers Professorship of Irish History at Cambridge
The University of Cambridge is delighted to announce a landmark gift of £3.6 million from the Government of Ireland, awarded on the basis of establishing the Childers Professorship of Irish History. This marks a renewed commitment to deepening the study of Irish history at Cambridge and to strengthening Anglo-Irish academic collaboration.
University of Cambridge website, November 13th, 2025.
‘We have a shared responsibility to understand each other better, understand our past more clearly, and work together to build a better future’, Simon Harris TD, Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade.
This post seems to have gone largely unnoticed but maybe of interest to some of you.
The new permanent post, expected to be filled in October 2026, ensures that Irish history will have a lasting presence at one of the world’s leading History faculties. The gift builds upon an enduring relationship between the University and the Irish government. It follows previous support from the Irish Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade for a temporary lectureship in Irish history.
The Professorship is named in recognition of Robert Erskine Childers and his son, Erskine Hamilton Childers, both Cambridge alumni and significant figures in modern Irish history. Their lives reflect the complexity of Ireland’s relationship with Britain and the evolution of Irish statehood, making them fitting namesakes for this new post.
The University has long attracted leading scholars of Irish history, and its Faculty of History is renowned for shaping historical scholarship through pioneering research and high-profile publications. With its international reputation for excellence in historical research and its ability to elevate specialist areas of study to global prominence, Cambridge is uniquely placed as the home for this Professorship.
Potential for ‘transformative impact’
Professor Richard Bourke, Professor of the History of Political Thought and Fellow of King's College, said: “This generous donation will have a transformative impact on the study of Irish history at the University of Cambridge and stimulate research both across the United Kingdom and globally, deepening academic contacts at all levels throughout these islands.”
Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Simon Harris TD, said: “Cambridge has a distinguished tradition of research and teaching in Irish History. This work has played an important part in deepening understanding of the complex shared political, religious, social and economic histories of Ireland and Britain.
“This new initiative will ensure that Irish history continues to be studied in one of the world’s leading universities, and that new research will help us better understand our shared history. It will be a permanent bridge between our two countries, connecting people and illuminating the unique relationships across these islands, north and south, east and west.
“We have a shared responsibility to understand each other better, understand our past more clearly, and work together to build a better future. At times over the past decade, it has felt that such understanding has been missing from public debate. The Childers Chair will be an important and enduring contribution to that work.”
The Childers Professorship will strengthen academic collaboration and exchange, ensuring that Irish history remains a vibrant area of research and public discussion. The role will provide long-term academic leadership in the field, support graduate students, and enhance research on Ireland’s historical and contemporary role in the world.
Professor Lucy Delap, Head of the Faculty of History at Cambridge, welcomed the announcement:
“The Faculty of History has long been home to innovative research and teaching on Ireland, but hitherto we’ve never had the chance to appoint to a permanent post in the field. The foundation of the Childers Professorship will galvanise our work in this area and enable Cambridge to emerge as a world-leading centre for the study of Irish History.”
For more information contact: Rosalind Griffin, Head of Development, Humanities and Social Sciences. rosalind.griffin@admin.cam.ac.uk
Supreme Court ruling on Religious Education in schools may suit Given
SAM MCBRIDE, NORTHERN IRELAND EDITOR, Belfast Telegraph, November 20th, 2025
The Supreme Court ruling on how religious education is taught in Northern Ireland's schools involves a problem for Education Minister Paul Givan, and a significant opportunity.
The 40-page judgment is far more complex than many people seem to have realised.
The judges explicitly set out what they are not doing. They say the case is not about secularism in the education system, not about whether Christianity should be the main faith taught, not about proselytising children outside school, not about Stormont's ability to have wide scope to plan the curriculum, and not about abolishing Christian-focused collective worship in schools.
It is likely that this verdict will have far less impact than many people think, and a significant reason for that is the identity of the education minister.
The judgement does not overturn any legislation, and so, it does not require the Assembly to pass new law. As a result, this issue is largely left to be resolved by Mr Givan.
He is now one of the foremost standard-bearers for traditional DUP thinking.
As the party has grown and modernised, it now encompasses a range of views on religious matters.
Mr Givan represents substantial continuity with the worldview of the party's founders, even if his willingness to attend the ecumenical service for the centenary of Northern Ireland saw him sharply criticised within the Free Presbyterian Church.
The ruling isn't about Mr Givan's particular strand of Christianity but about most basic elements of the Christian faith, as shared by the major Christian denominations.
Substantial shared ground with Catholic Church
On this, he will have substantial shared ground with the Catholic Church. The justification for Catholic schools is that they enshrine a uniquely Catholic ethos, at the heart of which is faith.
The judgment involves two elements: religious education taught in school, and school assemblies. If this judgment was, for instance, to mean that a Presbyterian minister had to deliver occasional assemblies in a Catholic school, or an imam had to lead collective worship in state schools, it would be a radical departure for most schools.
However, most religious education teachers already teach about non-Christian faiths, while the judges specifically say they are making no finding on whether assemblies should focus on Christianity.
Indeed, the judgment goes out of its way to say that “historically and today, Christianity is the most important religion in Northern Ireland. It is within the department's margin of appreciation in planning and setting the curriculum for the greater part of religious education to focus on knowledge of Christianity”.
As a conservative Christian, Mr Givan won't have welcomed this verdict. His department argued against what the judges have now found. Yet it also offers him an opportunity.
The remedy to what the court has found to be unlawful lies in new departmental guidance to schools and a change to the curriculum - both of which lie within Mr Givan's control.
Changing the Curriculum
He is now likely to react to this quickly, wanting to himself set the new policy rather than leaving that to a future minister.
That doesn't mean that this judgment is without difficulty for Mr Givan.
The verdict complicates his plan to reform education. Until now, that plan has been technocratic.
Mr Givan's worldview is conservative, and he appears to favour a more old-fashioned style of teaching where teachers focus on imparting knowledge, rather than the more modern concepts of 'self-learning' by pupils, although the two systems involve both concepts.
Thus far, there has been no suggestion that Mr Givan is using this for wider ideological reasons, involving either his unionism or religious beliefs.
If there is a unionist reason for what he's doing, it's a realisation that Northern Ireland's education system has now fallen behind the Republic's and so that is a long-term problem for the Union. Whatever his motivation, if the reforms produce better educational outcomes, no parent is going to object.
There has been no evidence that Mr Givan is seeking to alter the curriculum for religious reasons, such as through introducing the teaching of creationism.
If this verdict leads to guidance which attracts wider criticism from other parties and interest groups, it could increase scrutiny of his wider reforms, which could in turn make them more difficult to establish.
Yesterday's judgment contains considerable ground on which Mr Givan can rely, without appearing to be on his own religious crusade, although he often appears to deliberately seek to inflame rivals, and may do so here.
The Supreme Court said that “this case is not about whether Christianity should be the main or primary faith that pupils learn about in schools in Northern Ireland”.
It said there was a “wide margin” for the department to say what was appropriate — in essence, the courts are reluctant to intervene in this area but felt forced to do so by how badly the judges believed the child's parents had been treated by their school.
Daily collective acts of worship are mandatory
Judges also drew attention to legislation which will be a surprise to many parents, saying that it is legally mandatory for a daily collective act of worship. Plenty of schools have assembly weekly, sometimes because it would not be practical every morning to have the whole school in one place. If rigorously enforced, this judgment could actually mean an increase in collective worship.
The judges made clear that as long as schools provide the religious education mandated by the core syllabus, they are “at liberty to give additional religious education”.
Going further than this, they said this education could be “amount to indoctrination, evangelism, or proselytising… there is no requirement that the additional [lessons] are objective, critical, and pluralistic”.
All of that explains why the Catholic Church yesterday sounded intensely relaxed about the judgment and the Evangelical Alliance (EA) similarly downplayed the significance of a judgment which Darragh Mackin, the parents' solicitor, characterised as “probably the single most important legal decision for education, certainly in the last century”.
Referring to the requirement for objective and pluralistic education about different faiths, David Smith of the EA said: “This already happens in many schools and if done well, will allow the truth and hope of Christianity to shine.”
By contrast, the DUP and TUV reacted with dismay. Michelle McIlveen said it was “deeply disappointing” and would “concern” many people, while Jim Allister said he was “deeply disturbed” by a judgment he said contained” inflammatory” language.
In truth, it is campaigners for more secular schools who are likely to ultimately be disappointed by what this judgment means. In time, they're likely to bring other more far-reaching legal challenges — which, if they succeed, would have far more radical implications.
Irish Government endows Childers Professorship of Irish History at Cambridge
The University of Cambridge is delighted to announce a landmark gift of £3.6 million from the Government of Ireland, awarded on the basis of establishing the Childers Professorship of Irish History. This marks a renewed commitment to deepening the study of Irish history at Cambridge and to strengthening Anglo-Irish academic collaboration.
University of Cambridge website, November 13th, 2025.
‘We have a shared responsibility to understand each other better, understand our past more clearly, and work together to build a better future’, Simon Harris TD, Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade.
This post seems to have gone largely unnoticed but maybe of interest to some of you.
The new permanent post, expected to be filled in October 2026, ensures that Irish history will have a lasting presence at one of the world’s leading History faculties. The gift builds upon an enduring relationship between the University and the Irish government. It follows previous support from the Irish Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade for a temporary lectureship in Irish history.
The Professorship is named in recognition of Robert Erskine Childers and his son, Erskine Hamilton Childers, both Cambridge alumni and significant figures in modern Irish history. Their lives reflect the complexity of Ireland’s relationship with Britain and the evolution of Irish statehood, making them fitting namesakes for this new post.
The University has long attracted leading scholars of Irish history, and its Faculty of History is renowned for shaping historical scholarship through pioneering research and high-profile publications. With its international reputation for excellence in historical research and its ability to elevate specialist areas of study to global prominence, Cambridge is uniquely placed as the home for this Professorship.
Professor Richard Bourke, Professor of the History of Political Thought and Fellow of King's College, said: “This generous donation will have a transformative impact on the study of Irish history at the University of Cambridge and stimulate research both across the United Kingdom and globally, deepening academic contacts at all levels throughout these islands.”
Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Simon Harris TD, said: “Cambridge has a distinguished tradition of research and teaching in Irish History. This work has played an important part in deepening understanding of the complex shared political, religious, social and economic histories of Ireland and Britain.
“This new initiative will ensure that Irish history continues to be studied in one of the world’s leading universities, and that new research will help us better understand our shared history. It will be a permanent bridge between our two countries, connecting people and illuminating the unique relationships across these islands, north and south, east and west.
“We have a shared responsibility to understand each other better, understand our past more clearly, and work together to build a better future. At times over the past decade, it has felt that such understanding has been missing from public debate. The Childers Chair will be an important and enduring contribution to that work.”
The Childers Professorship will strengthen academic collaboration and exchange, ensuring that Irish history remains a vibrant area of research and public discussion. The role will provide long-term academic leadership in the field, support graduate students, and enhance research on Ireland’s historical and contemporary role in the world.
Professor Lucy Delap, Head of the Faculty of History at Cambridge, welcomed the announcement:
“The Faculty of History has long been home to innovative research and teaching on Ireland, but hitherto we’ve never had the chance to appoint to a permanent post in the field. The foundation of the Childers Professorship will galvanise our work in this area and enable Cambridge to emerge as a world-leading centre for the study of Irish History.”
For more information contact: Rosalind Griffin, Head of Development, Humanities and Social Sciences. rosalind.griffin@admin.cam.ac.uk
Belfast priest says BBC NI ‘biased’ against Catholics
CONNLA YOUNG CRIME and SECURITY CORRESPONDENT, Irish News, November 20th, 2025
ONE of the north’s most prominent Catholic priests has accused BBC Northern Ireland of “subconscious bias” against the Catholic faith and highlighted the “soft persecution” of Christians.
Fr Timothy Bartlett has called for an independent review of the broadcaster, particularly its operation in the north.
The Belfast-based priest told parishioners he has written to Assembly speaker Edwin Poots requesting a Stormont debate on the harsh treatment of Christians.
Fr Bartlett spoke out about the treatment of the Catholic faith during daily Mass at St Mary’s Church in Belfast city centre yesterday.
The parish priest at St Mary’s – Belfast’s oldest Catholic church – is a former assistant to Primate of All-Ireland Cardinal Sean Daly and helped organise a visit by Pope Francis to Ireland in 2018. He was speaking on Red Wednesday – a day set aside to highlight the persecution of Christians across the globe and referenced a report on the issue by Aid to the Church in Need, which was launched in the Vatican last week.
Addressing a large congregation, Fr Bartlett said 360 million Christians across the world face high levels of persecution and highlighted some of the most dangerous nations in the world to be a Christian, including North Korea and Nigeria.
The respected priest also spoke of how he decided to stop representing the Catholic Church with the media after becoming “weary” of what he described as anti-church bias.
In addition to highlighting the harsh treatment of Christians globally, Fr Bartlett said the faithful are also subjected to “soft persecution” closer to home.
In a hard-hitting homily during 1pm Mass, Fr Bartlett claimed BBC Northern Ireland had shown “unconscious bias against Catholics and the practice of Catholic faith”.
He also referenced Irish national broadcaster, RTÉ.
Speaking to The Irish News, Fr Bartlett said he has not engaged with the broadcast media for a number of years, the only exception being the death of Pope Francis in April.
Historical abuse coverage
“Particularly with BBC Northern Ireland, I decided some time ago I wasn’t engaging any more with them because I just felt that on almost every issue I was dealing with, there was some level of (a) lack of understanding of Catholicism,
“But even for positions that the church would adopt, that are shared by others in society who are not Catholics, there was this subconscious bias very often.”
Fr Bartlett believes he encountered bias after the Historical Institutional Abuse Inquiry was published in 2017, which investigated allegations of abuse in 22 institutions between 1922 and 1995.
“I gave an example in the church (yesterday), I represented the Diocese of Down and Connor at the historical abuse inquiry – something which I found scrupulously balanced and fair.
“And where Judge Hart had also been scrupulously balanced and fair in his report of the inquiry.
“But when it was reported by BBC Northern Ireland, even though 50 per cent of the institutions were Catholic – the others were other churches and Barnardo’s and state institutions – all of the imagery more or less was of Catholic statues, Catholic Rosary beads, collars on bibles, things like that, as if this was about the Catholic Church.
“A lot of the commentary, whether consciously or sub-consciously, left that clear impression.
“Even my own participation in programmes around that report, I found that was likewise – the working presumption.”
He also referenced another unpleasant experience with BBC NI when invited on to discuss an Encyclical letter by Pope Francis on the environment and care for the earth.
“I literally gave up a meeting with the Pope in favour of promoting his message as part of the programme,” he said.
“Having waited in Rome to come onto the programme for quite a long time, the person they brought in to discuss the matter was not a person who had anything to do with the environment or anything like that.
“All she wanted to say, and the show seemed to want to say, was, ‘who would listen to the Catholic Church anyway’ because of abuse?
‘It was about abuse, abuse, abuse’
“There was very little about the issue, it was abuse, abuse, abuse.”
Fr Bartlett said his experience forced him into a rethink.
“I remember thinking to myself, ‘why am I doing this?’”
And he added: “Subconscious bias reflects itself in the tone of a reporter, their reaction that you get.
“I have no difficulty, and fully expect, when I go on to represent the church on something that I will be asked difficult questions, probing questions about very difficult issues.
“However, whenever you feel there’s a clear bias, whether it’s abortion, LGBT issues, whether it’s on something like the Asher’s case, whether it’s about abuse, as if it’s only a Catholic Church issue – I was just weary, I just got weary of it all and I stopped even trying.
“And there’s no point in complaining, you get nowhere.
“So that’s why I have pulled out of the media.”
Fr Bartlett spoke of the need for an overhaul at the BBC.
“And that’s why I believe there needs to be a review, an in-depth, independent review, of the BBC generally since it is a taxpayer-funded organisation,” he said.
“And particularly there should be one in BBC Northern Ireland.”
A spokesman for the BBC said: “We understand, and seek to explore and reflect, the role that faith plays in the lives of many people – and to make all of that accessible to a wider audience.”
Union calls for guidance from minister after Religious Education Court Judgment
MARK BAIN, Belfast Telegraph, November 11th, 2025
TEACHERS MUST NOT BE LEFT IN THE DARK, SAYS NASUWT SECRETARY
A teaching union has urged the education minister to follow the law and ensure teachers are not left in the dark following a landmark Supreme Court ruling.
The court yesterday determined that the provision of religious education and collective worship in Northern Ireland schools did not meet human rights standards and was unlawful.
NASUWT Northern Ireland secretary Justin McCamphill called on teachers to be patient but also reminded Paul Givan how he had responded to a previous Supreme Court ruling on the definition of a woman.
He said: “The minister's response to the Assembly then was, 'It is important that I follow the law, and all departments and schools in the education system follow the law'. I expect this to be no different, unless the minister has changed his stance.
“It will take some time, but it is important teachers are not left in the dark. We need to get this right. I would hope the minister would see fit to consult with the teaching profession on any changes to the curriculum and the practices in our schools.”
Northern Ireland Humanists said the pressure was now on the minister to deliver guidelines on the role of religious education in schools, with more cases “ready to go to court” if changes to the curriculum were not made.
Group coordinator Boyd Sleator said: “Christmas is not being cancelled. There is no call for the removal of Nativity plays. Christianity still has a role, but what this ruling should do is broaden the outlook of our schools.”
He said there was a “great opportunity” for the Department of Education to revisit and rewrite the curriculum.
Mr Sleator continued: “But the minister has to act. Something has to change now. There are other parents lined up and ready to go to the courts unless those changes are made.”
Supreme Court appeal
In its judgment, the Supreme Court upheld an appeal brought by a pupil at a Belfast controlled primary school and her father, and reinstated an earlier court ruling that the teaching of religious education and collective worship breached human rights because it did not approach the subject in an “objective, critical and pluralist manner”.
The unnamed pupil had non-denominational Christian religious education and collective worship as part of the curriculum, but her family voiced concerns her religious education did not reflect their beliefs.
The ruling was sharply criticised by TUV leader Jim Allister, who described it as “deeply disturbing” and “an affront not only to teachers and parents but to the Christian foundations upon which our education system has long rested”.
He added: “[It is] another insidious elevation of the rights of non-Christian parents over those of Christian parents.”
Mr Allister also urged the Education Minister to “protect Christian values in our schools”.
His criticisms were echoed by DUP deputy leader and former Education Minister Michelle McIlveen, who said the ruling was “deeply disappointing” and “would “concern many parents, governors, teachers and faith communities”.
SDLP education spokesperson Cara Hunter said it was “unhelpful that some have leapt on this judgement and seem intent on using it for political purposes”.
She added: “To avoid undue worry or each school charting their own course, the department should provide legally sound guidance about what this means and doesn't mean.
“There has been no suggestion that religion be removed entirely. Schools don't need another DUP culture war.”
The Free Presbyterian Church said it was “dismayed” by the ruling, but other churches were more receptive.
Bishop Donal McKeown, from the Council for Catholic Maintained Schools said: “Northern Ireland has changed a lot since the last core curriculum was put together. This is an opportunity for all of us to be involved in renewing the curriculum to enable us to create a healthy, forward-looking society.”
David Smyth, the head of the Northern Ireland branch of the Evangelical Alliance, said: “This is not suggesting that religious education should not be provided, nor is this the end of Christian collective worship in schools.
“Schools will continue to teach about Christianity but may be required to do so in a more objective, critical and pluralistic manner. This is not a moment for fear.”
The Education Authority said it would “take time to consider [the judgement] in full in conjunction with the Department of Education”.
The department said: “We will carefully consider the complex judgment and its implications and will provide advice to schools in the near future.”
The Rt Reverend Andrew Forster, chair of the Transferor Representatives' Council, which represents the main Protestant churches, admitted there was disappointment at the outcome.
He said: “It raises many questions for our schools. Pupils, parents, teachers and governors all need the guidance promised by the Department of Education as to the standing of the religious education curriculum and the place of collective worship in our schools.”
Christian beliefs still have a role in education, but so do other faiths
MARK BAIN, Belfast Telegraph, November 20th, 2025
For decades the various school sectors in Northern Ireland have made the right noises about being 'welcoming to all'. It has also been the case that what is said has not always been matched by what happens when pupils go through the doors.
A welcome to all, it was, as long as you follow our faith, otherwise you risk being left on the sidelines.
Education and religion have been reasonably comfortable bed fellows since the birth of Northern Ireland 100 years ago.
The system as we know it spawned by an agreement on the foundation of the country, as Catholic and Protestant churches went their separate ways in assuming control of how we teach our children.
It was an each to his own arrangement, a split between the religions which met the needs of the time. Now is not that time.
It was, in a way, much simpler in 1922. A clear dividing line in society. Far removed from the multi-cultural community we live in today.
And change, though welcomed with kind words of acceptance, has been harder to deliver in any meaningful form.
Just ask those pioneers of integrated education who rocked the boat in 1981.
There will be some who say religion should have no role in schools in the first place.
They conveniently remove the fact that without the churches, there would have been no schools in the first place. They may well of course have developed later, but religion and education have always been intertwined.
The UK Supreme Court ruling — that the Christian religious education (RE) currently taught in schools in Northern Ireland is unlawful — will come as a delight to some and a shock to the system for others.
It won't change schools overnight. Maths and English, science and technology, the arts subjects will remain unaffected. All will be taught to the specifications of the curriculum. But they, in the main, are not 'divisive' subjects.
Northern Ireland and the history of religious division needs little explanation.
Now though, unless there is carefully worded guidance to follow from the Department of Education, the Supreme Court ruling does have the potential to create more division rather than usher in a new understanding.
We need look no further than the deeply held beliefs, the political divide along religious grounds and the resistance to change that has been ingrained in Northern Ireland's history.
The frequent use of the word 'indoctrination' in the judgment will cause concern from those who will see this as an attack on their faith. This is, they will argue, a Christian country and that Christian faith should be the focus of the teaching in religious education classes.
They have a point, of course, but it should not be at the exclusion of all other religions.
Religious influence is heavy on boards of governors, who control the day to day running of schools.
For many, including those who have for the last 40 years advocated a move towards integrated education, the shift to a pluralist education system should be organic.
But the conditions for organic growth have to be right and the minds in control of education receptive to it. That has not always been the case.
Currently the board of the Education Authority has legally assigned places for the four main Christian denominations - no other faiths are entitled to representation.
Schools have invested over 100 years in providing the sort of education for their pupils that parents want - and for many that has been following the ethos of one religious denomination or another.
Parents often elect to send their children to particular schools depending on their ethos. It's no easy solution to suggest to one family to send their children to a different school if they don't agree with their policies on teaching religious education.
In a society which has for so long been so protective of its religion, it's a shame it's taken an extended legal process to prise the doors open. But with little shifting in attitudes over the years, the options for effecting change were extremely limited.
It is important that some do not get too carried away with the ramifications.
This is not at attack on Christianity. There will be no end to nativity plays at Christmas time. This is a legal reminder on the duties of education to be inclusive of all. Christianity will still play a major role in our schools, but room has to be made for other faiths, other religions and none.
In her recent, much heralded review of the NI Curriculum, Lucy Crehan wrote: “A flexible and inclusive curriculum is one which is capable of responding to the diverse needs of learners, schools and communities.”
She did not mean the teaching of RE specifically, but those words have taken on an even greater meaning now.
And all our schools and the teachers employed to teach our children, will need guidance quickly, as a little knowledge of what will be required going forward can go a long way to negating any fear and indecisiveness that will only grow the longer educators are left fumbling in the dark trying to find the right thing to do.
Are we facing a Windsor Framework fiasco over new immigration laws?
NEWTON EMERSON, Irish News, September 20th, 2025
HOME Secretary Shabana Mahmood intends her tough new immigration and asylum proposals to be compatible with the European Convention on Human Rights.
She has been inspired by Denmark, where similar policies have survived challenges under human rights law.
So it might seem none of this need breach the Windsor Framework and cause the courts to strike it down in Northern Ireland, as happened last year with the previous government’s Rwanda deportation scheme.
But inevitably, legal challenges will still be attempted and they need not depend on claiming breaches of the convention.
The framework requires that no Good Friday Agreement rights be diminished due to Brexit. While the most obvious of these are convention rights, there are also separate guarantees against discrimination.
The framework lists six EU equality laws this relates to, involving protection from religious, racial and sexual discrimination in jobs, goods and services. But the list is not considered exhaustive. The government has given Northern Ireland’s human rights and equality commissions a formal role under the framework to recommend additions to the list.
One of the many EU laws they have said also applies is a directive on the treatment of asylum seekers, ensuring support if they face destitution.
This was put into UK law in 2005. Repealing it is central to the home secretary’s plans, enabling accommodation and financial assistance to be denied on a discretionary basis.
The Human Rights Commission, which brought last year’s case against the Rwanda scheme, won it on convention rights grounds.
However, the High Court in Belfast acknowledged the commission’s role in adding EU anti-discrimination laws to the framework’s scope.
What all this means is that the commission will certainly object to Mahmood’s plans and a judge may well agree.
Danish opt-out
Denmark gets away with its rules because it has an opt-out from the EU directive.
The Irish government says it may now need to tighten its rules in parallel with the UK to prevent asylum shopping.
Ireland has adopted the EU directive, although it did so belatedly. If it gets away with Mahmood-type rules, it might seem Northern Ireland could do the same.
Yet a court in Belfast could still decide this ‘diminishes’ rights and is not allowed here.
British Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood has set out tough new immigration and asylum proposals
The last government intended to appeal the Rwanda ruling before it lost power and the scheme was scrapped.
There are several reasons to believe an appeal would have been successful. For example, the agreement mentions its protections apply to citizens of Northern Ireland.
But even a successful appeal takes time, during which Mahmood’s new rules might be in force in Britain but not in Northern Ireland.
Any difference in the rules can have a significant impact.
Scotland guarantees accommodation to all unintentionally homeless people, rather than those in priority need, as in England.
This has made Glasgow a destination for people granted refugee status and ordered out of their asylum accommodation across the UK. Refugees now occupy half the city’s temporary housing, provoking a public backlash.
Northern Ireland’s small size relative to Britain means even a minor incentive to move here could have highly visible effects, raising tensions and straining systems already struggling to cope.
This could happen without any or all of the home secretary’s plans being implemented. The Irish government claimed the mere threat of the Rwanda scheme displaced more people from Britain than Ireland could manage.
The political impact of a Windsor Framework immigration fiasco in Northern Ireland would fall first upon the DUP, as other unionists attacked it for its naivety and dishonesty over Brexit.
Unionist parties would then all turn on Alliance for supporting the original protocol, which the framework does little more than rename.
Nationalist parties have generally been able to sit out framework arguments as nationalism is fundamentally relaxed about the concept of Northern Ireland under EU law. However, an immigration problem could be too contentious to ignore.
Since the Rwanda controversy, Aontú has called for a “sea border for people”, with an all-Ireland immigration and asylum system, while retaining the Common Travel Area.
This is unworkable without a united Ireland but of course that would not stop other nationalist parties coming up with similar ideas should they feel under pressure to do so.
The trouble the Windsor Framework can cause should not be underestimated.
It is so poorly conceived that the whole of Europe could tighten up its immigration rules and Northern Ireland might be unable to follow, at least for some time.
Report calls for greater transparency from PPS
JONATHAN MCCAMBRIDGE, Belfast Telegraph, November 20th, 2025
The relationship between the Public Prosecution Service (PPS) and elected representatives, and the information the organisation provides to the Assembly, should be examined, a report has said.
Chief Inspector of Criminal Justice Jacqui Durkin called for a review of the accountability arrangements between the director of public prosecutions, the attorney general and ministers.
Ms Durkin said: “The governance and accountability structures put in place when the PPS was formed were focused on safeguarding prosecutorial independence while promoting partnership working and an effective criminal justice system.
“Since the devolution of justice to the Assembly, and given the demands of our criminal justice system, it is timely to revisit these arrangements to ensure they remain fit for purpose and that the PPS's interests and the challenges it faces are appropriately represented in, and apparent to, the Assembly.”
Her report said there was a need for greater openness and public awareness of the organisation's performance.
Ms Durkin added: “Public attention and debate tends to focus on high-profile cases rather than how the PPS is providing efficient and effective services.
“Even though its performance is affected by, and can impact on, other parts of the criminal justice system, efforts to reduce delay and secure improved services have not produced the outcomes needed.”
The report highlighted a need for the PPS to develop a workforce strategy that was better informed by future demands and would enable better management of its staff and budget.
It also said greater engagement with the PSNI was needed to help the PPS better understand the types and volume of criminal case files being prepared for submission.
The chief inspector said: “While inspectors found the number of criminal case files being submitted to the PPS had declined to 38,682 in 2024/25, they also heard of the increasing complexity and seriousness of these cases, and the impact the rise in police body-worn video, and other multi-media evidence, was having on the length of time taken to make prosecution decisions and prepare cases for court hearings.”
Director of Public Prosecutions Stephen Herron welcomed the report. He said: “These recommendations are designed to improve transparency and accountability mechanisms and to assist the organisation to transform service delivery to meet the objectives set out in our strategic vision.
“As the report highlights, we are already carrying out a range of ongoing work with our partners, including the PSNI, on initiatives to manage demand, reduce delay, stabilise our workforce and improve our service delivery.
“This includes the establishment of a new Working Together programme with police, which focuses on challenges including improving file quality and disclosure processes.”
With the length of time it takes for cases to actually get to court here, reform of PPS was long overdue
ANALYSIS ALLISON MORRIS, Belfast Telegraph, November 20th, 2025
SHAKE-UP WILL BE THE BIGGEST THAT PPS HAS HAD IN ITS 20-YEAR HISTORY
In June of this year the Public Prosecution Service marked 20 years as the independent service responsible for prosecutions in Northern Ireland.
Prior to the establishment of the PPS in 2005, the RUC — and later the PSNI — not only investigated crimes, but also prosecuted most offences.
Only the most serious cases were handled by Crown solicitors and Crown counsel.
Given the history of Northern Ireland, the issues over allegations of partiality and perceived bias meant the new system was welcomed at the time as one that created a fair and more independent body for prosecuting crimes.
Now a Criminal Justice Inspectorate report has said this independence — while still important — leaves an accountability vacuum when it comes to the performance of the office.
Currently the Director of Public Prosecutions Stephen Herron appears before the Justice Committee twice a year to answer questions about his office's performance, but this is an entirely voluntary arrangement with no statutory footing.
Our justice system is in need of reform, mainly to speed the process up.
Serious criminal cases in Northern Ireland take longer to come to trial than in any other jurisdiction in either the UK or Ireland.
The median time taken for a case to be completed across all courts in Northern Ireland was 189 days in 2024-25, which was one day less than the previous year.
Crown Court cases taking over 18 months
However, Crown Court charge cases were still taking an average of 542 days to complete in 2024-25.
For summons cases in the Crown Court, the average number of days in 2024-25 was 1,211 compared to 1,199 in the previous year.
One of the longest cases currently before the Crown Court is that of a former police officer accused of misconduct, with the alleged offences dating back to 2014/15 and a case first mentioned in court in 2017 now not expected to come to trial until 2026.
Case processing times in the Youth Courts are also lengthy, with charge cases taking 158 days and summons cases taking 290 days in 2024-25, although there is a push to prioritise any abuse cases involving child victims or witnesses.
In the 20 years since the formation of the PPS, technology has changed and therefore how crimes are committed and investigated has also changed.
The CJI report notes “the increasing use and complexity of digital and multi-media evidence sourced from body-worn video, closed-circuit television, laptops and mobile phones” has added about 10% in prosecutor time to case work.
The use of agency staff to lighten the load, and the increased budget for prosecution counsel in the courts all feature in the inspection report.
The report makes a number of strategic and operational recommendations to improve the service, noting that current attention and debate tends to focus on high-profile, individual cases rather than how the PPS provides an overall service in the public interest.
It remains important that justice in Northern Ireland is seen to be independent.
But the performance of the service, staff levels, budgets and the speed at which justice is delivered are matters that require both public and political scrutiny.
All are reflected in the CJI's recommendations for strategic and operational changes to the PPS, which would mark the biggest shake-up in how the office operates since its formation just over 20 years ago.
Audit reports highlight record-keeping failures with MLA expenses
CONOR COYLE, Irish News, November 20th, 2025
Details of the reports highlight a number of issues in how Assembly staff deal with expenses.
Two successive internal audits carried out on the administration of MLA expenses at Stormont have highlighted “failures to ensure proper records are kept”.
Audits carried out by consultancy firm Ernst and Young (EY) for the financial years 2022/23 and 2023/24 on the Northern Ireland Assembly Commission’s handling of expenses for politicians have been released to The Irish News via Freedom of Information requests.
The audit reports were previously carried out internally by Assembly staff, but for the last two years have been carried out by EY. On both occasions, the conclusion from the firm after conducting the reviews was “satisfactory”. However, the details of the reports highlight a number of issues in how Assembly staff deal with expenses.
On both occasions, in a section highlighting risks from current processes in place, the report notes: “Failure to ensure that proper records are kept results in an inadequate audit trail to substantiate payment of Members’ Expenses.”
This week The Irish News reported on a “serious flaw” in how MLAs claim for travel expenses, as Assembly staff have no way of verifying attendance at Stormont before paying out for mileage claims.
The internal audit reports from EY have the objective of “providing reasonable assurance over the design and operating effectiveness of the controls in place to support the administration and payment of Members’ expenses”.
The 2022/23 EY report, which covers a period when the Assembly had been collapsed after a DUP boycott, was more critical of the processes in place than the most recent audit but still concluded that they were “satisfactory”.
The recommendations highlighted in the report were categorised as “Priority 2”, meaning: “Failure to implement the recommendation could result in the failure of an important organisational objective or could have some impact on a key organisational objective.” The report noted the process for verifying expenses as “inefficient and cumbersome” and represented a “poor use of resources and creating frustrations for staff”.
“Inaccuracies in data input may result in processing errors and a failure to monitor Members’ expenditure against their allowed limits,” the re-port states.
The report recommended that management “review the current approach to record keeping as a priority”.
A response from Assembly Commission management in the 2023 re-port accepted that “many of the corporate systems and processes… have weaknesses and are no longer fit for purpose”.
Improvements were noted in the 2024 report and all recommendations carried a ‘Priority 3’ level, which is described as “failure to implement the recommendation could lead to an increased risk exposure”.
‘Inadequate audit train’
However, issues around record keeping were once again flagged as an issue and has resulted in “an inadequate audit trail to substantiate payment of Members’ Expenses.”
In a test example audited by EY, the authors of the report found one occasion where a rates bill for an MLA’s office building had mistakenly been paid to Land and Property Services rather than the property landlord.
“The lack of scrutiny towards the processing and payment of funds may lead to misallocation of public funds,” the report notes.
“We recommend that management increase the level of scrutiny for future claims.”
A spokesperson for the Assembly said: “All Members’ claims are checked for full compliance with the relevant determination that is in effect at the time. Each year, as a matter of routine, a quarter of Members are selected and all of their claims are audited. A report of the audit is then prepared for presentation to the Assembly Commission’s Audit and Risk Committee, including any recommendations and management responses.
“In relation to the two audit reports on Members’ claims for 2022/23 and 2023/24, a number of minor recommendations were made which have been fully implemented. As part of this process, a status update on the implementation of agreed recommendations is reported to the Assembly Commission’s Audit and Risk Committee on a quarterly basis.”
Clean-up bill for Mid Ulster bonfire sites was over £25k
Disposal of tyres was biggest cost to Council in measures taken in run-up to pyre events and repair of damage to various sites
FRANCOIS VINCENT, Irish News, November 20th, 2025
MID ULSTER District Council officers have revealed that over £25,000 has had to be spent in 2025 to deal with illegal summer bonfires throughout the district, both in the run-up to bonfire events, and to fix the damage they cause to council-owned sites.
At Killymoon in Cookstown, £4,215 has been spent on the provision of concrete barriers and on their subsequent removal, including hire cost, while the supply, installation and removal of CCTV at the same location has cost the local authority £2,130. The removal and disposal of materials pre-bonfires, including a large quantity of tyres, cost £10,180 at Killymoon, Cookstown; £894 at Riverside, Castledawson; and £1,392 at Killymerron, Dungannon, totalling £12,466.
The supply and installation of public notice signage at Killymoon (Cookstown), Riverside (Castledawson), Killymerron (Dungannon), Monrush (Cookstown), Moneymore, and Mill Park (Tobermore) came to a total cost of £2,512.50.
The price tag attached to the clean-up of the above-mentioned council-owned sites, including the disposal of material, cost Mid Ulster District Council £4,450. In total, illegal summer bonfires cost the Council £25,773.50 in 2025.
Commenting on the figures at an Environment committee meeting held on November 11, DUP councillor Clement Cuthbertson said: “I did highlight at previous meetings that I suspected that a large chunk of money was going in relation to disposing of tyres, and that is plain to be seen when we see the breakdown of the figures.
“The tyres were illegally dumped and then removed by Council, probably on a lot of occasions over the years, on the request from the people that’s involved in the bonfires.
“There’s also then costs in relation to supply and installation of public-notice signage. Does Council have a supplier? Is there a tender that goes out for a company to supply signage each year?
“Was there a tendered exercise also in relation to the provision and monitoring of CCTV supply, installation and removal? I understood that any time the Council needed CCTV, that the PCSP (Policing & Community Safety Partnership) has temporary cameras that can be installed.
“So, did we have to pay the PCSP for this, or did we go out to tender again for a CCTV provider?”
Final cost unknown
Sinn Féin councillor John McNamee said that fully reinstating the sites used for bonfires would end up costing a lot more than the figures quoted. He added: “Councillor Cuthbertson brings up the signage that was criminally damaged and removed and burnt, and all these other things that happened on different sites.
“We see here just a small figure of approximately £26,000. And we don’t have the repairs that’ll have to be done to some grass areas as we come into the springtime. That’s taking us well up to approximately £80,000 for one year.”
Referring to a previous debate, when Cllr Cuthbertson expressed concerns regarding the cost of Irish-English street signage, the Sinn Féin representative remarked: “Did you hear the song and dance that went on about Irish language, which is council policy?
“This is criminal damage. Bonfires are illegal on council property, and Councillor Cuthbertson ignores it completely, and he attacks council policy. It’s absolutely ridiculous. I don’t know what audience he’s playing to, but he’s playing to some.”
Director of Property Services, Terry Scullion confirmed that a large number of tyres had had to be removed from the bonfire sites.
He said: “There’s significant disposal there in terms of tyres, they make up a large part of that cost. In respect of the tenders, the council’s tender thresholds are very clearly set out in the procurement policy around quotation and tender levels.
“I don’t know the details in terms of the signage provider. [Regarding] signage costs for the supply and installation, there are a number of sites where signs were removed, and they were replaced on multiple occasions.”
Referring to the camera that was installed at Killymoon, in Cookstown, Mr Scullion added: “At this site it was a purchased camera, it wasn’t purchased from PCSP.
“It was installed, and because it was damaged, a second camera was also installed at the site as well.”
Cllr Cuthbertson responded: “I don’t understand why we had to go out to purchase CCTV. The PCSP has CCTV cameras. Councillor McNamee must have done a bit of homework in relation to grass seed, because last month he told us that the figures were £70,000, and by the time you re-seeded this grass it would be up to £100,000, so he’s dropped it down to £80,000…
“I think he’ll still come down a wee bit more in relation to the price of grass seed. In relation to the resurfacing and fence works in Killymoon, it hasn’t been done for a number of years. We’re waiting for recommendations or other options to come back from Terry’s team in relation to that.
“I don’t think it’s acceptable that the Bonfire Working Group hasn’t made any recommendations in the last six or seven years, at least.”
Council Deputy Chief Executive, Anne-Marie Campbell explained why it was important for the Council to take action in relation to illegal bonfires.
She said: “We as a council will be liable if we are not seen to be taking preventative measures in a timely manner [in relation] to activities which are not covered by council insurance.
“The council is not covered for anything that would happen on a bonfire site, because it’s not part of council policy. It’s something that’s discussed at the working group.”
Care Workers left behind in Health Service pay deal
LETTER, Irish News, November 20th, 2025
Fulfilling Real Living Wage commitment is imperative
AS I neared the end of my career as a school principal, I spoke to a group of A-level students at an assembly. Half-joking – though perhaps with a hint of truth – I expressed my hope that many of them would pursue careers in medicine or nursing.
With retirement on the horizon, I was already recognising the increasing importance of these professions, far more so than solicitors or accountants – careers I had perhaps unfairly downplayed for comedic purposes.
Retirement, though, has a way of expanding one’s perspective. Over time, I’ve come to realise that it’s not just doctors and nurses who are vital to my generation and our parents’ generation. Equally indispensable are the countless committed care workers who assist them every day. Their compassion, respectfulness, good humour and practical skill sustain many families. Unlike retired headteachers, they go above and beyond not for recognition or advancement, but simply because the people in their care truly depend on them.
This is why the recent decision to withhold the promised pay increase from independent-sector care workers is so profoundly disappointing. Following assurances from the Department of Health to fund a Real Living Wage, this abrupt U-turn feels less like a policy shift and more like broken trust. Raising hopes only to crush them is unjust; doing so to an already overburdened workforce is indefensible.
These workers aren’t on the margins of the healthcare system – they are its foundation. They enable hospital beds to become available, allow vulnerable people to stay in their homes, and give families peace of mind. Valuing doctors and nurses while devaluing care workers reflects a fundamental misunderstanding of how interconnected the system is.
If Northern Ireland truly cares about dignified ageing, integrated health and social care and fundamental fairness, then fulfilling the Real Living Wage commitment isn’t optional – it’s imperative.
ENDA CULLEN Tullysaran, Co Armagh
Only 11% of those in ‘housing stress’ in Belfast got homes last year
Housing Executive chief expects ‘another year where number of new social homes being built falls short of what is required’
MICHAEL KENWOOD, Irish News, November 20th, 2025
OVER 5,000 people in Belfast presented themselves as homeless to the Housing Executive in the last year, while over 11,000 were classified as being in “housing stress” and on the housing waiting list in the city.
But figures show that with only 1,678 homes being allocated to waiting list applicants in this period, only a ninth of those in housing stress were accommodated in the last year by the Housing Executive.
Meanwhile, 3,292 people who presented as homeless were accepted for support last year, with the official figure for homelessness in the city by HE over the period as 5,079.
The Housing Executive, in its yearly report to Belfast Council at City Hall this week, produced a list of figures both positives and negatives, with the Housing Executive chief executive Grainia Long admitting to councillors “new social homes being built fall short of what is required”.
Housing Executive chief executive says the body plans to invest £750m into its housing stock across Northern Ireland over the next three years
At a special meeting of the council’s People and Communities Committee on Tuesday evening, officials from the HE said Northern Ireland.
A third of a Billion
Housing Executive investment in Belfast City Council during 2024/25 amounted to over a third of a billion, at £340.45 million.
A total of £38.23 million was invested in Housing Executive properties through planned maintenance and stock improvements during 2024/25 in Belfast.
A further proposed spend of £45.57 million is planned for Housing Executive homes across the city in 2025/26. £14.90 million was spent on energy efficiency improvement measures across HE homes in Belfast in that time.
Over the 2024/25 year in Belfast, the housing waiting list included 11,203 applicants in housing stress by 31 March 2025. Single and small family households comprise 79 percent of the housing stress waiting list in the council area. 1,678 homes were allocated to waiting list applicants in this period.
In the city 5,079 people presented as homeless during 2024/25, 3,292 of whom were awarded homeless full duty status. 1,797 new builds of HE homes units are onsite, with 1,883 planned to start in the next three years. 55 HE properties were sold to sitting tenants during 2024/25 in Belfast.
At the meeting, Grainia Long said: “The rent levels set over the last three years have given us some additional capacity to invest in our own homes. Last year we were able to make significant investments in improving our homes and, assuming rent levels remain stable, we plan to invest £750 million into our housing stock across Northern Ireland over the next three years.
“We are pleased to be able to deliver for our tenants however we do have concerns about the impact of the housing budget for 2025/26, specifically on the ambitions for increasing housing supply.
“Investment in new-build homes in the city saw 1,797 housing association units on-site at March 2025, and 318 housing completions for the year. Any addition to housing stock is a benefit, however the pressure on future capital spending will continue into 2025/26, and we will see another year where the number of new social homes being built falls short of what is required.
“We must continue to collaborate with councils and the housing sector to find solutions.”
MEPs call for north’s politicians to be given ‘observer status’ in European Parliament
JOHN MANLEY, POLITICAL CORRESPONDENT, Irish News, November 20th, 2025
POLITICIANS from Northern Ireland should be granted observer status in the European Parliament, according to a cross-party group of MEPs.
The group of 13 Irish MEPs and an Italian representative argue that the north’s post-Brexit relationship with the EU is complex and unique. However, former Ulster Unionist leader Robin Swann has criticised the proposal, saying such a move would be a “waste of resource”.
The circumstances cited in the MEPs’ letter to EU President Roberta Metsola include the region’s participation in the single market, its citizens’ entitlement to EU passports and the automatic pathway back into the bloc should there be a united Ireland.
“The focus should be on removing the continuing obstacles Northern Ireland businesses face as a result of the Windsor Framework
North Antrim MP Robin Swann, right
Signatories to the letter include Fine Gael’s Seán Kelly, independent Ciaran Mullooly and Sinn Féin’s Kathleen Funchion.
They argue that the EU “should recognise this unique position and offer observer status to Northern Ireland political representatives in the European Parliament” but concede that the British government would need to make the request.
The MEPs note that a “clear majority” of people in Northern Ireland voted to remain in the EU in the 2016 referendum.
“If we can facilitate an arrangement for political observers to the European Parliament, we will be keeping the door open to the European project for the people of Northern Ireland,” their letter states.
North Antrim MP Robin Swann said: “Sending observers to the EU, as a precursor for a United Ireland, would be a waste of resource.
“The focus should be on removing the continuing obstacles that Northern Ireland businesses face as a result of the Windsor Framework.”
SDLP MLA Matthew O’Toole said the MEPs’ proposal was “hugely welcome”.
“Whether it is in recognising our obligations under EU law, our EU citizenship rights and our unique right to automatically rejoin the EU via a new Ireland, the people of Northern Ireland deserve representation in the EU Parliament,” he said.
“We would call on the UK and Irish governments, as well as the EU, to secure this vital representation for our people.”
