It can't go on like this

Stormont is a broken, hapless administration whose rambling incoherence is excruciating

SAM McBRIDE, Belfast Telegraph, January 31st, 2026

THIS YEAR MLAS HAVE SPENT JUST NINE MINUTES DEBATING LEGISLATION IN THE ASSEMBLY CHAMBER — YET COULD FIND TIME TO DISCUSS EVERYTHING FROM THE TRAITORS TV SHOW TO DONALD TRUMP AND 'BLUE MONDAY'

Few U-turns in Stormont's history have been both as sudden and significant.

Last Thursday, John O'Dowd's Department of Finance announced the outcome of 'Reval 2026' - a revaluation of business properties across Northern Ireland to decide how much each should pay in rates, the local property tax jointly controlled by Stormont and councils.

On Monday, O'Dowd stoutly defended the policy from criticism. He lambasted MLAs who queued up to question him and insisted he was standing over the policy.

Just 72 hours later, he abandoned this approach. It was a humiliating reversal of a major government policy, and has additional significance because it came from Sinn Féin's most capable Stormont minister.

What happened this week is significant in itself. But its far greater significance lies in what it reveals about the Executive.

Things in the Executive are bad, and they're getting worse.

Michelle O'Neill and Emma Little-Pengelly made clear that this time the Executive should be judged on delivery, not merely praised for having survived. Yet the government they lead now can point to little beyond survival.

It hasn't even moved to end the pollution entering Lough Neagh, much less cleaned up the lough itself. More than a decade after the Bengoa Report, it still hasn't enacted the sweeping health reforms he envisaged.

Roads are still getting worse. NI Water is flushing vast volumes of raw sewage into our rivers, lakes and the sea but the Executive refuses to bill those who could pay more to upgrade sewage infrastructure.

Even the RHI scheme remains in place, with the plan to shut it involving essentially renaming the scheme and actually reducing the scrutiny which might catch fraudsters.

A rubber stamp Assembly

O'Dowd's U-turn adds to the growing sense that the default setting for Sinn Féin's ministers in government is that of a rubber stamp.

Far from the radical party many unionists once feared, O'Neill's ministers overwhelmingly just approve what their officials recommend.

Even a Sinn Féin spin doctor would struggle to identify many drastic achievements of the sort which no other party would have achieved.

Yet this acceptance of civil service advice comes at the worst possible time to be deferential to mandarins.

As the Audit Office report on Tuesday laid bare, the civil service is going backwards in key areas. It's not keeping many of its own promises to reform after RHI and is blaming a lack of funding or staff when in fact the reverse is true.

There are 1,627 more civil servants than there were in 2019. The staff pay bill has soared from £870m then to almost £1.3bn (before pay increases estimated at about 10% are included). Agency workers have increased from 2,099 in 2019 to 4,939.

Taxpayers are now paying £48.8m a year for 303,500 days in which civil servants do no work because they say they're sick.

Yet despite all these problems, only 32 civil servants were last year told their work was unsatisfactory.

However, in this instance it is far from clear that officials bungled this. Rather, this appears to be a minister who either didn't appreciate the politics of what he was approving, or who thought he could get away with it but misread the political landscape.

The revaluation exercise is — as O'Dowd was at pains to explain — not about raising more money. It is separate to rates increases, which happen every year. Rather, this is about deciding how that overall non-domestic rates burden is divided up among different types of businesses.

The French philosopher Alexis de Tocqueville once observed that “there is almost no issue of public interest which does not derive from taxes or end up with taxes”.

Utter incoherence

Deciding how to raise and then spend money is one of the most basic responsibilities of any government. Yet here there has been utter incoherence from the Executive on this issue.

As with the draft three-year budget which O'Dowd published at the start of this month, the other Executive parties immediately washed their hands of the rates revaluation.

This was never Executive policy, but Sinn Féin policy.

The DUP became unlikely champions of pubs. The party's South Down MLA Diane Forsythe told the Assembly the proposals were “ludicrous” and “catastrophic”, adding: “Let me be clear: Reval2026 was not issued by the Executive. It was not voted for in the Assembly.”

On Monday, the SDLP leader of the Opposition, Matthew O'Toole, criticised what was happening, only to be told by O'Dowd that the changes “will redistribute business rates in the fairest possible way”.

He was fully aware that this would hit hospitality — indeed that was part of the point of what he was doing. O'Dowd told the Assembly that “as with all revaluations, some ratepayers will pay more. Pub and hotel sector discounts applied during the previous revaluation, which took place during the pandemic, have been removed. In some cases, increases also reflect increased trading performance and material changes to premises, such as extensions or refurbishments, resulting in higher rental values.”

When DUP MLA Phillip Brett criticised the plan, O'Dowd rounded on him by saying: “The member states that something has clearly gone wrong, but he did not state what that was….he needs to back it up with evidence. I have the evidence. That is the difference between me and you.”

He said that “those members who tell me, 'Go away and stop that' are actually telling that to their constituents who have got a rates valuation that is either the same or lower than it was previously…that they should carry a greater rates burden than they do currently. That is what you are saying to them”.

Yet ultimately, that is what O'Dowd has now done. Because the exercise would have seen some — especially in hospitality — pay more, it means that those who would have paid less now won't benefit.

The beneficiaries would mainly have been in retail in most places outside Belfast, recognising the reduced value of town and city centre space for shops.

O'Dowd went on: “No one has yet pointed out to me how the process is faulty or flawed. The process is correct.”

When SDLP MLA Justin McNulty criticised the minister's approach, O'Dowd told him “you do not know what you are talking about”.

All of this now sounds terribly arrogant.

A fair rates system?

The following day, Sinn Féin's Economy Minister, Caoimhe Archibald, also defended the now-abandoned policy, saying it “is to ensure that there is fairness in our rates system”.

Three days after his defiant defence, O'Dowd ate his own words and said the process would be halted. O'Dowd would say that this shows politics working: A minister has heard the response from businesses and has responded.

While that's not entirely untrue, it's not the full story. The last week involved a mammoth lobbying effort — especially by Hospitality Ulster - which has worked. Other lobbyists will have been observing the weakness of this big beast of Sinn Féin. If even he can be forced into such an abrupt U-turn, they will see hope of forcing Stormont to back off from the interests they represent.

More broadly, this is now a deeply unpopular Executive at war with itself, and losing public support.

Even the Andersonstown News — whose publisher Máirtín Ó Muilleoir is a former Sinn Féin finance minister and which is known for its loyalty to Sinn Féin — asked this week in an editorial whether O'Dowd's rates revaluation was “proportionate or fair”.

It said there was “an alternative hiding in plain sight which the Executive could deploy” — making huge companies pay far more in rates — and pointedly observed: “Choices to date have impacted more on the smaller businessperson than on the corporate giants. Isn't it time, therefore, that those with the broadest shoulders bore a fairer share of the rates burden?”

Sinn Féin's rating policy is even more indefensible in keeping the poorest domestic homeowners subsidising the rates bills of those in the grandest mansions. The party has made clear this isn't a trade-off with the DUP, but that it doesn't believe it would be fair to ask the richest in society to pay their full rates bills.

Own goals

Over recent months there has been a growing awareness among nationalists that Sinn Féin isn't delivering its priorities. The A5 can't be built because of a law SF championed. The money for Casement Park still hasn't been agreed, despite the recent decision to start doing some basic work at the site — something which looks like a glorified press release.

Lough Neagh isn't being cleaned up. Irish unity doesn't look remotely possible within four years, as SF has been claiming. What actually is the party doing to advance its political agenda in Stormont? It has the status of being top dog, but that's a dubious status in an institution widely seen as a failure.

But this is about something far more profound. If Sinn Féin was simply failing to secure its party political priorities that would be a problem for the party alone. In truth, the entire Executive is floundering. Rates aren't a tribal issue, yet have exposed the absence of any collective responsibility in the administration headed by O'Neill and Little-Pengelly.

As the perceptive nationalist commentator Chris Donnelly wrote on Thursday, Stormont “is heading for a crisis”. He said it is a place where “there is no unity of purpose, and in its absence no one thinks the buck stops with them. Suspicion discourages difficult decisions, and so we limp along creating a bigger mess and a gaping budgetary hole”.

Donnelly said that in response to the rates debacle, but this isn't just about one party; it's about a hapless government. It wants to spend lots more money but doesn't want to raise lots more money. It wants to be popular but can't even succeed at that when it refuses to take unpopular decisions.

A month into 2026, Stormont's legislative Assembly has found only nine minutes to debate Stormont legislation — and that was a piece of routine secondary legislation to raise the fees for waste management.

Over the last two months, the Assembly has debated Stormont legislation in the Assembly chamber for just over two hours.

Giving power back to Westminster

On top of this, it has spent a short period agreeing to let Westminster legislate on its behalf in areas which are nominally devolved. But if this institution didn't exist to make laws, it would have made virtually no difference to its operation over the last two months.

The order papers for next week's sittings show no change: There isn't a single piece of Stormont legislation down for consideration. Instead, there'll be meaningless debates on ending academic selection and creating a sports museum — neither of which will change anything.

Legislation is simply not coming from the Executive for the Assembly to scrutinise. Instead, the order paper is padded out with often pointless private members' motions and adjournment debates.

Already this year, MLAs have found Assembly time to talk about The Traitors TV show, Donald Trump, flags (of course), 'blue Monday', BBC bias, and Venezuela. But debating legislation is a step too far for a legislative assembly, apparently.

These are the people who in some cases — and certainly in Sinn Féin's case — want more tax-varying powers. Yet the vast powers at their disposal generally sit there with ministers appearing to be unsure what to do with them.

There's now a rambling incoherence in the Executive which is likely to endure until the next election, still more than a year away. Whether the smaller parties can afford to stay in for that long is increasingly in question.

It is a breaking and a broken administration.

‘The natural state for any nation is to be independent’

Plaid Cymru leader Rhun ap Iorwerth is tipped to head the first ever pro-independence government in Wales. He spoke to David McCann about the future of the union, his admiration for Ireland, and what Stormont could learn from Welsh language protections

FOR decades, Welsh politics has been dominated by one party – Labour. They have led every government since 1999, making them the longest-serving devolved administration in the UK.

However, the winds of change are blowing in Cardiff Bay, as Plaid Cymru leads the polls and is tipped to lead a government for the first time, with their leader, Rhun ap Iorwerth, becoming first minister.

The former political journalist entered politics in 2013. If he is successful on May 7, he will not only be the first non-Labour but the first pro-independence first minister in Welsh history.

That could alter the dynamics of how the devolved administrations engage with London and add fuel to the chaos engulfing UK politics.

The current first minister, Eluned Morgan, has warned about the threat to the union if Plaid come to power, arguing earlier this month that “separatism is now very much on the agenda in our nation”.

But who really is the first serious pro-independence contender for the top job in Welsh politics? And what impact could a Plaid Cymru-led government have on the wider constitutional debate?

For ap Iorwerth, politics was always a part of his life. He remembers his father being politically active and Plaid Cymru (‘Party of Wales’) always being seen as the vehicle for building a nation and allowing it to chart its own course.

Before entering active politics, he joined the BBC in 1994, working in Wales and at Westminster. He eventually became BBC Wales chief political correspondent.

His time as a journalist coincided with big moments in Welsh politics, including the introduction of devolution in 1999.

Taking himself out of party politics and becoming an impartial observer of events was something that ap Iorwerth says that he “found very easy because my profession as a journalist was very, very important to me”.

A by-election in the seat of Ynys Môn in August 2013 created an opportunity to run for the Senedd, the Welsh parliament.

Within five years, he was deputy leader of Plaid Cymru, eventually taking the leadership in 2023.

For those of us who ever come across Plaid Cymru, you naturally think of it as the nationalist party in Wales.

Whilst the party leader has very strong views on the direction that his country needs to go in, he does not accept the description of “nationalist”.

“I’m a nationalist only because people call me a nationalist from outside Wales. Essentially, Wales is just my nation. And, you know, I’m an internationalist. And in believing in the power and the benefits of nations working together, we have building blocks. And my building block is this nation called Wales.”

While he may reject labels that many politicians on this side of the Irish Sea embrace, the Plaid Cymru leader is clear that the future of Wales is best served outside of the political structures of the United Kingdom.

“It’s just been the most natural thing ever for somebody who believes that the natural state for any nation is to be independent. You know, that’s kind of normal. My normal is Wales.”

Asked about his inspiration for an independent Wales, ap Iorwerth looks to the Irish Republic and the success it has enjoyed.

“I certainly look to the Republic of Ireland with admiration.”

Being raised near the port town of Holyhead, he recalled just how normal it was that across the sea, there was an independent nation.

“Here was a nation that had successfully made its place in the world, had made the most of the value of its diaspora. That’s something I want to do in Wales, and something governments haven’t made the most of.”

“Clearly, our situations are different. The Northern Ireland story is its own story. Scotland’s story is its own story. And so is Wales’s. But perhaps what is common between us is this feeling that the constructs of the UK don’t suit our circumstances

Rhun ap lorwerth

The Plaid Cymru leader references the Irish example not just for how it used independence to define its place in the world, but for how it turned around its economic fortunes.

He recalls how, not long ago, Ireland, economically, was often referred to as a basket case, but now has used the levers that it has through independence to “turn itself into an economic power”.

“That’s something that clearly I admire. And I want to, as a first minister of Wales, have a very, very close relationship with our friends in the Republic of Ireland.”

I also wanted to know a bit more about how the leader views his UK-critical cousins in the Scottish National Party and, in particular, Sinn Féin.

There have been engagements between Plaid and Sinn Féin in recent years, with Michelle O’Neill attending the party’s 2022 annual conference and Mary Lou McDonald meeting ap Iorwerth in Dublin in 2024.

As the election in Wales approaches in a few months, I ask whether he looks at how his counterparts have built on their electoral successes in recent years.

Looking at Sinn Féin, he expressed his admiration for the “social aspect” of how they conduct their politics and how close the relationship appears to be between the community and the party.

This is something he is keen for his party to learn from as they develop as a community-based political organisation.

For the Plaid Cymru leader, when asked about comparisons and learnings from other places, he is keen to stress each context is different, but they are bound together by an overarching critique of the status quo.

“Clearly, our situations are different. The Northern Ireland story is its own story. Scotland’s story is its own story. And so is Wales’s. But perhaps what is common between us is this feeling that the constructs of the UK don’t suit our circumstances.”

If the current make-up of the UK is not working, what is the answer, and what would a Plaid-led government see as the alternative destination?

“The answer is to have a reset, redesign the relationship between nations and these islands, a redesign of Britain, new ways of working together, independent countries, you know, sharing common ground on lots of things… I’m not a separatist, but that’s not what drives me. I’m a builder. And, you know, I just think that the evidence is clear to me that the current set-up doesn’t work for us. Well, let’s do something different.”

I wrote recently in this paper about one of the political stories to watch in 2026: the possibility that the UK could have three pro-independence first ministers and what that could mean.

I asked ap Iorwerth about the practical implications if he became the Welsh first minister alongside John Swinney and Michelle O’Neill.

“It’s about us saying together, listen, we are here. The UK government cannot and must not ignore the fact that the UK is not a homogeneous nation. It is not a sort of a single nation state. It is a construct.

“I’d say that’s due for fundamental reform, but it’s a construct that, if it’s to maintain anything as it is now, has to show that it respects the needs of its constituent parts. Well, I think together we can make that case.”

Plaid Cymru has committed that it will not push for a referendum on Welsh independence during its first term.

A recent YouGov poll put the support for independence at just 26%, with 54% saying they’d vote to stay in the UK.

I asked him how he planned to build support during his first mandate if his party wins in May.

For ap Iorwerth, the key is getting into government to make the case from there.

Plaid Cymru enjoys a healthy lead in the opinion polls

If Plaid Cymru win, they will establish a standing commission to examine Wales’s constitutional future and continue to push the debate on independence.

He recognises that he has a job to do to convince people in Wales, and welcomes questions about the challenges and opportunities that could arise with independence.

From his point of view, the case will be made by asking people whether things can be done differently, or whether they are happy to accept current rates of poverty, economic growth, and the state of public services.

Asking these questions links back to the constitutional case that Plaid want to make.

“I have in my mind a vision that it’s by independence, and a new relationship, a redesign of Britain, that we move forward. But I know I’ve got to persuade other people. So let’s do that from government.”

In Northern Ireland, Wales is often looked to for how to deal with language issues and bilingualism.

As a fluent Welsh speaker, Rhun ap Iorwerth is keen to promote the benefits of bilingualism, noting that whilst there has been progress in promoting the Welsh language and there is a general political consensus, it is still in a fragile state.

When asked what Wales has done right, the party leader highlights that there are still some negative perceptions that need to be changed and that more work needs to be done to promote the growth of Welsh.

He stresses the benefits of English and Welsh: “Bilingualism genuinely belongs to everybody, whether or not they have fluency in the language themselves… everybody on that spectrum has a part to play.

I think in government, that’s very, very clearly the message that would be important to us.”

On what advice he would give to those trying to grow languages such as Irish in Northern Ireland, he highlights the importance of legislative protection.

“You have to have the building blocks of protection through legislation. We have to have that. It’s not by accident that the Welsh language is so buoyant currently. It’s because things happened, and people like my parents protested, and they persuaded politicians to do things and to bring in new laws.”

Outside of legislation, he highlights the need for investment, improving education and building what he calls “societal safety nets” where you work around and address concerns that people might have.

Ap Iorwerth also sees value in looking at other places, and understanding how to apply that in other contexts is an important part of developing the language.

Under a Plaid-led government, there is an eagerness to lead by example in promoting and developing bilingualism.

What about those from a pro-union point of view, having to face the prospect of another pro-independence government coming to power?

The potential next first minister says that this is not about separatism and that he recognises there are important things that bind people together in the UK.

“We’re not looking at sort of constructing a future that creates barriers. On the contrary, it’s about creating new opportunities.”

But ultimately, in his view, the case for the union is being made “very, very poorly at the moment”.

Robinson: North faces choice between ‘Stormont or Starmer’

JONATHAN McCAMBRIDGE, Irish News, January 31st, 2026

PEOPLE in Northern Ireland face a political choice between “Stormont or Starmer”, DUP leader Gavin Robinson has said.

In his weekly message to party members ahead of the second anniversary of the return of Stormont, Mr Robinson argued that devolution is “not perfect” but said abandoning it would be “a serious mistake”.

The devolved power sharing institutions returned at the start of February 2024 following a two-year suspension when the DUP collapsed the executive in protest at post-Brexit trading arrangements.

When the assembly and executive were restored, Sinn Féin was the largest party, with Michelle O’Neill taking the position of first minister with the DUP’s Emma Little-Pengelly as deputy first minister.

Mr Robinson said his party had never created the impression that the return of Stormont would be “transformational”.

He said: “The DUP was clear that re-establishing the institutions would not magically fix public services.

“Years of underfunding and the consequences of that were never going to be resolved overnight.

“And today I am under no illusion about the pressures people continue to face.

“I see the condition of our roads and I know how many people are still waiting far too long for medical appointments.”

‘NI better governed locally’

He added: “But we did know this, Northern Ireland is better governed by locally-elected representatives, accountable to the people we serve and who we live beside, than by semi-detached decision-makers with no real stake in our communities.”

The DUP leader said 2027 would see the next assembly election and “people are entitled to expect much more”.

Mr Robinson said “whilst Sinn Féin’s focus is on a border poll”, his party’s focus was on making Northern Ireland work.

He added: “That means facing the reality that our civil service is structurally broken with a lack of expertise and soaring sickness levels.

“It means listening to the voices in business about rates and recognising that our planning system is grinding growth to a standstill.”

The DUP leader added: “The choice ahead remains exactly as it has been, devolution or direct rule, Stormont or Starmer.

“Those who argue for direct rule ignore the reality that our policies will then be shaped by people whose priority is those they are accountable to, not those of us in Northern Ireland.

“Devolution is not perfect. An executive of opposites is not going to be an exemplar for decisive decision-making, let alone collegiality. But abandoning it would be a serious mistake.

“Progress doesn’t happen overnight, but it doesn’t happen at all without devolution.”

In his statement marking two years since the return of Stormont, TUV leader Jim Allister said unionists should ask “was it worth it?”.

He said: “What did we get in return? More protocol parcels border, veterinary medicines border, new car border, more than £190 million spent on border posts to partition the UK, trade diversion building the stepping stone of the all-Ireland economy, more EU law.

“And because of all that a weakened union and unionism robbed of the only real leverage it had.”

DUP leader Gavin Robinson said that while devolution is “not perfect”, abandoning it would be “a serious mistake”

Other unionist parties on alert, but Burrows needs to unite UUP

SUZANNE BREEN, Belfast Telegraph, January 31st, 2026

DESPITE GRASSROOTS BACKING, INTERNAL DIVISIONS PRESENT INCOMING LEADER'S PRIMARY OBSTACLE

Jon Burrows is the Ulster Unionist leader whom the DUP and TUV most fear.

He has never fought an election, let alone led a party into one. Yet if seasoned figures in rival political outfits — or his own — underestimated him when he arrived in Stormont, they don't now.

The UUP's vote share has fallen in every Assembly election for almost a quarter of a century, bar 2017 when it remained static.

As Burrows takes up the reins from Mike Nesbitt today, he will know that a real opportunity lies ahead for him to reverse that trend in 2027.

Trust in the DUP has taken a battering in recent years among unionist grassroots.

With an emphasis on traditional unionism, the new UUP leader could appeal to them in a way that eluded Doug Beattie and Mike Nesbitt.

Until he was co-opted as his party's North Antrim MLA, the TUV fancied its chances of nabbing the seat from the Ulster Unionists in 2027.

Insiders acknowledge that is now highly unlikely.

Yet Burrows will also be aware that success for the UUP at the polls in 16 months' time also lies in hands beyond his. Divided parties don't win elections. Disunity and public disagreements damage political brands as the DUP knows to its cost.

Isn’t flavour of the month

It's no secret that Burrows isn't flavour of the month, to put it mildly, with many of his UUP Assembly colleagues.

Whatever warmth some felt when he arrived in Parliament Buildings quickly evaporated when it became clear that he didn't, in his critics' eyes, know his place.

Rather, he had views on lots of issues, and wasn't shy about airing them. Other UUP MLAs saw the new recruit's intense activity not as hard work by a strong team player, but as the efforts of someone set on self-promotion.

In retrospect, some surely regret that they didn't step forward for more media appearances, but instead let Burrows sit in so many TV studios.

The key choice now facing those MLAs is whether they run with Burrows, albeit cursing him under their breath, or rebel.

Do they implement or ignore his instructions at Stormont? Do they stand beside him when he appears before the cameras in Parliament Buildings or leave him looking lonesome?

Do they repeat and defend the lines he adopts? Do they work with him in a collective enterprise or plough their own furrow?

His deputy and chief whip Diana Armstrong will have Burrows' back. Steve Aiken appears to be on board, and Mike Nesbitt isn't currently shaping up like a troublemaker. The incoming leader could have a chance to expand his allies in May 2027 with the arrival of new faces.

A vacancy in Strangford

Mike Nesbitt's retirement means there will be a vacancy in Strangford. Alan Chambers is also tipped to step down, creating an opening in North Down.

Doug Beattie and Andy Allen could face challengers for the UUP nomination. There are voices in Upper Bann and East Belfast opposed to the incumbents. It will be fascinating to see who the leader backs in these constituencies.

The electoral performances of Robbie Butler in Lagan Valley, and John Stewart in East Antrim, put them in the strongest positions of all the UUP's Stormont team.

Butler's popularity in Lagan Valley means he likely could be re-elected as an independent if he wished to take that path.

He hasn't hidden his feelings about Burrows. “Not new. Not sudden. Just consistent,” he tweeted earlier this month in a pointed dig.

The incoming UUP leader didn't retaliate. Rather, he adopted the opposite approach — praising and defending the Lagan Valley MLA on social media.

A spat is not in his interests, yet while conciliatory and consensus-seeking now, his approach will change if there is an open revolt.

Those who would be minded to oppose Burrows don't have significant support across the party.

UUP grandees are solidly behind the new leader, and he has the backing of the overwhelming majority of councillors and party members.

LucidTalk's poll last week for the Belfast Telegraph has strengthened his hand. Unionist voters preferred Burrows over Butler by a two-to-one margin. The split was 56%-34% among UUP supporters.

Reform is a rock requiring skilful navigation

The incoming UUP leader is far less popular among non-unionists. Four in 10 said they won't or are less likely to transfer to his party because of him.

Burrows' robust and direct political style — combined with positions on policing and legacy — mean he has been branded “TUV-lite” by nationalists and 'others'.

Yet, on a range of issues, his views are markedly different to those of Jim Allister's party. He firmly supports power-sharing. He believes that collapsing Stormont would be disastrous for both Northern Ireland and the Union.

While the DUP and TUV build relations with Nigel Farage, whom they see as a potential future Prime Minister, Burrows blasts him as “a maverick” and says it would be “a disaster for the UK” if he was in Number 10.

Burrows may be a much more traditional unionist than either Beattie or Nesbitt, but those who believe that he will take the party sharply to the right are wrong.

Until now, his fire has been directed primarily at Alliance. While Burrows won't be lessening those attacks, expect him to increasingly focus on the “strategic mistakes” that the DUP has made in recent years.

His ambition is to close the electoral gap with Gavin Robinson's party, not to merge his into it. On 11% in the last Assembly election, he'll be hoping to bring the UUP to around 15% next year.

However, he is significantly disadvantaged by having a smaller and less dynamic team than the DUP enjoys. As leader, he will now have far greater demands on him than he had as a backbench MLA.

It will be harder to maintain the level of contributions inside and outside the chamber that have propelled him to prominence. A stretched leader with few friends on Stormont's blue benches is in a challenging position.

It has taken considerable ability for Burrows to reach the place he is now. Time will tell how skilfully he navigates the obstacles ahead.

Former soldier left with PTSD by Omagh bomb appears in court over drugs charges

TANYA FOWLES, Irish News, January 31st, 2026

A FORMER soldier left with PTSD by the Omagh Bomb appeared in court yesterday facing drugs charges.

David Hogg (52) from Glebe Park, Enniskillen is charged with possessing cannabis in a number of forms on 29 January.

A police officer aware of the facts of the case told Dungannon Magistrates Court the charges could be connected and are linked to an ongoing investigation into drugs supply.

Hogg, who operates a delivery business, was stopped while driving a Range Rover on January 29 in the Ballaghmore Heights area of Enniskillen.

A search of the vehicle revealed a large cardboard box containing 15 vacuum-sealed bags of herbal cannabis with a total weight of 7.5kg with a street value of £60,000.

The box was addressed to another person and relates to the ongoing investigation from November last year in which several addresses in Enniskillen were searched following numerous seizures of cannabis by Border Force.

These parcels were bound for Enniskillen addresses with names not linked to the occupier and appear to be fictitious. The total amount intercepted to date is in the region of 13.1kg.

The court heard that while one address was being searched a further parcel was delivered containing 1.5kg of cannabis.

Hogg was found in possession of a parcel bearing the same name and address and this brought the total seized cannabis going to that address to 12.5kg.

Following arrest his home was searched and further cannabis items were recovered.

During interview Hogg set out his work as a delivery driver and had gone to the address in question to collect a parcel from the female occupant as she wanted it returned to the Post Office.

Return to sender

She told him a courier delivered it to her home and “Didn’t even ask what name. It was just shoved through the door and he walked away. She wanted it returned to sender and that’s what I was doing”.

Objecting to bail the officer cited Hogg’s vulnerability stating: “There is a concern for welfare as this is a significant loss to the person concerned with the drugs. £60,000 is now outstanding. This is a massive loss.”

District Judge Francis Rafferty regarded this as a “generalised concern” of risk and not specific.

A defence solicitor said Hogg is willing to provide the PIN number of his phone to verify and details they may require.

“He runs a successful delivery business having previously served in the Royal Navy then the army and suffers from PTSD having attended the Omagh bomb,” said the defence.

“Even at its height, he does not fit the profile as people in these unfortunate circumstances have been described as ‘busted flushes’ as they are of no use or loss.”

Judge Rafferty replied: “Yes and we know such people are often used by others simply because they don’t fit the profile.”

However, he agreed to grant bail in the sum of £500 with a £500 surety, with no contact with three other suspects on the matter and signing twice weekly with police.

Hogg is also not to be in possession of other people’s prescription medication, must not travel in either front seat of any vehicle.

While he is permitted to have one phone he must not delete any records, messages or call logs and is to allow police to inspect it at any time.

The case will be mentioned again at Enniskillen Magistrates Court on 27 February.

‘Terrifying’ racist attack on home leaves young men ‘isolated’

HANNAH PATTERSON, Irish News, January 31st, 2026

TWO young men have been left ‘terrified’ and ‘isolated’ after their home was attacked in a racially motivated hate crime in Co Antrim.

The criminal damage occurred in the Main Street area of Broughshane on Wednesday at around 11.45pm.

Two windows and the door of a home were smashed in what police are treating as a racially motivated hate crime.

It’s understood the Indian friends, who are in their 20s, have lived in the area for a number of years, and work in a local factory after studying in Northern Ireland.

The attack is being widely condemned by North Antrim representatives. Speaking to The Irish News following the attack, MLA Sian Mulholland, said she’s been speaking with the victims.

She said: “I reached out to them, as when this happens victims can feel so isolated, and they do. They are deciding whether to stay, because this is their home, or to move.

“It feels like there is a negative impression of our community now because of these incidents. There are some with awful and very loud views. But there is a silent majority who are more than welcoming who celebrate diversity. Let’s live and let live.”

Ulster Unionist councillor for the area Alan Barr posted to social media, branding it as a mindless attack.

He said: “People from India contribute immensely to our society. They work hard as nurses, doctors, carers and in other industries. They are certainly not on the benefit bandwagon.

“I trust that this is the end of such mindless attacks. I hope that going forward our genuine immigrants will be respected and allowed to work and contribute in our community without fear.”

Sinn Féin MLA Philip McGuigan has condemned the attack.

He said: “I unequivocally condemn this appalling arson attack, on a home in the middle of the night. Thankfully, the men were unharmed, but this incident could have had devastating consequences.

“Everyone deserves to feel safe in their home. It is vital that all political representatives clearly condemn this racist hate crime and demonstrate decisive leadership.

“Anything less would be a complete failure of leadership, especially at a critical moment like this.

The PSNI said: “It was reported that a number of windows were smashed at a house in the Main Street area around 11.45pm.

“Three men, who were in the property at the time, were thankfully, physically uninjured, but left shaken.

“Enquiries are ongoing and the matter is being treated as a racially motivated hate crime.”

228 PSNI officers assaulted over Christmas

CLAUDIA SAVAGE, Irish News, January 31st, 2026

MORE than 200 police officers were assaulted over the Christmas period in Northern Ireland, figures have shown.

In the month of December, there were 662 shoplifting offences, representing an increase of 1.7% compared with the same period last year.

The PSNI have released information on “Operation Season’s Greetings”, the force’s Christmas policing operation.

From December 1 2025 to December 31 2025, there were 228 assaults on police officers, compared to 274 during the same period last year.

“Sadly, we continue to see unacceptable levels of violence directed towards our people,” Assistant Chief Constable Ryan Henderson said.

“While we welcome any reduction, even one assault on an officer or staff member is one too many.

“These assaults included officers being kicked, punched, spat on and subjected to threatening or abusive behaviour while simply doing their jobs.

“In a number of cases, officers sustained minor injuries such as cuts and bruising, while others required medical treatment.”

Running from late November to early January, the operation saw officers across all districts deliver a highly visible policing presence in busy town centres, shopping areas and nightlife zones.

Patrols focused on locations with increased festive footfall, including the Belfast Christmas Market, Victoria Square, The Boulevard Banbridge, The Junction Antrim and key rail and transport hubs across Northern Ireland.

The operation also included targeted enforcement around road safety, retail crime, anti-social behaviour, and violence against women and girls (VAWG).

Over December 2025 there were 2,954 reports of anti-social behaviour, representing a decrease of 4.4% compared with the same period last year.

Mr Henderson, who led the operation, said it “demonstrated the best of community-focused policing: visibility, prevention and partnership”.

Identifying predators

“Officers and staff across every district worked tirelessly to ensure people could enjoy the festive season safely,” he said.

In total, officers patrolled 68 targeted areas on more than 2,100 occasions, supported by colleagues from neighbourhood, response and specialist units.

The operation deployed plain-clothed and uniformed officers across key nightlife locations to identify and intervene in predatory or concerning behaviour.

Mr Henderson said the project “helped prevent harm, offered reassurance, and demonstrated our ongoing commitment to tackling violence against women and girls”.

Retail NI chief executive Glyn Roberts said the body was “pleased to work with the Police Service of Northern Ireland on this successful operation”.

“It is a good example of partnership between business and the police to tackle a challenge, particularly at such a critical time of the year for the retail sector,” he added.

Tyrone GAA players ‘to boycott’ Allianz signage over Israel links

Issue understood to have been brought up at a team meeting earlier in the week

CONOR COYLE, Irish News, January 31st, 2026

MEMBERS of the Tyrone GAA senior footballers have agreed not to appear in front of any Allianz advertising during the National League from this weekend, it is understood.

Insurance giant Allianz continues to be the lead sponsor of the GAA’s National League competitions following a vote from the GAA’s An Coiste Bainistíochta (Ethics and Integrity Commission) earlier this month.

Ten county boards, including all those from the six counties, had submitted a motion to the GAA to drop Allianz as a sponsor after the German company was among those listed in a report by a UN special rapporteur as having continued links with the Israeli government.

The Irish News understands the issue was brought up at a team meeting of the Tyrone GAA footballers this week, where the panel agreed not to appear in front of any signage bearing the Allianz brand during media interviews.

Tyrone take on Derry at Celtic Park this evening in Division Two of the Allianz National League in a high-profile local derby, which will be televised on the GAA’s own streaming platform, GAA Plus.

It had previously been reported that the Dublin GAA team had also taken a similar stance ahead of their National League opener against Donegal in Croke Park last weekend, but a member of the team later claimed that the issue had not been discussed at a team level.

Tyrone GAA has been contacted for comment.

During half-time in the team’s opening match at Healy Park in Omagh, a demonstration was held on the pitch with a group of former players and supporters expressing their solidarity with the people of Gaza.

The county is also one of a number of GAA county boards which appear to have dropped any mention of Allianz in their social media posts.

The GAA has said it would be “impossible to secure an alternative insurer that would not have similar links” and the axing of the sponsorship would lead to “legal consequences” for the organisation.

“The GAA is ethically and legally bound to honour its contracts and a failure to do so has the potential to damage its reputation and undermine its ability to do business with commercial entities,” a previous statement read.

Allianz has said its branch in Ireland “does not engage in any investment or underwriting activity connected to the Middle East” and sits separate to its parent company.

Pontius Pilate

Dozens of ex-Tyrone players have signed a statement of support for the current crop’s decision, which includes Peter Canavan and brother Pascal alongside the majority of their team-mates from the 1995 team which made it to the All-Ireland Final.

The statement “expresses support for the courageous stance” taken by the players.

“This gesture will help remember them as group of young men who dared to challenge the status quo and use their prominence in Irish life to highlight the atrocities being committed there,” the statement says.

Eugene McKenna, a three-time All-Star winner and former Tyrone manager, praised the players’ actions.

“To me, this a classic case of the GAA doing the Pontius Pilate, passing the problem on and saying they can find no wrong here,” Mr McKenna told the Irish News.

“For the Ethics and Integrity Commission decision, it’s laughable if it wasn’t so serious. Full credit to the Tyrone team for taking this stand and continuing to hold the GAA accountable for their decisions.”

Fleadh Cheoil row ‘embarrassing’ for council

MICHAEL KENWOOD, Irish News, October 31st, 2026

THE sole nationalist councillor in Ards and North Down Borough Council has said DUP councillors were being “dragged kicking and screaming” over a Fleadh Cheoil event in Bangor that “they don’t really want”.

The controversy over a Fleadh fringe event in Bangor has reached boiling point at the local council, as unionists attempt to separate the date of the event from the Ulster Pipe Championships on August 1.

There were angry exchanges between the DUP and Alliance, and the council’s sole nationalist representative, during an hour-long acrimonious debate at the Ards and North Down monthly full council meeting on Wednesday January 28.

During the debate the DUP raised four points of order against Alliance and the SDLP, before their proposal was passed on the strength of the combined unionist vote. It returns the proposal to hold the Fleadh event back to committee level “to allow officers to bring back a report setting out whether the fringe event could be held on a different day”.

The DUP are also questioning the proposed maximum budget of £40K for the Fleadh Fringe event, and are speculating it would be cheaper if held on a different day to the Pipe Championship. They say the amount does not give “value for money”.

The SDLP’s Joe Boyle accused certain unionist politicians of using methods of “stop and stall” in order that the Fleadh Fringe event “might go away” and said the council was “embarrassing” itself.

In a recorded vote on the DUP proposal to return it to committee, 23 voted in favour, from the DUP, UUP, and two Unionist independents, to 13 against the proposal, from Alliance, the Greens, the SDLP and one independent. Ards and North Down Borough Council has the smallest representation for nationalist elected representatives in all of Northern Ireland’s 11 councils, with only one SDLP rep out of the 40 councillors. Unionist reps account for just over half the chamber.

Ards North Down Council revealed earlier this month that the Fleadh Fringe event was planned for Holborn Square car park, Bangor on Saturday August 1, the same day as the 73rd Ulster Championships of the Pipe Bands by the Royal Scottish Pipe Band Association NI, which will be held at Ward Park, Bangor.

Two Bangor events for their bucks

A report for the council’s Place and Prosperity Committee stated the local authority would have a budget of £36,700 to spend on the Pipe Bands event, and up to £40,000 for the Fringe Fleadh event, subject to rates setting and procurement.

The TUV lodged a formal equality impact complaint to the council stating it would create conflict. They said the Pipe Championships were “playing second fiddle” to the Fleadh, and repeated an erroneous claim reported in the media that the Fleadh was receiving twice the budget to that of the Pipes.

Belfast will host Fleadh Cheoil na hÉireann, the world’s biggest celebration of Irish music and culture, from Sunday August 2 to Sunday August 9. Qualifying competitors from all over the world will showcase the best of traditional music, song, dance and language in All-Ireland competitions.

Ards Comhaltas Ceoltóirí Éireann is the host branch for Fleadh Belfast, and was a bid partner with Belfast City Council. Ards CCE will mark their 50th anniversary this year.

Two weeks ago, at the meeting of the council’s Place and Prosperity Committee, the chamber overwhelmingly approved the holding of both events. They approved the proposed Fringe Fleadh event at a budget of £40,000, subject to the rates setting process and a successful procurement exercise, and the hosting of the Ulster Championship Pipe Band event at Ward Park, Bangor with a budget of £36,700.

Only one councillor objected, Newtownards DUP Councillor Colin Kennedy, who voted against the grain of his party. He said the Fleadh event being held this summer in Bangor would “create ill feeling” and added the people of Ards and North Down were being “bounced into” paying up to £40,000 to hold the event.

At the full council meeting on Wednesday, DUP Alderman Stephen McIlveen proposed an amendment to the committee decision, to return it back to the committee “for further consideration and for officers to provide a supplementary report to look at other ways the Fleadh Fringe event could be held, what the financial operational implications would be of each option, and how (to) ensure proper member oversight and value-for-money going forward”.

SDLP Councillor Joe Boyle said the controversy and media reports surrounding the debate on the Fleadh Fringe was “embarrassing for the council”.

He said in reference to councillors on the unionist side of the chamber: “There (are people who) are uneasy with the Fringe event from Fleadh Cheoil na hÉireann taking place in Bangor. Yet everyone that spoke over there tonight used an opening fake line that they ‘welcome it’. I don’t believe they welcome it.”

He said councillors were being “dragged kicking and screaming on an event they don’t really want” and were “blaming directors and staff” at the council.

He added: “What you want is to stop and stall, (to make it) splutter along, in the hope that it might go away, in the hope we mightn’t get the timelines, in the hope we might be further embarrassed by not being able to host it.

“This is an absolute, total shame and disgrace tonight.”

The matter will be raised again at the council’s February Place and Prosperity Committee meeting, to be held next week.

Engineering work to affect services on Dublin, Bangor, Larne and L/Derry lines 

By Gemma Murray, Belfast News Letter, January 31st, 2026

Translink is advising passengers to plan ahead as a series of essential planned engineering works will affect services on the Dublin, Bangor, Larne and Londonderry lines in coming weeks.

In a statement Translink also advise that ‘due to engineering works by Irish Rail, the train line between Drogheda and Dublin will be closed on two forthcoming weekends: Saturday 31st January, Sunday 1st February and Monday 2nd February as well as Saturday 21st February and Sunday 22nd February’.

‘Rail replacement bus services will be in place for Enterprise services between Drogheda and Dublin Connolly and a revised train timetable will operate between Belfast Grand Central and Drogheda,’ they say.

Meanwhile, Translink teams will undertake essential works between Lanyon Place Station and Bangor; between Coleraine and Londonderry and on the Larne Line between Carrickfergus and Larne Harbour across two weekends in late February: Saturday 21st/Sunday 22nd February and Saturday 28th February/Sunday 1st March.

Enterprise Train

And during these periods, rail replacement bus services will be in operation to minimise disruption.

The statement adds that ‘works will be carried out at multiple locations, including safety critical platform extension works at Helen’s Bay station; tunnel maintenance at Castlerock and Downhill, as well as culvert repairs between Coleraine and Derry~Londonderry; and essential repairs on the railway embankment at Cloghan Point near Whitehead’.

This coordinated approach of grouping essential rail works into fewer, carefully‑planned periods helps maintain the safety and reliability of the rail network and keeps impact on passengers to a minimum.

Translink’s Director of Infrastructure and Projects John Glass said: “We are committed to maintaining and enhancing our rail infrastructure to deliver a high quality, safe and sustainable public transport network today, and for future generations.

“We’ve planned these works carefully so that several essential upgrades – from tunnel repairs to platform extension work and embankment maintenance, as well as other improvements – can be delivered in one closure period.

“We’d like to thank all our passengers and local neighbours for their patience and understanding while these important works are carried out, helping to maintain safe and reliable services for the future.”

“We apologise to our passengers for any inconvenience, and we advise our customers to check their timetables in advance of travel on the website www.translink.co.uk or Translink’s Journey Planner as bus substitutions may operate different schedules to regular train timetables.”

Passengers and residents wanting further details on these works can visit: www.translink.co.uk/lineimprovements

Passengers can also stay informed by following Translink’s socials for updates.

Storm Chandra: DFI say staffs dealt with over 1,000 incidents

By Johnny McNabb, News & Sports Journalist, Belfast News Letter, January 31st, 2026

The Department for Infrastructure staff dealt with over 1,000 incidents as a result of Storm Chandra, as well as additional ice and rain warnings throughout this week.

In an update, the Department also revealed that staff addressed over 600 reports of flooding and over 360 obstructions on the road network across a wide geographical area.

It added that staff have been out on the ground clearing drainage infrastructure, removing trees and obstructions from roads, carrying out pumping exercises, deploying sand bags, erecting flood barriers in Newry City Centre and at Oxford Island and also carried out gritting across the road network.

Furthermore, Rivers teams are continuing to monitor river and lough levels and there are no immediate concerns.

The main strategic road network and the majority of other roads have been cleared and are open.

Staff will remain on stand by this weekend to continue with the clear up operation, restock sandbag supplies and deal with any further reports of incidents

Residential properties that have flooded internally and continue to be exposed to frequent flooding, can apply for the Homeowner Flood Protection Scheme. The scheme is intended to modify homes to make them more resistant to flooding through measures such as flood doors, airbrick covers, and non-return valves to underground drains.

The Department will continue to work with other response agencies and local government as part of the multi-agency response as repair and clean-up work continues.

The public are being urged to continue to exercise caution when driving, reduce your speed due to the possibility of surface water and obstructions and avoid driving through flood water. Please adhere to any temporary road signs or lights put in place to keep you and other road users safe.

Communities should remain vigilant and report any further incidents via the Flooding Incident Line on 0300 2000 100.

Economists say Economic data disguises slow growth of NI exports

Belfast News Letter, January 31st, 2026

In the several decades that we have been working with Northern Ireland’s economic data we have always been impressed with its accuracy and transparency.

The civil servants involved have been diligent and honest. It is thus a disappointment that a recent economic press release from the Department for the Economy appears to introduce a degree of deception.

The press release (‘Minister welcomes latest Economic Output figures for the north’ on the Department of Economy website, January 15) provides up to date statistics on economic growth in the year to the third quarter of 2025. Sinn Fein economy minister, Dr Caoimhe Archibald, said that “the north’s” output grew faster than in Great Britain and earnings and exports also performed relatively well.

The accompanying figures showed output and earnings growing faster than in GB over the year. However, when it came to the sensitive export figures, the press release gave figures for a two-year period rather than the latest year which was used for output and earnings. Why should this be so?

The obvious reason was that over the latest year exports from Northern Ireland grew more slowly than in GB, despite the negative impact of oil exports in GB and the boost to NI exports from electricity trading. His Majesty’s Revenue and Customs (HMRC) has indicated it is likely to revise upwards its recorded growth of GB oil and gas exports for 2025 which will mean that Northern Ireland’s export growth will be further behind GB in the revised data.

The press release thus disguises the recent slow growth of Northern Ireland’s exports. This is a sensitive matter due the controversy over the Northern Ireland Protocol/ Windsor Framework. Sinn Fein is on the side of those who wish to demonstrate that NI has the best of both worlds from these arrangements.

Slow growth in exports is thus something of an embarrassment and the suspicion is that civil servants have been prevailed upon to disguise the recent unfavourable trend. We can also add that caution should be used in comparing NI’s export figures with those of GB since unlike in GB NI’s figures for trade with the EU come not from UK sources as is the case with GB but from the EU, and involve complications due to exchange rate.

In addition, the figures showing faster growth in Northern Ireland’s output in the latest year may not be reliable. The Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency’s Composite Economic Index which is used to measure output is highly volatile and generally agreed to not be entirely comparable to the Office for National Statistics’ data on UK GDP growth.

Dr Graham Gudgin CBE, Centre for Business Research, University of Cambridge, Dr Esmond Birnie, Senior Economist at Ulster University