LABOUR’S LEGACY BILL HAS STALLED WITH MPs

Malone House Group Statement predicts growing opposition on backbenches will see it fail 

On Wednesday the Northern Ireland Troubles Bill and the ludicrous Remedial Order returns for late consideration by the Joint Committee on Human Rights at Westminster. It looks increasingly as if the Bill is dying a legislative death, having faced significant opposition from cross-party MPs and the House of Lords, not to mention the almost unanimous rejection of Labour’s plan by veterans, including those who have held the most senior military and intelligence positions. Given the Bill hasn’t moved in the Commons since November, its scrapping may be announced by Hilary Benn, at least for the time being, given the Parliamentary session ends shortly

It is worth pointing out that Labour’s war on the Legacy Act was a product of pandering to nationalism and the Irish Government. They objected to the legacy plans put in place by the last Conservative Government, and so those plans, had to be jettisoned and arrangements found which met with the approval of nationalist legacy groups, the Queen’s University law department and the Irish Government.

Indeed if the legal aid gravy train is fully restored by way of reactivating civil suits, and legacy practitioners given a role on ‘oversight’ boards (to assist in re-writing the past), then all of a sudden the Independent Commission on Reconciliation and Information Recovery (ICRIR), or whatever new name it is given, would be met with nationalist approval.

In order to understand the nationalist war on ICRIR, the scandal of legacy over the last two decades has to be grasped. There has been an orchestrated campaign of ‘lawfare’, designed to re-write the past in terms of equivalence. Courts, inquests and academic legal departments have all been weaponised to enable a costly legal jamboree, usually driven and supported by activists and fuelled by legal aid.

Unionist or military involvement in legacy has been defensive, responsive to defending those targeted on a case-by-case basis. Nationalism’s campaign has been offensive and based not on individual personal interests but on strategically litigating a ‘cause idea’, namely delegitimising the military and police, and by stealth affording legitimacy to the IRA’s campaign as a purely ‘defensive’ and reactive one.

Returning to the present, we have seen, for example, the group Relatives for Justice publish wholly misleading ‘facts’ about ICRIR. Their ‘fact sheet’ (nationalism has a long history of assuming facts not in evidence) boldly declares the mere appointment of former RUC officer Peter Sheridan as ICRIR head of investigations was declared by Colton J in the Dillon case as a “conflict of interest”. This is demonstrably untrue and mutilates Colton J’s ruling.

These claims were then amplified by organisations such as the NI Human Rights Commission (NIHRC) which despite having a statutory obligation to be independent and impartial, launched an energetic campaign against the ICRIR and promoting what can only be described as nationalist propaganda. This was so beyond the norm, that Shankill bomb victim Gary Murray has brought NIHRC to court. It is noted the Chief Commissioner has been a lot less outspoken since that development.

Battle for the Legacy narrative

But the war on ICRIR continues. And it is a battle for control of the legacy narrative. Nationalists see their voice on legacy and thus the rewriting of the past slipping away, and so must do all they can to break a body which risks both stopping the legal aid gravy train and actually delivering truth in respect of legacy matters. Even the courts are starting to push back, with McAlinden J labelling recent activism in the High Court (by the family of an IRA terrorist killed by the SAS at Coagh in 1991) as “ludicrous” and querying why legal aid was ever granted for such an “unarguable” case.

Sir Declan Morgan and Peter Sheridan are two exemplary public servants, who - despite a woeful lack of support from a hapless Secretary of State, a compromised Attorney General and a weak Prime Minister - have nonetheless continued to quietly go about their work with diligence and professionalism. Perhaps derived from their high judicial office and senior policing roles, both men have displayed a passive stoicism in face of unfair and relentless attack. They know, as we all know, just how contrived, political and malicious it all is. But they have largely kept their counsel.

ICRIR too has been less than assertive in the field of litigation. We understand it has a specific internal litigation team, but they appear to want to avoid robust defence of their own organisation, likely for fear of incurring the wrath of the Irish Government, legacy activists and academics. What is the point of having a litigation team that refuses to litigate in any meaningful way?

So if we were to be critical of Sir Declan and Peter Sheridan, it is that they have been too passive in defending themselves and their organisation. The reasons for their stoicism are admirable on one view, and it is perhaps why they are held in such high-esteem as public servants, but there comes a time when the gloves really must come off. We are long past that stage.

ICRIR must start defending itself to avoid being ground down by the NIO's series of reviews.

The Malone House Group:

Jeffrey Dudgeon MBE (Convenor)

Professor Arthur Aughey

Jamie Bryson LL.B

Baroness Kate Hoey

Dr Cillian McGrattan

Dr William Matchett

Dr Austen Morgan Barrister-at-Law

(An edited version has been carried in the Belfast News Letter)

Comment:

Reading the long winded response from the Malone House group is another version of them and us.

First of all how many in this group are victims? How many take a cross community approach and have raised the murders of victims in both communities?

How many have even spoken about the murders carried out by loyalist paramilitaries? How many have uttered the unspoken word of collusion? How many have been down in the courts supporting unionist victims?

Making a visit to the courts for a media photo is not supporting justice. I look at the makeup of the group and I can honestly say thankfully they haven't been near the courts in support of my murdered son Raymond Jr's case.

Are they meeting unionist victims, or is it just a selective one or two victims?

Sinn Fein play the same game of "justice/legacy" issues.

So to the Malone House group welcome to the one sided approach of truth and justice but stay as far away from victims’ families as possible.

COLLUSION isn't hard to say or spell. It affects so many families from both communities. If a soldier shoots someone it’s investigated, if a soldier kills someone it’s investigated, if a "loyalist" or republican paramilitary shoots or kills someone it’s investigated.

That’s the law no matter what an individuals opinions are.

 ‘Im not a professor or a legal expert but murder is a crime, whether the victim is a soldier , Protestant or Catholic.

Our courts have failed the victims and ICRIR has been rejected by the vast amount  of victims.

 The Tories tried to coverup murders and Labour is doing the same. Some public funded victims groups are seen as unionist or nationalist and I disagree with statements coming from both sides. I'm just a father of a young man from the unionist community murdered by the  UVF who has the same pain of a father whose son was murdered by the  UVF, IRA, UDA, BRITISH ARMY etc. Does it really matter the religion of the victim?

Raymond McCord: Belfast Victims Campaigner

Tricolours flown at new estate ‘a desecration of our national flag’, says SF

PAUL AINSWORTH, Irish News, April 22nd, 2026

‘No one in any community should try to mark out territory’, insists MLA as flags appear at entrance to new homes in Belfast

 The tricolours are understood to have been erected over Easter

 THE hanging of Irish tricolours from lamp-posts next to a new south Belfast housing development has been criticised by an MLA who says using the flag to mark territory is the “antithesis” of what it stands for.

The flags have appeared in the Raphael Street area in the Markets area, close to the entrance to a new social housing development by Radius Housing, where a number of the recently completed dwellings are now occupied.

The tricolours, which are understood to have been erected over the Easter period, appeared months after a local agreement between political parties and community representatives over the flying of Union flags in the nearby Ballynafeigh area was reported to have collapsed.

The tricolours are flying outside the entrance to part of Radius’ new Gasworks development, which consists of 94 new dwellings across two sites, with one accessed at Raphael Street and the other at nearby Stewart Street.

Construction on the new £13 million development began in 2023.

Radius Housing declined to comment on the flags when approached by The Irish News.

Deirdre Hargey

Former Minister and Sinn Féin MLA for South Belfast, Deirdre Hargey, who has supported the new development throughout the approval and construction process, condemned the appearance of the flags.

“No one in any community should try to mark out territory with flags, signs or any other displays,” she said.

“If that is the intent, it would be a desecration of our national flag and the antithesis of what it represents.”

Fellow South Belfast MLA, Paula Bradshaw of the Alliance Party, added: “The display of any national flag for the purpose of marking territory is disrespectful to both those living in the local community and to the flag itself.

“As was made clear by the work of the Commission on Flags, Identity, Culture and Tradition (FICT), this demonstrates that the status quo, based on unenforceable protocols and a failure by authorities to take concrete action against intimidation of this kind, is untenable.”

The FICT Commission – overseen by The Executive Office – made recommendations on the flying of flags when its report was published back in 2021, but failed to reach consensus on the issues.

Ms Bradshaw last year submitted a Private Members Bill at the Assembly that would see the implementation of the FICT recommendations.

“It is for this reason that I will shortly be bringing legislation to the Assembly to enable and oblige the relevant authorities to remove flags and emblems which are displayed disrespectfully or antagonistically,” Ms Bradshaw added.

Ms Bradshaw has previously urged the Department for Infrastructure (DfI), on whose lamp posts flags – including those at Raphael Street – are often flown to act.

The DfI has previously said it will remove flags or other items when they pose a safety risk, but when complaints are received “the Department will work closely with the PSNI and other key stakeholders”.

O'Neill - 'I want my granddaughter to grow up not having to mind herself all the time'

GABRIELLE SWAN, Belfast Telegraph, April 22nd, 2026

LEADERS LAUNCH SECOND PHASE OF ENDING VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN AND GIRLS STRATEGY

The First Minister Michelle O'Neill has said she wants her granddaughter to grow up not having to “mind herself all the time” because of her gender.

The Sinn Féin politician was speaking as she and Deputy First Minister Emma Little-Pengelly launched the second phase of the Ending Violence Against Women and Girls (EVAWG) programme.

This newest phase of the original EVAWG programme is a continuation of another launched in 2024. The first strategy sought to spread awareness on violence against women and girls (VAWG) and how to prevent it, which worked with people in community groups, organisations and the government.

Partners still involved in the programme include the PSNI, the Department of Justice and the Department of Education.

The framework is made up of projected outcomes, including “changed attitudes, behaviours and culture” so that “everyone in society understands what violence against women and girls is”.

With the Executive's EVAWG programme entering its third year, the First Minister said she now sees “a change in society” when it comes to misogyny and abuse in Northern Ireland.

“What I want is [for] my daughter [and] my granddaughter [to] grow up in a world where there is fairness and [where] they are safe, where they don't have to mind themselves all the time just because of their gender,” she said.

“It is not that long ago that this society was locking women away in Magdalene Laundries. It is not that long ago the last one closed, only in the '90s. Think about that.

“We have decades of societal culture to turn around. However, I detect a change in society. I detect an appetite. I think that people are more engaged with the topic. They are more aware of it.

“I think the more that we can do this — promote this work, get it into the grassroots communities, bring it into the schools — the more we can change the culture in our society... I want this world to be a better place, for my family and everyone else's.”

Both Ms O'Neill and Ms Little-Pengelly said they want to work together to end the “scourge of abuse” against women and girls. Since 2020, 30 women have been violently killed in Northern Ireland.

Deputy First Minister considered moving home over threats

Ms Little-Pengelly shared her experience of receiving online messages threatening to kill her, which led the DUP minister to feel so frightened that she considered moving out of her home.

Aaron Thomas Curragh, from Whincroft Road, Belfast, was later sentenced to 31 months in prison, half to be spent in custody and the remaining half on licence.

The Deputy First Minister said that tackling violence against females is not a “party or a political issue” but something that should bring “political parties together, not just in Northern Ireland but indeed across these isles”.

“I myself have been personally impacted: I have had somebody who has been jailed for threatening to kill me online.”

She criticised the media for “focusing on other issues” while the court case was ongoing.

“To me, that is an indication that people are still not taking these issues seriously; people that do not understand the impact that this has on a woman, on a person, in terms of the fear that people feel about that. These things have to be taken seriously.

“More must be done. In my case, that person was prosecuted because they posted under their own name. But I know that if that person [had] posted that under any other name, it would have been an incredibly difficult, if not impossible, to get the social media companies to take that seriously.”

Stormont leaders want answers over vetting of former Police Ombudsman

DAVID YOUNG and JONATHAN MCCAMBRIDGE, Belfast Telegraph, April 22nd, 2026

MOVE COMES AFTER ROBINSON CLAIMS ANDERSON WAS GIVEN ROLE 'DESPITE SECURITY CONCERNS'

Stormont's leaders have called for urgent answers around the security vetting process involved in the appointment of a former Police Ombudsman in Northern Ireland.

First Minister Michelle O'Neill and deputy First Minister Emma Little Pengelly urged the Government to provide clarity after DUP leader Gavin Robinson claimed Marie Anderson had been appointed to the role in 2019 “despite security concerns”.

Ms Anderson, who was responsible for investigating complaints against police officers, retired from the role at the end of 2025.

Mr Robinson raised concerns in the House of Commons on Monday as Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer answered questions from MPs about the security vetting around Lord Peter Mandelson's appointment as US ambassador.

Lord Mandelson was sacked in September last year after revelations about the extent of his relationship with disgraced financier Jeffrey Epstein.

Mr Robinson said it was “incredible to learn that in Northern Ireland a political appointment was made following the refusal to clear an individual for security access”.

The DUP leader said Ms Anderson had engaged in legacy issues in the region “despite Security Service concerns”.

He called for the former ombudsman's appointment to be examined as part of the broader review into security vetting instigated by the Prime Minister.

The First Minister and deputy First Minister were asked about the issue as they spoke to reporters in Belfast on Tuesday.

During Direct Rule

Sinn Fein vice president Ms O'Neill highlighted that Ms Anderson's appointment was made directly by the UK Government as it happened at a time when the Stormont Executive was in a period of collapse.

“So it's for them to provide clarity in terms of the process that they followed, including the safeguarding elements to all of that,” she said.

“So I think the clarity that's required needs to come. Because there's been a lot of speculation. And I don't think that's helpful for either the individual involved or for anybody involved in the process.

“So I think the sooner there's clarity, I think that will be a better place for us to reach, as opposed to feeding speculation whenever people perhaps have half of the truth or perhaps not all of the information.”

She added: “So I think we need to be crystal clear, and I think the public deserve to have the answers that have now been speculated about because of some public commentary. So I think it's for the Secretary of State (Hilary Benn) to actually provide that clarity, to give people the assurances that they're looking for.”

DUP Assembly member Ms Little-Pengelly said her party leader had raised “really serious and important issues”.

“We've seen this issue rolled out over the last number of days over in Westminster in relation to Peter Mandelson,” she said. “I think when a whistleblower comes forward with information that this has potentially happened here in relation to a very high-profile and sensitive post — a post where that person will have access to a significant amount of very high-level and secure data — then, of course, that needs to be called out — that has been done by my party leader, Gavin Robinson.

“And we need to get to the truth of this. If there is truth in this allegation, then that then needs to come forward. We need to investigate and it needs to be investigated fully.

High level vetting

“I think my party leader was asking for this issue to be included in terms of this review about how this security vetting works.

“I have to say, I think it would be absolutely preposterous to suggest that we shouldn't have that kind of high-level vetting for these secure posts in Northern Ireland because of some kind of political or other agenda. Of course we need that.

“That vetting is there to ensure that those people with access to very high-level and secure information have the appropriate clearances, that they are appropriate people with integrity in order to access that.

“So yes, we do need to get answers. We need to get those urgently.”

Responding to Mr Robinson's call on Monday, Sir Keir said: “I will ensure the review covers all the relevant issues and material and I will take into account what he has just said.”

A Northern Ireland Office spokesperson said: “Marie Anderson was appointed in 2019 by the then secretary of state. We are looking into our records and will respond as soon as possible.

“The Prime Minister has also confirmed this matter will be included as part of the Fulford review.”

The office of the Police Ombudsman has been approached for comment.

We're political opponents: man accused of sending threatening messages to MLA

ALAN ERWIN, Belfast Telegraph and Irish News, April 22nd, 2026

HE APPEARED AT THE HIGH COURT AFTER THREATS WERE MADE TO DUP POLITICIAN

A Co Antrim man charged with making a series of threatening social media posts against an MLA claimed they were just “political opponents”, the High Court has heard.

Andrew Moran (30) allegedly issued menacing Facebook comments which left Democratic Unionist Party representative Trevor Clarke fearing he could be attacked.

Moran, of Grange Lane in Newtownabbey, denies counts of improper use of a public electronic communications network, threatening or abusive behaviour, harassment and intimidation of a witness.

He was released on bail but banned from making any contact with Mr Clarke.

The South Antrim MLA received the first messages on March 27 this year after announcing on Facebook that he was holding a constituency surgery in the Mallusk area. Sent from an account in the name of Andrew Thomas Moran, one of the responses warned: “F*** away back off to Randalstown, or you'll be getting smashed to bits.”

Prosecutors claimed the defendant also posted:  “Should have had your arms and legs broken years ago, how you are still sneaking about is beyond me.”

A further message said to have been directed at the politician stated: “The Orangemen don't want you.”

Mr Clarke received a number of YouTube links from the same account, the court heard, including footage of one man physically assaulting another.

‘Rat trap,

“There was another video showing rats in a rat trap,” Crown counsel revealed.

“Mr Clarke said he was intimidated by those videos and it caused him anxiety that (Moran) would attend the surgery to attack him.”

Despite those concerns he went ahead with the event, which the defendant did not attend. But after the online content was reported to police, the MLA received further abusive Facebook contact from the same account two days later.

One of those messages stated: “Out to f***, you touting rat.”

Moran was eventually located and arrested on April 1 after an ex-partner reported an alleged breach of a restraining order.

During questioning he denied knowing anything about the Facebook account or directing messages at the politician.

“He described Mr Clarke as a political opponent only, and that he's never had any personal issues with him,” the prosecutor added. “He stated he doesn't own a mobile phone or computer, he doesn't have Facebook or just flatly denied those posts were from him.”

The judge, Madam Justice McBride, asked if Moran is involved in politics or a member of any political party .

Turlough Madden, defending, disclosed that his client stood as an independent candidate in an unspecified election a number of years ago.

“He would be involved in local community initiatives, and Mr Clarke would be known to him,” the barrister added.

Easy targets in vulnerable situations

Expressing concern about the general abuse directed at public representatives, Madam Justice McBride described them as “easy targets” in potentially vulnerable situations while holding surgeries.

“There is legitimate criticism of MPs and MLAs and councillors, but if this is (proven) it would be just harassment, intimidation, abuse and cannot be tolerated,” the judge said.

It was stressed, however, that she was not determining guilt or innocence.

Granting bail to Moran under strict conditions, Madam Justice McBride ordered: “He is to have no contact with Mr Clarke, and he is not to make any posts on any social media outlet in respect of Mr Clarke.”

Paisley backing Reform in GB council elections

SUZANNE BREEN, Belfast Telegraph, April 22nd, 2024

PUBLIC SUPPORT BOOSTS SPECULATION THAT EX-DUP MP COULD GET ROLE IN FARAGE'S PARTY

Former DUP MP Ian Paisley has been knocking doors in London as he canvasses for one of Reform UK's candidates in the Westminster local election.

Nigel Farage's Pimlico North candidate David Roche was photographed with his arm around the former North Antrim MP alongside other canvassers.

Reform posted the photo on X, adding: “Candidate David Roche out hitting doors in Westminster — with Ian Paisley backing the campaign on the ground.”

Mr Paisley, who lost his seat to TUV leader Jim Allister in the 2024 general election, is a close personal friend of Nigel Farage, attending his 60th birthday bash in London in 2024 at the upmarket Boisdale restaurant.

Mr Farage backed Mr Paisley in the poll, despite his party having an election pact with the TUV at the time.

There has been speculation that the former DUP MP could have some future role in Reform UK.

Ian Paisley has joined a Reform UK canvass team in London to support one of its candidates in the Westminster local election.

The DUP has been approached for comment.

Personal friend of Farage

Mr Paisley, who lost his North Antrim seat to TUV leader Jim Allister in the 2024 general election, is a close personal friend of Nigel Farage (right).

There has been speculation that the former DUP MP could have some future role in Reform UK.

Mr Paisley was among 200 guests invited to Mr Farage's 60th birthday bash in London in 2024. He joined other friends of the Reform UK leader at the upmarket Boisdale restaurant in Canary Wharf.

Reform UK entered a pact with the TUV for the last Westminster election. However, Mr Farage threw the party under the bus when he returned as Reform UK leader and backed Mr Paisley in North Antrim and the DUP's Sammy Wilson in East Antrim over the TUV.

Mr Farage said: “As far as the Northern Ireland thing is concerned, I want to make it clear that whilst there have been negotiations going on in previous times, I will personally be endorsing Ian Paisley and Sammy Wilson.

“New leadership brings change. I wish the TUV well, but I'm going to stand up for Sammy Wilson and Ian Paisley as people I fought with all through the Brexit years.”

Reform UK's then deputy leader Ben Habib remained loyal to Mr Allister's party. “The reality is that Ian Paisley and Sammy Wilson are old beer buddies of Nigel's,” he said.

Mr Allister expressed disappointment at Mr Farage's decision and said it wasn't “compatible with the content of a conversation” he'd had with him the previous week. When the TUV leader met the Reform UK leader after his poll success, he told him that he was in Westminster “in spite of him”.

However, the two have developed a constructive working relationship as Reform UK rose in the polls. Reform UK MP Danny Kruger addressed the TUV annual conference last month.

DUP leader Gavin Robinson last month hosted another Reform UK MP, Robert Jenrick, who attended a party dinner and went on a walkabout on the Shankill.

Some prominent TUV members have voiced distrust of Reform UK, branding Mr Farage a “self-serving charlatan”.

Former East Belfast election candidate John Ross warned that Reform would put “self-interest” before the Union, and accused it of having “U-turned” on many of its initial pledges.

“They're clueless, and Farage is a self-serving charlatan. We certainly need change in our governance, but Reform will not deliver it,” he has said on Facebook.

He voiced concerns that Mr Farage would withdraw Britain from the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), but leave Northern Ireland behind. He said he had raised the issue with Mr Allister. Councillor Clarke has been equally scathing on social media and has denounced Reform UK as “a total joke”.

Stormont’s spending on public services is 66% greater than in England

JONATHAN McCAMBRIDGE and JOHN MANLEY, Irish News, April 22nd, 2026

SPENDING on education, health and policing in Northern Ireland far outstrips what’s spent in England on the same core public services.

The figures emerged as part of the UK Treasury’s Open Book Review of the Northern Ireland Executive Budget.

The report said funding per head of population for a number of Stormont departments “is significantly in excess of 124% of comparable spend by the UK government”.

It said health spending per head in the north is 152% of that in England, policing is at 166% and schools at 140%.

Across the whole of the justice system, spending is at 120% compared with the rest of the UK.

Stormont Executive ministers are continuing to push the British government to allocate more money to the region, claiming its public services have been historically underfunded.

But the Treasury report, which examined a number of options that could “improve the sustainability of the Northern Ireland budget”, highlights how £3.3 billion in additional spending power each year could be unlocked by the devolved administration.

The UK Treasury’s Open Book Review of the Northern Ireland Executive Budget said funding per head of population for a number of Stormont departments “is significantly in excess of 124% of comparable spend by the UK government.

Inefficiencies  and seeking ‘super parity’  

It said that if ministers had taken forward “even an eighth” of options available to them, they might have avoided a budget overspend in the last financial year.

Its conclusions, seen by the Press Association, identify “a persistent gap between Northern Ireland Executive spending and available funding”.

It says this is due to a number of factors including public service “inefficiencies”, policy decisions to maintain a “large public sector workforce” and pay parity with the rest of the UK, and policy decisions to put in place “super-parity measures compared to the British government”.

In February, the British government announced it would make £400 million available from reserves for the Executive to deal with overspend pressures in health and education.

The money has to be repaid over the next three years and the Treasury said it would be conducting an “openbook exercise” looking at the Executive budget.

The Treasury report is designed to “inform the Executive’s decisions on funding allocations” and has been shared with ministers.

It pointed out that for every £1 the UK government spends on comparable public services in England, the Northern Ireland Executive has “at least £1.24 to spend” to reflect the region’s “higher levels of relative need”.

The report said: “As a sense of scale, health spending of 124% of comparable spending in England would be £1.3 billion lower than current spending on health.

“Similarly, 124% of comparable spending in England on education would be £424 million lower than current spending on education.”

‘Very hard to go out to the public and talk about raising funds’

The report said the “Executive’s policy decisions may also be creating pressures elsewhere in the budget”.

It estimated that offering lower domestic rates and higher rates relief in Northern Ireland than the UK Government does in England “costs the Executive around £639 million a year in revenue foregone with a further £684 million a year from other measures where the Executive is not implementing the same fees and charges as the UK government”.

It said that introducing domestic water charges could raise “significant additional revenue” and that the Executive could raise more than £357m-a-year if households were charged the same as households in England and Wales.

First Minister Michelle O’Neill said the Treasury’s review was the “wrong starting point”.

She said it was “ignoring” spending comparisons with Scotland and Wales.

“It is very hard to go out to the public and talk about raising funds when their services are decimated day by day because of the lack of investment over the years,” she said.

Legal challenge to Belfast City Council's new Irish language policy rejected

ALAN ERWIN, Belfast Telegraph, April 22nd, 2026

JUDGE IDENTIFIED A DEFECT IN SEPARATE DETERMINATION ON PALESTINIAN FLAG

Belfast City Council procedures for reconsidering a proposed Irish language policy were not unlawful, a High Court judge ruled yesterday.

Mr Justice McLaughlin dismissed claims that the local authority's handling of voting rules had wrongly thwarted safeguards aimed at protecting minority views.

He identified a legal defect in a separate determination about flying of the Palestinian flag but declined to quash that decision.

The outcome was reached in a case brought by Traditional Unionist Voice (TUV) campaigner Ann McClure against the operation of a call-in scheme for voting on controversial issues with a potential adverse community impact.

Proceedings were issued after councillors in Belfast approved a draft Irish language policy in October last year.

The blueprint aims to promote the use of Irish in public life, with bilingual signage and logos to appear on council facilities, signage and uniforms.

Amid unionist objections, a call-in mechanism was triggered to scrutinise the legitimacy of the decision.

Under the procedure a 15% minority of councillors can request a reconsideration which involves seeking legal opinion on any possible adverse community impact.

If those concerns are assessed as being valid, an 80% super majority may be required in a call-in for the original motion to be voted in again.

The draft Irish language policy for Belfast currently remains on hold pending the outcome of that process. Ms McClure's lawyers claimed the Council had wrongly interpreted relevant sections of the Local Government (Northern Ireland) Act 2014.

A new filter was wrongly created which handed a veto to a simple majority of the elected representatives, it was contended.

Not ultra vires

But Mr Justice McLaughlin held that the standing orders under scrutiny were not ultra vires, or outside the legal powers of the Act.

The legal action widened out into a systemic challenge after the Council backed a Sinn Fein proposal to fly the Palestinian flag for one day at City Hall.

Unionists again objected and called in the original decision taken to mark Palestinian Solidarity Day.

Following a further vote the flag was eventually raised for a short period at the start of December.

Court papers described Ms McClure as a politically active member of the unionist community in Belfast who has actively campaigned against the adoption and implementation of an Irish language policy.

She was also said to regard the decision to fly the Palestinian flag as a further attack on unionist values and offensive to the city's Jewish community.

Earlier in proceedings the Council accepted that legal opinion on the merits of a call-in requisition should not be treated as determinative.

According to Ms McClure's representatives, the new standing order arrangements have arguably made the situation worse.

A simple majority of councillors will now determine whether any decision called-in for reconsideration should be subjected to the qualified voting protections.

The TUV woman's barrister, John Larkin KC, argued that the statutory scheme had been undermined by the filter. He claimed it was akin to the type of approach taken in Louisiana during the 1930s. During submissions Mr Larkin described it as a farcical situation which amounted to “piling illegality on illegality”. Lawyers for the Council branded the challenge as “a triumph of form over substance” and based on a legal interpretation which would have “absurd” consequences.

The court was told Ms McClure's case meant merely citing grounds for the requisition without any adjudication of the merits would be enough to meet the test.

In a 48-page judgment, Mr Justice McLaughlin said the legislation gave councils sufficient procedural autonomy to permit the inclusion of a mechanism for ensuring that the views of the council members who supported the requisition are sufficiently well-founded.

Turning to how the vote around flying the Palestinian flag was handled, he set out how councillors received legal opinion that it was not likely to have a disproportionate impact on the Jewish community. But a statutory process for amending the standing orders was not properly completed.

‘Procedural confusion’

The judge identified “procedural confusion” when the full Council decided on the adverse effects of flying the flag, assessing the route taken as “without adequate legal foundation and ultra vires”.

Ultimately, however, he said the same outcome would have been inevitable if standing orders were correctly applied rather than a simple majority vote.

“I do not consider it to be either necessary or appropriate to quash the decision of the Council on December 1, 2025,” he confirmed.

Dismissing all other grounds of challenge, Mr Justice McLaughlin suggested issuing a final declaration about authority's decision by simple majority vote that flying the Palestinian flag for 24 hours from the City Hall would not have a disproportionate adverse effect on the Jewish community.

In a statement following the judgment, Ms McClure declared the ruling on the Palestinian flag voting procedure as a victory for unionism.

She also confirmed plans to appeal findings reached on the wider call-in process, claiming they were inconsistent with the law.

“If the court is correct, then minority protections have no meaningful effect. This cannot be correct,” she said.

Dr Pádraig Ó Tiarnaigh from Irish language campaign group Conradh na Gaeilge described the verdict as heralding a new era in Belfast.

“Attemps to seemingly abuse genuine minority safeguards and flip them into a political veto to be used against the Irish language community have failed and been overwhelmingly dismissed,” he said.

Republic inflation could reach 6.7% under ‘severe scenario’

CILLIAN SHERLOCK and GRÁINNE NÍ AODHA, Irish News, April 22nd, 2026

INFLATION in the Republic could reach 6.7% in less than a year, according to a “severe” scenario forecast by the Department of Finance.

The forecast is the worst scenario included in a range of projections published in the Annual Progress Report yesterday, which examined potential impacts of the war in the Middle East.

The report also projected an Exchequer deficit of €1.2 billion for this year, and €3.4bn in 2027.

The “severe” scenario is modelled on the event of “pronounced and prolonged disruption to energy supply” with oil at $130 a barrel in 2026, and averaging $125 a barrel in 2027.

The Department of Finance assessed three scenarios in its spring forecasts.

The reference scenario was based on energy prices prevailing at mid-March levels and involved headline inflation averaging 3.3% this year, with the Modified Domestic Demand (MDD) growth measure expanding by just over 2%.

MDD was expected to be up to between 2.5 to 3% if the Iran conflict had not arisen.

A more adverse scenario involved inflation averaging 3.7%, and a severe scenario had average inflation of 4.6% – peaking at 6.7% in the first quarter of 2027.

The full-year averages reflect “relatively modest inflation” in the first quarter but a “sharp acceleration in the annual rate” by year-end.

Sharp acceleration predicted by year end.

The department’s chief economist John McCarthy said the war remains a “major source of uncertainty” in the projections.

Outside of the Exchequer deficit, the department is projecting a general government surplus of €9.2bn this year, and €9bn for 2027.

The 2026 projection is up from €5.1bn and was attributed to corporation tax increases as well as revenue in the Social Insurance Fund and local authorities.

Asked how likely he felt a recession was, Mr McCarthy said: “Our assessment right now as to which scenario we see as most likely – on the basis of energy futures at the moment, I do think we’re between the reference scenario and the adverse scenario.

“I’m not outlining a probability to that.

“On the idea of a recession, even in the severe scenario, the economy is growing both this year and next – but at the end of next year, the level of economic activity would be two percentage points below what it would be under the reference scenario.

“Now, in the current environment, you can never say never, and we draw some of the risks as I put there, but under the three scenarios that we presented, we are not in recession territory.”

Meanwhile, Minister Jack Chambers also announced that the Government was increasing its expenditure ceiling by €700m, including growth rate in expenditure to make room for additional investment in education.

Earlier, Tánaiste and Finance Minister Simon Harris warned there was a risk of stagflation in the Irish economy. lazy politics of suggesting that surplus is a dirty word or a derogatory term. Thank God we have a surplus in this country.”

Mr Harris said there was a risk that inflation would rise to a level where the benefit of economic recent energy-crisis supports, as well as additional funding for the Department of Education, particularly in special education.

He added that an expenditure levy will be applied to departments from 2027 requiring them to implement reforms and efficiencies in the order of €446m.

Growth forecast would have been upgraded if Iran had not been bombed.

“That does speak to the resilience of the Irish economy where growth is strong, there are more people in work than ever before,” he said, arriving at Government Buildings ahead of Cabinet yesterday morning.

“We’ve got to move beyond the growth was not felt.

He said: “There’s a lot of risks at the moment and I suppose we’re trying to forecast and we’re trying to plan while grappling with external factors largely outside the control of this country.”

Mr Harris said the Republic was facing into the next period from a position of “real relative strength” and “fiscal resilience”, demonstrated by economic growth and high employment.

The Finance Minister said Ireland and Europe was “somewhat at the mercy” of decisions “taken by other people far away”, as he advocated for more sustainable energy use.

He said: “As we plan for the future, as we plan for the Budget, as we plan as a country, we’ve got to move the conversation beyond just what we do in the here and now around the energy crisis, to how we move away from a reliance on fossil fuels.

“To break that link, we have to make sure that we don’t just talk about how we help people in the here and now, but we also talk about how we help people with their energy bills in a more sustainable fashion.

“How we help people get solar on the roof, how we help people replace windows and doors, make their own home warmer, make their own home cheaper to heat.

“How also, through the Critical Infrastructure Bill, we accelerate the delivery of renewables.”

US trips by Little-Pengelly and Archbold cost over £50,000

ANDREW MADDEN, Belfast Telegraph, April 22nd, 2026

A St Patrick's Day trip to Washington DC led by Deputy First Minister Emma Little-Pengelly cost £20,002.

The DUP MLA travelled to the US last month alongside her special adviser, principal private secretary and a press officer.

Ms Little-Pengelly travelled by business class flights, the Executive Office confirmed.

First Minister Michelle O'Neill boycotted the trip in opposition to US foreign policy on Gaza.

Spending on overseas visits by Stormont ministers has come under scrutiny recently amid growing pressure on the public purse. However, a number of Executive ministers still travelled Stateside for the St Patrick's festivities.

Figures obtained by the Belfast Telegraph via a Freedom of Information (FoI) request show Ms Little-Pengelly's US visit cost £20,002.

This included flights costing £10,134, accommodation that came to £5,957, and a £3,333 transport bill. A total of £578 is listed under 'food/drink/incidental'.

The Executive Office was asked for a breakdown of the class of plane journey.

“The Deputy First Minister, special adviser and principal private secretary travelled via a combination of economy and business class as the programme of events began immediately upon arrival,” a spokesperson said.

Economy class

“The press officer travelled via economy class.”

When asked by the BBC last month, Ms Little-Pengelly would not state if she travelled business class. The department refused to reveal the hotels Ms Little-Pengelly and her fellow travellers stayed at, citing security reasons.

Various other ministers also visited Washington last month. Health Minister Mike Nesbitt was in Washington and Nashville, with the full US visit costing £9,874. Mr Nesbitt was accompanied by a special adviser and his private secretary.

A total of £4,548 was spent on flights, with all passengers travelling economy class, while £97 went towards meals and £588 was spent on Uber and Metro services.

Accommodation in Washington at the four-star River Inn came to £1,878. Accommodation in Nashville, at the four-star Sheraton Grand, cost £2,682.

An additional £81 was spent on extra luggage fees for the Nashville flights.

A Department of Health spokesperson said a business case was produced prior to the trip and “value for money was considered at all stages from flight options, hotels and personnel travelling with the minister”.

Education Minister Paul Givan went to Washington, while also visiting Louisiana, with the trip costing £14,765.

Travel cost £7,539 and accommodation cost £6,590, with £636 listed as 'other expenses'. Mr Givan was accompanied by his special adviser and one departmental official.

In Louisiana, the group stayed at the four-star Le Meridien New Orleans, while in Washington they stayed at the private University Club of Washington, which has no available star rating, according to the department's FOI response.

On his US visit, Mr Givan said: “I travelled to Washington DC and Louisiana for a series of meetings to discuss educational reforms and TransformED priorities.”

Archibald’s trip cost over £32,000

Economy Minister Caoimhe Archibald also travelled to the US in March, but not to Washington. She visited San Francisco and Los Angeles for a series of engagements aimed at boosting investment, trade and tourism.

Ms Archibald was accompanied by her special adviser and a civil servant on the seven-day trip, which cost £32,167.

Flights — of which there were 18 — cost £20,844, while £6,210 was spent on hotels and £4,411 on other transport. The food and drink bill came to £702.

All hotels were four-star and each person flew mainly in business class, bar one flight each, which was in economy.

The news comes after Communities Minister Gordon Lyons defended his £40,000 St Patrick's Day trip to the US as “worthwhile”.

During the trip, Mr Lyons hosted an event on Capitol Hill, in partnership with the American 250 commission, focusing on the contribution of the Ulster Scots community in relation to the signing of the US Declaration of Independence.

Mr Lyons told the Assembly on Monday the visit cost £39,727. This included flights and accommodation, as well as spending on catering, advertising, entertainment and commemorative coins and books for the Capitol Hill event.

He said: “I completely understand that we are living in a difficult period, and people need support. I brought forward that support, but I don't think that we should do that at the expense of arts and culture in Northern Ireland, that we gut those budgets in order to help elsewhere.

“I think that we can do both. We're going to continue to do both, and I think that the promotion of Northern Ireland, getting more people to visit Northern Ireland, and being aware of Northern Ireland, is actually a good thing and something we should all want, something that we should all celebrate.”

COMMENT: LETTER: Finger of blame mustn’t be pointed solely at PIRA for outbreak of Troubles,

Irish News, April 22nd, 2026

AS a history teacher for more than 30 years, I must accept my responsibility for inaccurate recounting of many aspects of history which can still be found in our classrooms today.

I, like all other teachers of history at that time, simply accepted without challenge the versions of history which were found in the books and which we used to teach the children under our instruction.

It wasn’t until very late in my career that I began to discover that many of those readily accessible stories were firstly not entirely factual, and secondly were simply untrue.

Many accounts of our past were written in good faith but with no attempt to provide open, honest and accurate information regarding their validity and were basically used to tell a story in a way that suited the people of the time.

Let me explain my opening paragraph in a way that will help educate those who still accept versions of history without question.

We have all heard the story of how Christopher Columbus supposedly discovered America – well, unfortunately this story, still told today in our history books, is now known to be completely false.

“ Many accounts of our past were written in good faith but with no attempt to provide open, honest and accurate information regarding their validity

Now, in the context of this revelation, let us look at the teaching of the period known colloquially as ‘the Troubles’.

The British Home Secretary at the start of that time was Reginald Maudling and he stated quite clearly that “we are at war with the IRA”.

So, in light of this indisputable fact, should we be referring to the conflict as the Troubles or as a war between Britain and the IRA? If it was a war, let’s call it that and if it wasn’t a war, then let’s qualify and explain this very public statement.

When the phrase ‘the Troubles’ is mentioned, most people immediately think of the IRA, the Provisional IRA in particular, as if they were the instigators of the 30 years of violence and other groups were just on the periphery. Nothing could be further from the truth, yet our history books do not make this clear when detailing the onset of the conflict.

The reason for this is almost certainly that those who wrote this version were predominantly from a British background and had no interest in publishing an account which was not in accordance with England’s attitude to nationalism in Ireland. So let’s just examine some of the early events.

A peaceful civil rights march in Derry in October 1968 was attacked by the RUC. Where was the Provisional IRA at that time? The answer is simple, the Provisional IRA did not exist and was not in fact created until December of 1969, over a full year later, but you will have extreme difficulty in finding this fact in any of our history books.

Then Catholic homes were burned to the ground in Bombay Street while the RUC stood idly by, at a time when the Provisional IRA did not even exist. Don’t even bother looking for clarification of this version of events in our history books – it does not exist.

So, when we look at the outbreak of the conflict, we must not point the finger of blame solely at the Provisional IRA, as they did not come into being until two years after the match that brought violence onto our streets was first struck.

SEAN SEELEY, Craigavon, Co Armagh

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