ICRIR and Long reach of history offer hope of convictions for victims of IRA’s British bombing campaign in the 1970s

20 Aug

John Ware and Mark Hennessy, Irish Times, August 20th, 2025

Suspects identified following new forensic tests on old samples could prove a test for ICRIR as well

The blue and white Bedford bus carrying British soldiers and their families was nearly torn in two by the IRA bomb that exploded in the luggage compartment shortly after midnight on February 4th, 1974.

The explosion, as they travelled on the M62 near Batley, west Yorkshire, to Catterick, left nine soldiers dead, including 31-year-old Gunnery Sgt Maj Clifford Haughton, whose 23-year-old wife Linda and their sons Lee, aged five, and Robert (2), were also killed.

In November that year, Judith Ward was wrongfully convicted of the bombing in Preston Crown Court on the back of her own confused, contradictory statements, but, mostly, by forensic evidence.

The evidence offered by the later discredited scientist Frank Skuse claimed that traces of explosives had been found on her hands and belongings, including nitroglycerine and PETN residues.

However, the Griess and thin-layer chromatography tests used by Skuse and colleagues were – as also seen in the Birmingham Six case – highly prone to contamination and false positives if carried out incorrectly.

Following requests from family members, the ICRIR is also investigating the August 1979 ambush that killed 18 British army soldiers close to Narrow Water Castle near Warrenpoint, when IRA bombs were detonated from the southern side of the Border.

The ICRIR wants the Irish Government to strengthen the co-operation offered by Dublin to its work. Investigators involved in Operation Kenova, which reported on the activities of the British army spy known as Stakeknife, who operated at the heart of the IRA during the Troubles, were unhappy with the help offered previously.

Separately, liaison rules to govern contacts with the Garda and judicial authorities in the Republic to expedite requests for evidence and information held by the Garda, military intelligence in Dublin or other quarters are now sought.

“If you want to fully investigate cases like Narrow Water, a joint framework with the Irish Government is needed,” one official closely involved in the situation told The Irish Times, speaking on condition of anonymity.

Both Narrow Water bombs were deliberately set off half an hour apart using radio control by IRA men 200 yards across the lough on its southern bank. A British tourist was also killed on the shore in Co Louth by army gunfire.

Operation Kenova

Surtees was the chief investigator for Operation Kenova, which established that Stakeknife – taken to be Freddie Scappaticci – was linked to 13 murders and 15 abductions of suspected fellow agents and informers. The ICRIR is also investigating the two no-warning pub bombings in Guildford, Surrey, five days before the October 1974 British general election, which killed five people, including four soldiers, in the Horse and Groom pub.

The bomb had been left by a man and woman posing as a courting couple. Thirty minutes later, a second bomb exploded at the Seven Stars pub, but injuries were limited to the landlord and his wife because it had been otherwise evacuated.

Gerry Conlon, Paul Hill, Paddy Armstrong and Carole Richardson – known as the “Guildford Four” – were convicted for these attacks, spending 15 years in jail before their convictions were overturned.

Declining to offer further detail for “operational reasons”, Surtees emphasised that he was “confident” that some investigations will result in arrests, along with offering the bereaved long-sought information about their loved ones’ deaths.

Under the Legacy Act, only relatives can trigger an ICRIR investigation. The fact that the latest chapter of its work is focusing on some of the most high-profile IRA attacks of the Troubles, and not just on the actions of British soldiers, will be keenly noted.

The ICRIR was established under the Conservative government’s controversial 2023 Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Act in a bid, Conservative ministers said, to “draw a line” under legacy cases.

Universally unpopular in Northern Ireland, the Act closed all outstanding Troubles-related inquests and initially offered amnesties in return for accurate information before that was rejected by judges.

Under the Act, the ICRIR is the only agency permitted to investigate the several hundred unresolved conflict-related deaths that require investigation complying with article 2 of the European Convention on Human Rights.

However, the Belfast legacy body does not have sufficient powers to investigate to that standard and has been strongly criticised by nationalists for that, and its perceived lack of lack of operational independence from the British state.

Northern Secretary Hilary Benn has promised to “strengthen the commission’s independence and accountability” through primary legislation, though he has yet to flesh out details.

Despite the complaints about its independence, more than 220 people have so far contacted the ICRIR seeking information about the killings of their loved ones, sources close to the body say.

The ICRIR has itself proposed an amendment to Benn that would guarantee that criminal investigations would only be carried by former detectives who served in police forces in Britain, and not by anyone who served in the RUC.

Instead, ex-RUC officers employed by the ICRIR would be restricted to recovering information from files about a death for relatives who seek it, or helping to gather information from former members of paramilitary groups who might offer it.

Whitehall sources

The legitimacy of some of the complaints levelled against the ICRIR is acknowledged by senior Whitehall sources, especially its inability to consistently conduct article 2-compliant investigations.

The Legacy Act gives ICRIR investigators fewer powers than a police force, even fewer than local authorities in some cases. It does not have powers to direct surveillance, retrieve telephone billing data or to force a suspect to provide a DNA sample.

The challenge facing the Northern Secretary is whether he grants extra powers to the ICRIR, which has 90 live investigations under way into 157 overall deaths. Its number of cases will rise to over 300 by next summer.

“There is a need for significant reform,” said one Whitehall official “both for confidence building and as a matter of sheer practicality”. Currently, the option of giving powers similar to Operation Kenova is favoured.

While Kenova was not without its critics, it published significant new information about Stakeknife’s criminality after securing access to MI5 files and a secret ministry of defence computer system that had been inaccessible to three earlier investigations.

A final report is expected later this year.

The commission has been pushing Benn for Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act (RIPA)-type powers that would allow it to carry out surveillance, subject to warrants and court orders.

It wants powers, too, to appeal decisions by the Northern Secretary barring the publication of sensitive information, typically the role of British agents in Northern Ireland, on the grounds of national security.

The UK supreme court is considering an appeal by Benn to retain the veto over what constitutes a threat to national security instead of the PSNI Chief Constable exercising his discretion over intelligence held by him.

COMMENTS

Quite a coup for the ICRIR. How big a can of worms will new investigatory techniques reveal? Will the results undermine the end of legal process? Will both governments support the resources and costs involved?

Regards,

Brian Walker

If any of those involved are indentified there is strong probability that they were not the initiators of the attacks and, or are now dead themselves. But even a modicum of Truth may give a degree of ‘closure’ to victims and survivors. As in any conflict that is little enough comfort and even less when many victims and participants of the Troubles now question was the ‘armed struggle’ necessary’ at all?

Also, if the ICRIR cannot deliver at least some answers for some families it will damage its own credibility.

Padraig Yeates

Petrol bomb attack on Armagh bar leaves two men in hospital

Jessica Rice, Belfast Telegraph, August 29th, 2025

VENUE TARGETED ON NIGHT IT HOSTED LIVE MUSIC, WITH SEVERAL CHILDREN INSIDE PUB

A 38-year-old man has been charged in connection with a petrol bomb attack on a bar in Armagh which left two men in hospital with burn injuries.

The Toby Jug was targeted while hosting an acoustic open mic session on Monday night.

A large crowd, including children, were gathered inside the venue on Irish Street.

Patrons were threatened with a knife as they fled the premises to escape the flames at around 8.55pm.

Yesterday, a statement from the pub's owners said: “We are shocked and saddened by the events of last night when a petrol bomb was thrown into our premises.

“Two people were injured and taken to hospital, and our thoughts are first and foremost with them and their families.

“We are also mindful of the wider impact, with residents of Cregagh Gardens and Corrigan Court also affected by these senseless acts. No one in our community should ever feel unsafe in their home or local area.

“We want to sincerely thank everyone who has reached out with messages of support and concern. Your kindness means a great deal to us during this difficult time.

“For now, The Toby Jug Bar will remain closed while we assess the damage and ensure safety for our customers and staff.

“We are working closely with the authorities to ensure the safety of everyone moving forward.”

Change of pub ownership

The suspect is due to appear before Newry Magistrates Court today accused of two counts of attempted murder, arson with intent to endanger life and possession of a blade or point.

He has also been charged with three counts of criminal damage.

Locals have been expressing shock following the incident on Monday night which was captured on CCTV.

One said: “It's shocking. It's devastating, really, to think something like that happened here.”

Another said: “It's a good thing it wasn't worse; it would put you off going about the town, especially if you had children with you.

“It is shocking that something this bad has happened but we are lucky no one was seriously injured.”

It is understood The Toby Jug recently changed ownership.

A local said: “They are only new in there, so I hope it doesn't hold them back.

“They are good people and they're doing good stuff with that pub, so you would have a lot of sympathy for them.

“It's a nice wee close-knit community here, so to see that happening to someone you know is very sad.”

They added: “Fair play to the police, fire service and ambulance — they were there as soon as they could be and dealt with it straight away. I'm sure there could have been a lot more damage if they hadn't been as quick.”

Newry and Armagh Sinn Fein MP Dáire Hughes said: “There's a degree of shock and fright within the community at such a horrific attack. An attack of this nature could have been devastating.

“The fire service responded promptly and I would like to commend them for their actions.”

Aontú TD demands probe into lost skull of man killed by PIRA

Connla Young, Irish News, August 20th, 2025.

AUTHORITIES in the Republic have been urged to investigate how the skull of a man shot dead and secretly buried by the IRA was lost.

Eugene Simons (26) was taken across the border by the IRA after going missing on New Year’s Day 1981.

Originally from the Castlewellan area of Co Down, his remains were accidently discovered buried in a bog near Dundalk, Co Louth, in May 1984, by a man walking a dog.

He is one of a group of people known as The Disappeared, who were abducted, killed and buried by republicans during the Troubles.

His family was recently provided with a private report detailing the circumstances of his death by Operation Kenova.

It was set up in 2016 to investigate the activities of the British agent known as Stakeknife – identified as Belfast man Freddie Scappaticci in 2003.

While it was previously known that part of Mr Simons’s remains could not be found, the shocking loss was confirmed in the recent report.

When the Department of Justice in Dublin was asked to explain how the remains were lost and if it would apologise to the dead man’s family, it did not provide a direct response.

Instead, it issued a response from the Office of the State Pathologist (OSP) saying “the return of remains to families is the remit of the relevant coroner”.

“To the best of the OSP’s knowledge the rest of the remains were returned to the family for burial,” it said.

“We do not have a record of when that occurred, but the relevant coroner/mortuary would.

“The OSP was extensively involved in the recent search for Mr Simmons’s skull.

“These events occurred over 40 years ago and the OSP has provided all records related to Mr Simmons’s skull to the investigation.

“The OSP cannot comment further due to the time that has elapsed.”

Aontú leader Peadar Tóibín said there needs to be an investigation.

“It is outrageous that any part of a person’s remains would be lost,” he said.

“It’s hard to imagine how such a large item could be lost in this situation and I do think that the family not only deserve an apology, they deserve an investigation into why this happened to their loved one. That needs to happen.”

Mr Tóibín said he intends to raise the case with justice minister Jim O’Callaghan in the Dáil.

The Aontú leader said he will also raise “what looks like a very slipshod approach by the gardaí in terms of key evidence to investigations” on both sides of the border and “in relation to the victims themselves”.

“There can’t be a situation whereby items such as remains, or evidence, can go missing… there needs to be accountability in relation to this. You can’t have a situation where this is allowed to continue without anybody being held to account,” he said.

Republican group benefits from Adams' donation of BBC defamation case money

Shane Phelan, Belfast Telegraph, August 20th, 2025

Gerry Adams has donated his €100,000 defamation award to various causes, including Unicef, the GAA, and an organisation supporting the families of IRA volunteers who lost their lives during the Troubles.

The move was disclosed yesterday by his solicitors, almost three months after a High Court jury in Dublin found the former Sinn Fein leader had been defamed by a 2016 BBC programme and a BBC website article containing allegations he sanctioned the murder of ex-party official Denis Donaldson.

Mr Adams (76) denied any involvement in the killing and sued over the Spotlight programme and the article. The corporation confirmed in June it would not be appealing the outcome of the case, which has left it facing legal costs estimated at around €3m.

A statement issued by Johnsons Solicitors, the law firm that represented Mr Adams, confirmed the BBC had discharged the order of the court in relation to damages awarded.

“Mr Adams said at the outset of his defamation case against the BBC that he intended to donate any damages awarded to good causes,” the statement said.

“Donations have been made to Unicef for the children of Gaza, local An Cumann Lúthchleas Gael, An Cumann Cabhrach, to the Irish-language sector, to the homeless and Belfast-based youth, mental health and suicide prevention projects and others.”

An Cumann Cabhrach is an organisation that provides support for families of republican prisoners and IRA volunteers who lost their lives during the Northern Ireland conflict.

Mr Donaldson (55), a former Sinn Fein administrator in Stormont, was shot dead at a remote cottage in Glenties, Co Donegal, in April 2006 — four months after he admitted to having been an informer for police and MI5 since the 1980s.

At the time, Mr Adams was Sinn Fein leader and TD for Louth, but he has since retired from frontline politics.

Mr Adams denied any knowledge or involvement in the killing and described the programme as “a grievous smear”.

The BBC argued that words used did not mean that Mr Adams sanctioned the murder and that it had merely published an allegation made by a former British agent, known only as Martin, who infiltrated Sinn Fein and the IRA.

It said that it had been left up to viewers and readers to decide.

The BBC also argued that Mr Adams was not entitled to damages due to his reputation as having been an IRA leader, something he has always denied.

However, a jury found the words meant that Mr Adams sanctioned and approved the murder. It also found the BBC's actions had not been in good faith and that it had not been fair and reasonable to publish the allegation.

Mr Adams's legal team said the verdict was a “full vindication” for their client, while the BBC said it was “disappointed” with the outcome.

After the verdict, Mr Adams said taking the case “was about putting manners on the BBC”, a comment that was described as “chilling” by Séamus Dooley, the secretary of the National Union of Journalists in Ireland.

Muir hits out at executive partners’ ‘crocodile tears’ over Lough Neagh

John Manley, Political Correspondent, Irish News, August 20th, 2025

ANDREW Muir has restated his determination to restore Lough Neagh but warns he has “one hand tied behind my back by other parties” who won’t support his proposed measures.

The agriculture and environment minister was speaking after visiting the lough to view what he termed “the latest blue-green algae devastation”.

The Irish News revealed last month that just 14 of more than three dozen ‘actions’ aimed at improving water quality in Lough Neagh have so far been delivered.

The 37 cross-cutting measures, which were supposed to have the support of the Stormont executive, were aimed at tackling the pollution crisis in Ireland’s largest fresh water body.

This paper also revealed how the lough’s commercial eel fishing was suspended for the remainder of the 2025 season.

The suspension was prompted by concerns about the eels’ fat content, thought to be connected to dramatic changes in the lough’s food chain in recent years.

Now Mr Muir has accused his Sinn Féin and DUP partners in government of “playing politics as the lake slowly dies”.

Both parties have joined the Ulster Farmers Union in opposing the minister’s latest Nitrates Action Plan (NAP), a series of measures aimed at cutting waterway pollution caused by run-off from agricultural fertilisers.

In a statement issued yesterday, Sinn Féin MLA Aoife Finnegan said protecting the environment and addressing the challenges facing Lough Neagh “must continue to be a priority for the executive”.

The party’s environment spokesperson said Lough Neagh was “a vital natural resource”.

“It is important that work continues in implementing the executive’s Lough Neagh Action Plan to address issues of poor water quality which are impacting the lough,” she said.

“We also want to see a Nutrients Action Programme that is workable and involves meaningful engagement with the farming community to ensure issues affecting water quality are addressed.”

But Mr Muir said swathes of blue-green algae in Ireland’s largest fresh water body would “continue to be an issue unless the DUP and Sinn Féin get serious about supporting and protecting our environment”.

“Their voting record speaks volumes, calling on me to scrap the Nutrients Action Programme consultation and opposing plans to remove the penalty cap for repeated polluters put in place by the previous Daera minister,” he said.

Unified approach vital to save Lough

The Alliance minister called on all parties to support him in delivering on the programme for government commitment to protect Lough Neagh.

“Parties whose support to protect our environment has disappeared like snow off a ditch in recent months can spare me their crocodile tears over Lough Neagh after turning their backs when their votes were required in the assembly,” he said.

“When I first launched the Lough Neagh Action Plan, I was honest about the scale of the challenge and that there would be no quick fixes to this crisis. I was also clear that there would be difficult decisions ahead if we were to turn the tide on decades of pollution. These latest blooms are distressing, but sadly unsurprising scenes.”

Mr Muir said he was “as determined as ever” to deliver on the executive’s collective commitment to restore Lough Neagh.

“But I cannot continue to have one hand tied behind my back by other parties who are content with empty manifesto pledges, playing politics as the lake slowly dies,” he said.

“I would urge other parties to grasp the opportunity to change direction and support me on the actions needed. The solutions are in front of us and big decisions are on the horizon, whether it be on finalised NAP proposals and a budget settlement to enable a just transition for our farmers, new and stronger environmental governance arrangements to fulfil the previous commitment for an Independent Environmental Protection Agency or measures to strengthen regulation and enforcement of sewage pollution”

SF 'losing trust in nationalist areas due to confused position over mineral licences'

Garrett Hargan, Belfast Telegraph, August 20th, 2025

CAMPAIGNERS SAY PARTY AT ODDS WITH ITS CORE VOTERS ON GOLD MINING PLANS

Sinn Fein has been accused of holding a “confused position” on mining which has led to a lack of trust in nationalist communities, according to campaigners.

The party's Dr Caoimhe Archibald criticised the Department for the Economy in 2022 for awarding licences to Dalradian Gold, which has plans for a huge mine in the Sperrins.

She also said it was “not adequately addressing” community concerns, and said there should be a moratorium on licences until the regulatory framework has been reviewed and amended.

But now, as Economy Minister, she has passed mineral licence applications despite opposition.

In May DfE published the results of a public consultation on seven mineral prospecting applications, including two from Dalradian Gold.

Of 2,163 responses, 2,153 objected — but the licences were still approved.

Those seven licences were “relinquished” due to a procedural oversight, where a public notice was not published in the Belfast Gazette as legally required.

Campaigners questioned Sinn Fein's “confused position”, claiming it goes back to 2014 when West Tyrone MP Pat Doherty said most people in the area were supportive of a mine because of the jobs it would bring.

Martin Tracey of Communities Against Mining said the party should have made representations during a stalled public inquiry into the Sperrins gold mine, and honest answers were required from it “if trust is to be restored”.

Mr Tracey added: “The controversial prospecting licences in question came under the spotlight when an alert citizen in May of this year noticed DfE omitted its statutory obligation to publish in the Belfast Gazette.

“Not only were the licences unlawfully issued, 2,100 consultees to the process were summarily dismissed by Economy Minister Caoimhe Archibald.

SF welcome for Gold Mining

“In a signal to international investors via the Financial Times some years ago, Sinn Fein welcomed the gold mining industry and associated jobs it would bring.

“Since then the party position on mining seems to have hardened as successive Sinn Fein ministers have demonstrated favour to those who would benefit from full blown mining across Northern Ireland.”

He added: “At the short-lived public inquiry into gold mining in Omagh last year, local Sinn Fein MLAs, councillors and their MP attended.

“In the precise forum where politicians could give voice to vast numbers of people opposing gold mining, Sinn Fein chose silence.

“Minister (John) O'Dowd's legal representatives' failed attempt to push ahead with gold mining in the Sperrins was thwarted by people who rightly felt their political representatives were not to be trusted.

“The evidence... seems to indicate that the largest party/First Minister will not campaign against the pro-mining policies of the Northern Ireland Executive, which they lead.

“It's an unfortunate truth, but right now the greatest threat to the Sperrins comes from Sinn Fein advocating for mining interests at Stormont and other forums. Nationalist politicians prioritising gold miners' wants ahead of people's needs is not the representation people voted for.”

Sinn Fein say gold mining was the responsibility of the Crown Estate, however campaigners says it is DfE that ultimately issues licences.

Sinn Fein said: “The party remains opposed to the Dalradian Gold mining planning application, our attendance at the inquiry and previous statements reflect that.

“A comprehensive review of licensing policy for other minerals was initiated by former Economy Minister Conor Murphy and is ongoing.

“Legal advice confirmed that the review was not sufficiently advanced to introduce a moratorium on new applications. Therefore the existing law had to be adhered to.

“The decision reinforces the urgent need to ensure the regulatory framework underpinning mineral licensing is fit for purpose with environmental protection, transparency and community consultation central to decision-making.

“We believe that the future of the Sperrins lies in sustainability, environmental stewardship and the empowerment of local communities and the new regime will ensure this.”

Hypocrisy of arrests shows there is something rotten here in England

Belfast-born journalist and novelist Róisín Lanigan reports from London as the British government increasingly turns to terror laws to clamp down on dissent over Palestine

TODAY a 27-year-old man from west Belfast is due to appear in court again in London, charged with a terror offence.

The year, in case you forgot, is 2025. The man is Liam Óg Ó hAnnaidh, AKA Kneecap’s Mo Chara.

The charge is displaying a flag in support of a proscribed organisation – Ó hAnnaidh is accused of holding up a Hezbollah flag during a Kneecap gig in Kentish Town.

If convicted he could face a prison term under the 2000 Terrorism Act.

The courtroom Ó hAnnaidh returns to will be in a country that looks at first glance much the same as it did during his last appearance back in June.

But it’s not the same country. Things have shifted this summer.

Two weeks after Ó hAnnaidh’s first court appearance, on July 3, the British government proscribed Palestine Action, making it officially a terrorist organisation.

The group, which describes itself as “non-violent but disruptive”, had broken into an RAF base and defaced planes and a runway with red spray paint to symbolise the blood of dead Palestinians.

The irony of defining these acts as terrorist so close to the 20th anniversary of an actual deadly terror attack – the London 7/7 bombings – appeared to have been lost on the British establishment, who in the weeks after the decision would break arrest records by detaining people protesting against the genocide in Gaza.

Met Police arrested 474 people in London on August 9, the biggest mass-detainment in a decade.

The group included Irish people, elderly women, blind men in wheelchairs, and one man who was erroneously detained for wearing a T-shirt that read “I support plasticine action”.

For a country that has spent months hand-wringing over the technical definition of the word “genocide”, it seems bizarre to ignore the technical definition of “terrorism” (“the unlawful use of violence and intimidation, especially against civilians, in the pursuit of political aims”).

By those metrics, were these protesters terrorists? Is Mo Chara? Is Palestine Action?

Home Secretary Yvette Cooper remains coy on how exactly this definition relates to the activities of Palestine Action, alluding instead to details that “can’t be revealed” because of “ongoing criminal investigations”.

If Palestine Action’s main crime is pointing out the hypocrisy of the British establishment, then Mo Chara’s is the same. This is Kneecap’s argument too.

In a statement, the band described the decision to prosecute as both “political policing” and a “carnival of distraction” from the genocide in Gaza.

“The proscribing and condemnation of some groups and activities while ignoring others is evidence of a carceral, technocratic approach to a moral problem, typical of Keir Starmer’s Labour

Prosecutor Michael Bisgrove denied this at Ó hAnnaidh’s first hearing. “This case is not about Mr [Ó] hAnnaidh’s support for the people of Palestine or his criticism of Israel,” he said, adding that he was “well within his rights to express his support and solidarity for Palestinians”.

Is he? Despite a sudden and rapid shift last month – when celebrities and establishment media in the UK began to take a more critical stance on Israel – a change in rhetoric feels at this stage too late to make any marked difference both to civilians in Gaza and to UK citizens who are unable to enact any kind of political change in their defence.

It’s obvious to anyone both within and outside the UK that the selective application of anti-terror laws have made London a stranger, uglier place. And the laws and beliefs that are disseminated through the ruling class in London affect us all.

Novelists and Pensioners

Writing in The Irish Times last weekend, the novelist Sally Rooney criticised the hypocrisy of how Palestine Action laws were being enforced, describing how the PSNI arrested a 74-year-old woman during a rally for wearing the group’s T-shirt.

Amnesty International also criticised the PSNI for the arrest, which it said violated the right to protest and to freedom of assembly, and took place in a city where the flags of proscribed organisations are flown freely without rebuke from police or politicians.

“The arrest of a protester in Belfast surely represents a particularly egregious example of political policing,” wrote Rooney.

“When a storm damaged an infamous loyalist mural in north Belfast last year, rebuilding commenced immediately, and the wall is now once again emblazoned with the iconography of the Ulster Volunteer Force. No arrests were made on that basis, nor has the mural been taken down, though the UVF is a proscribed terrorist organisation responsible for the murders of hundreds of civilians.

“Palestine Action, proscribed under the same law, is responsible for zero deaths and has never advocated the use of violence against any human being.

“Why then are its supporters arrested for wearing T-shirts, while murals celebrating loyalist death squads are left untouched? Can the PSNI explain this demonstrably selective enforcement of anti-terror law?”

It’s not just UVF flags in Belfast that escape the same attention awarded to Palestine Action.

In the same weeks that mass arrests were meted out across in England, less attention has been focused on genuine examples of escalating hatred against racial and religious groups.

The week before Ó hAnnaidh’s flag-accusation court date, images across social media showed a man outside a hotel housing asylum seekers in Falkirk holding a flag of his own, which read “Kill ’em all, let God sort ’em out”. This has been largely ignored.

While protesters in Manchester gathered outside a Kneecap gig with signs that said “Kneecap = Jew hatred”, a UKIP politician was filmed at a rally doing a ‘Roman salute’.

He said there was “nothing Nazi-esque” about his “statement of defiance”. This has also been largely ignored (protesters outside the Falkirk asylum hotel also did the same salute).

The ridiculous lack of consistency is inevitable under the current British government.

The proscribing and condemnation of some groups and activities while ignoring others is evidence of a carceral, technocratic approach to a moral problem, typical of Keir Starmer’s Labour.

There is something rotten in England. This was the case when Mo Chara first appeared in the Old Bailey back in June.

As he returns today, it’s truer than ever.

The courts are poorly set up for minority languages

Many would rather use the language they know best answering questions on which their liberty depends

Róisin Á Costello, Irish Times, August 20th, 2025

When the case of Kneecap’s Liam Óg Ó hAnnaidh was before Westminster Magistrates Court earlier this summer, Ó hAnnaidh’s legal team indicated that he might require an Irish-language interpreter for his trial. That trial, if it proceeds to hearing later this year, would be the most high-profile case involving testimony given through Irish in recent history. It is also likely to highlight at least some of the difficulties faced by Irish speakers in courtrooms both in the UK and Ireland.

Perhaps the most basic difficulty is securing a right to use Irish at all. HadÓ hAnnaidh been prosecuted in Northern Ireland prior to February, 2024, a 1737 Act of Parliament would have prohibited the use of Irish in court. Even now, following the introduction of the Identity and Language (Northern Ireland) Act, there are no procedures in place to protect a right to use Irish in Northern Irish courtrooms.

It will be for the Justice Minister, Naomi Long MLA, to introduce the guidelines which will give effect to the new Act in Northern Ireland. At present the primary concern is how any procedures would define necessity. Will a person need to demonstrate a certain level of fluency, or that they will suffer a particular degree of prejudice in order to prove it is ‘necessary’ for them to use Irish during a hearing? Beyond the six counties, the position in Ireland is, on paper, more favourable, with statutory and constitutional protections of the right to speak Irish in court. Yet, even here, the practical challenges and negative impacts of speaking Irish can often deter parties from using it.

The most basic obstacle facing Irish speakers across all the UK and Ireland was mentioned by the judge during Ó hAnnaidh’s last appearance in court – it can often be difficult to locate an interpreter. In the UK, there is, at least, a National Register of Public Service Interpreters. The register determines who is qualified to interpret court proceedings. It requires interpreters to prove they have an approved qualification, while they must undertake training to act in courtroom settings.

Qualified interpreters

Yet even with that infrastructure in place, an interpreter was still proving hard to find when Ó hAnnaidh was last in court. No such register is maintained in Ireland and there is no central registration or regulation of interpreters, let alone those sufficiently qualified to act in courtroom settings. As a result, although there is a constitutional and statutory right to speak Irish in court in Ireland, it may be harder to locate a qualified interpreter in Ireland than in the UK – where no such right exists.

Even where an interpreter is located, judges and lawyers who are not familiar with interpretation may fail to grasp the potential for crossed wires and bias that result from linguistic differences and the process of interpretation itself. An Irish speaker will not, for example, be able to give the same monosyllabic yes or no answer that an English-speaking witness would. The potential impression of being evasive, vague or contradictory where small differences in language and meaning have tangible legal outcomes is real. In cases where interpreters lack specific courtroom experience, and legal proceedings lack guidelines for how to deal with interpreters, those risks can be realised all too easily. In Australia and the US, researchers have established that linguistic differences and changes introduced by interpreters, such as hesitating words like “ah” or “um”, can cause witnesses to appear untrustworthy or evasive.

Negative perceptions of those who choose to speak a minority language, including Irish, can also have very real impacts on the choice to use a language in court. The choice to use a language, including Irish, is often seen as political – aligning the speaker (whether rightly or wrongly) with a particular ideology or political group. In such cases, the choice to speak (or refuse to speak) a particular language can be read as a rejection of institutions which operate through another tongue, or as an effort to shame non-speakers. Hardly the note to strike when appealing to a judge or a jury.

Minority language speakers can be perceived as difficult; seeking to gain an advantage by inconveniencing the other parties. Similarly, they can be considered untrustworthy – using the delay interpretation requires to more carefully consider their answers, or to deliberately misunderstand a question to buy time.

In Ireland, these perceptions are often based on the assumption that there is no such thing as a person who is more comfortable speaking Irish than English. Yet while English may be dominant in terms of the number of daily users, there are still those who – in the face of the formalities and consequences of the legal process – would rather have the security of the language they know best when they must answer questions on which their liberty or livelihood depend.

It is likely Ó hAnnaidh will have to contend with at least some of these negative tropes if his hearing proceeds using an Irish interpreter. In being tried in the UK he will, at least, have the benefit of a system in which interpretation is regulated.

On this side of the Irish sea, the case is an opportunity to reflect on why negative tropes concerning Irish speakers persist – inside and outside our justice system. It also presents an opportunity to give practical effect to the official status of Irish in courtrooms across the island.

Furthermore, it presents an opening to recognise that the issues impacting Irish speakers are ones which reach through our society – and our justice systems - more broadly. Poor standards of interpretation, as well as the legal profession’s lack of training on how to conduct a hearing in which interpreters are involved, are barriers to accessing justice and securing a fair trial. They profoundly impact all our minority language communities – including those navigating the international protection system.

Irish speakers, Irish citizens, Irish residents and those seeking to make a life here all deserve a justice system in which the language they speak does not determine the reach of their voice, or the reception of their testimony.

Dr Róisín Á Costello is an Assistant Professor at the School of Law, Trinity College Dublin and a practising barrister

Opinion polls don’t lie – we are a more polarised people

Brian Feeney, Irish News, August 20th, 2025

OPINION polls are snapshots. Events around the time a poll is taken will skew the results.

Politicians always emphasise this and always say, “the only poll that matters is the one on election day”.

They say that, but in fact watch all polls like a hawk. Parties secretly conduct their own polls.

Although they falsely claim to pay no attention, politicians sometimes react quite radically to the result of a single poll.

For example, a poll in February 2021 completely spooked the DUP. The party had dropped to 19%, a 20-year low, while the TUV had surged to 10%, up 7.4%. The Irish Sea border and the dodging and weaving about it by leading DUP figures clearly didn’t impress their supporters.

Jeffrey Donaldson took to the streets with protests and demonstrations and the leader, Arlene Foster, was defenestrated by April.

It didn’t do any good. The DUP has been in decline ever since, as evidenced most recently by its dreadful performance in last year’s British general election, with the loss of the unlamented Ian Óg and close shaves for Sammy Wilson and Gregory Campbell, who is a goner at the next British election if he stands.

However, while a single poll sometimes produces drastic reactions, what polls are really useful for is spotting a trend over time: tracking polls they’re called. In that sense all polls in the north are tracking polls.

Thus, polls have demonstrated conclusively the decline of the UUP and the SDLP over the last 25 years. Repeated changes of leaders in both parties have failed to shift the dial.

No leader has managed to articulate what the point of either the SDLP or UUP is, other than they’re not Sinn Féin or the DUP. The SDLP and UUP are for ‘nayce, respectable’ watery, middle-class versions of unionism and nationalism.

Brexit factor

The general trend in the north is depressing. Polls indicate increasing polarisation since the Brexit vote.

The DUP’s stupid positions on Brexit damaged it and may indeed have holed it below the waterline, with support leaking to the TUV.

Generally speaking unionism has moved to the right, not just on Brexit and support for the far right wing of the Conservative party and now Reform UK.

Support for the TUV has grown in fits and starts, but it has grown so that now the party is third behind Sinn Féin and the DUP.

One reason is the TUV’s consistently negative line while the DUP presented unionism with a misleadingly fraudulent prospectus.

TUV leader Jim Allister is now the most popular leader among unionists by a country mile because he successfully exposed the lies the DUP sold, and because the DUP leader is dull, boring, uncharismatic and therefore uninspiring.

Worse, chasing the TUV by moving further to the right, the classic mistake of a political party on the run, means voters don’t believe the DUP. If they try to mimic the TUV, people believe the real thing. It’s like the hapless Keir Starmer trying to chase after Farage’s Reform UK on immigration – futile.

However, it’s not just the rise of the TUV that indicates polarisation. It’s the fact that UUP leader Mike Nesbitt is more popular with nationalists and Alliance voters than he is with unionist voters.

That indicates an unwillingness among unionist voters to contemplate accommodation, a conclusion reinforced by their dreadfully low opinion of Naomi Long.

The falling trend in Alliance support since the so-called ‘surge’ in 2019 indicates that the Alliance bubble, if there ever was one, is well and truly burst.

It seems pretty conclusive their ‘surge’ was caused by anti-Brexit convulsions and not any permanent transfer by liberal unionists to Alliance.

One other trend, apart from growing polarisation, is growing apathy, or maybe Micawberism – waiting for something to turn up.

There’s widespread and growing lack of support for Stormont’s toytown assembly, a general exasperation. That’s reflected in low turnout in elections, particularly among middle-class unionists.

Unlike TUV voters, they don’t feel under any threat, either from a British government over which they can have no influence, or from the imminent prospect of a referendum on reunification. They’ve nothing at stake to vote for or against and none of the unionist parties has anything to offer them.

Sadly, middle-class professional unionists opted out of front line politics over 50 years ago. As one prominent businessman said, when the Troubles started and Stormont fell, the unionist middle-class went off to the golf courses and never came back.

Others fit the description Alex Kane is alleged to have coined: garden-centre unionists.

The plants are more interesting than what unionist politicians have to offer.

Stormont investment strategy still in limbo after three years

Andrew Madden, Belfast Telegraph, August 20th, 2025

There is still no sign of Stormont's long-awaited investment strategy — more than three years after it first went out for consultation.

One MLA said it was just the latest example of important policy being held up.

The strategy sets out a framework for infrastructure investment up to 2050, encompassing everything from roads and schools to hospitals and sewerage.

Investment priorities outlined in the draft plan include: decarbonising our economy; strengthening essential services; enhancing communities and places; maximising benefits from new technology and strengthening the economy.

In their foreword to the draft strategy in 2022, then First Minister Paul Givan and Deputy First Minister Michelle O'Neill said: “Investment in infrastructure will play a key part in enabling us to achieve our ambition of a greener and fairer society.

“Our vision is that we will have the infrastructure that enables everyone to lead a healthy, productive and fulfilling life; supports sustainable economic development, and protects our environment.

“Infrastructure, such as roads, hospitals, schools and colleges, energy, water, digital and transport networks, requires careful planning, takes time to deliver and is used for many years.

“We need to consider our current needs as well as the needs of our children. We also need to make best use of our existing infrastructure and maintain it for the future.”

The draft strategy went out for a three-month consultation in January 2022. The finalised document still hasn't gone for approval before the Executive.

The Executive Office was asked for an update. It said: “The investment strategy is currently being considered, and it is expected to be brought to the Executive for approval in the near future.”

In the Assembly last November, Deputy First Minister Emma Little-Pengelly told MLAs: “We are considering the draft investment strategy, after which we hope to be in a position to bring the strategy to the Executive.

“We expect that to happen in parallel with the final Programme for Government.”

The Programme for Government was published on February 27.

Alliance's Paula Bradshaw, who chairs the Executive Office's scrutiny committee, said: “This is yet another example of work in the Executive Office that is of significant public interest which is still subject to unnecessary deadlock.

“On top of the failure to agree an investment strategy, which is a core role of the First and Deputy First Minister, there are several other projects that are either underfunded or have been deemed unlawful, which the Strategic Investment Board is supposed to prioritise.

“Yet we are still experiencing significant underfunding in our housing stock and an abject failure to make any progress on the Maze/Long Kesh site.

“Additionally, there has been a failure to appoint key commissioner roles, some of which are crucial for supporting the investment strategy.

“With the restoration of the institutions, we are meant to see delivery and key planning such as this proceed swiftly.

“However, what we are actually witnessing is endless delays caused by the two larger parties and further proof that the institutions cannot function without being reformed.

“Only then can we end ransom politics and achieve real progress.”

Department fails to commit to property management regulation

John Manley, Political Correspondent, Irish News, August 20th, 2025

STORMONT’S Department of Finance has been accused of “hand-wringing” after failing to commit to regulate property management companies. The department, headed by Sinn Féin’s John O’Dowd, has signalled uncertainty over the introduction of any new measures for letting and managing agents before the end of the current assembly mandate in less than two years’ time.

In December, Mr O’Dowd’s predecessor Caoimhe Archibald said concerns had been raised and representations made regarding property management companies and agents for shared housing and apartment spaces.

She said she was “putting resources in place” to examine options for the sector, which is currently unregulated.

According to the Department of Finance a “detailed scoping re-port” on the issue was completed in April.

The department said Mr O’Dowd was “engaging with officials to determine what further progress can be made on the regulation of shared property matters, taking into account the availability of resources and the competing legislative priorities that prevail during the remainder of this mandate”.

SDLP Belfast councillor Carl Whyte said he was unsurprised there had been “zero progress on the relatively simple issue of regulation of shared space in apartment buildings”.

“With more and more people in Belfast and other towns and cities living in apartments, there is no effective legislation on how these buildings and the green space around them are managed resulting in neglect and lack of cleansing in shared areas,” he said.

“The Department of Finance’s statement – where it fails to commit to bringing this legislation forward between now and May 2027 – adds to the long list of issues where we see hand-wringing instead of hard work.”

The regional arm of the Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors (RICS) is also advocating the “expansion of professionalism, minimum standards and competency within housing, and the wider property sector”.

RICS NI residential property spokesperson Garrett O’Hare said his organisation’s members were “subject to independent regulation, holding them to account against high standards of ethics and technical capability”.

Property management companies are currently unregulated

“However, RICS only has authority over its own membership, so there is not a consistent minimum standard across the wider property agency sector,” he said.

“RICS has been working consistently with industry and government to develop common industry standards in areas such as housing block management and service charge management. We would welcome the opportunity to engage with the Department of Finance with a view to ensuring better regulation of agents in Northern Ireland that has professionalism at its heart and builds on the best-in-class structures we have created in a cost-effective way, without creating duplication.”

Stormont investment strategy still in limbo after three years

Andrew Madden, Belfast Telegraph, August 20th, 2025

There is still no sign of Stormont's long-awaited investment strategy — more than three years after it first went out for consultation.

One MLA said it was just the latest example of important policy being held up.

The strategy sets out a framework for infrastructure investment up to 2050, encompassing everything from roads and schools to hospitals and sewerage.

“Our vision is that we will have the infrastructure that enables everyone to lead a healthy, productive and fulfilling life; supports sustainable economic development, and protects our environment.

“Infrastructure, such as roads, hospitals, schools and colleges, energy, water, digital and transport networks, requires careful planning, takes time to deliver and is used for many years.

“We need to consider our current needs as well as the needs of our children. We also need to make best use of our existing infrastructure and maintain it for the future.”

Still no end to dicussions

The draft strategy went out for a three-month consultation in January 2022. The finalised document still hasn't gone for approval before the Executive.

The Executive Office was asked for an update. It said: “The investment strategy is currently being considered, and it is expected to be brought to the Executive for approval in the near future.”

“We expect that to happen in parallel with the final Programme for Government.”

The Programme for Government was published on February 27.

“Yet we are still experiencing significant underfunding in our housing stock and an abject failure to make any progress on the Maze/Long Kesh site.

“Additionally, there has been a failure to appoint key commissioner roles, some of which are crucial for supporting the investment strategy.

“With the restoration of the institutions, we are meant to see delivery and key planning such as this proceed swiftly.

“However, what we are actually witnessing is endless delays caused by the two larger parties and further proof that the institutions cannot function without being reformed.

“Only then can we end ransom politics and achieve real progress.”

LETTERS, IRISH NEWS: If Stormont is to remain a legislative assembly it must undergo renovation

August 20th, 2025

A NOW retired politician was asked to compare his time in City Hall as lord mayor with his time in Stormont as an MLA. He began: “What a dump Stormont is… it’s up on a bloody hill, nobody can get to it, there’s not a restaurant near it, there’s not a cafe near it, it’s divorced from the people.” In contrast he referred to City Hall as “a palace of the people”.

As an architect I was intrigued. For here, our messy politics was being considered not through a lens of bias, manifestos or agendas, but through urbanism. This was a politician talking, free from the whimsy of architectural notion. The assessment had no forced symbolism or complicated language, just honesty through experience.

Stormont is on a hill and no, you can’t get to it. It is up such a huge hill that east Belfast running clubs use it for their most brutal training sessions. It’s not near a café, nor a pub.

“ If Stormont is to house a form of government, then the physical space needs brought into line with the values that it promises to uphold – openness, fairness, accountability and responsibility

In contrast City Hall is the centre of town. It hosts the Christmas markets, demonstrations, protests and al fresco lunches. It belongs to the people.

So, what to do about Stormont? Can it be more like City Hall? If it is to remain as a legislative assembly within our current political landscape or as part of a reunified Ireland, it simply must undergo renovation.

Architectural intervention in parliament buildings isn’t new. My old boss, Norman Foster, did this very successfully with the Reichstag building in Berlin. Once the epicentre of the Nazi regime, the building is now the physical manifestation of democracy itself.

A glass dome was added directly above the debating chamber, allowing light to pour into the space below where politicians fight their respective corners, adding a sense of openness to proceedings. The dome isn’t just a skylight; a spiralling ramp sweeps around its inside face creating a publicly accessible viewing gallery, affording the people great views of their city but also, the ability to look down on their elected representatives. The politicians below are all too aware of the people circling above them – a constant reminder of who they truly work for.

I am not suggesting a cut and paste response – Belfast deserves a unique solution. If Stormont is to house a form of government, then the physical space needs brought into line with the values that it promises to uphold: openness, fairness, accountability and responsibility. But who could and who should do this?

Someone with an in-depth understanding of this place, or perhaps a blissful ignorance?

Maybe I’ll give Norman a bell.

RICHARD KENNEDY Belfast BT7

Judge to decide whether charge against Kneecap member Mo Chara brought too late

Staff Reporter, Belfast Media, August 20th, 2025

A JUDGE presiding over a terrorist charge against Kneecap member Liam Ó hAnnaidh will decide next month if it was brought to court too late.

Liam, who uses the stage name 'Mo Chara', appeared at Westminster Magistrates Court today.

The 27-year-old has been accused of allegedly displaying a flag in support of Hezbollah at a Kneecap gig at the O2 Forum in Kentish Town, London, on November 21, 2024.

In court on Wednesday morning, Liam Ó hAnnaidh's legal team are arguing that the charge of supporting a proscribed terror group was brought too late and should be thrown out.

The defendant was charged on May 22 this year – a day after the six-month limit for such charges. Prosecutors claim the charge was brought on May 21, exactly within the time limit.

Judge Paul Goldspring said he is “conscious and anxious” that a “speedy resolution” will be wanted, and not just for defendant. “I will reserve my judgment for a couple of weeks,” he said.

Next hearing September 26th

The next hearing is to be held on Friday, September 26 at 10am.

Earlier, supporters turned out in their numbers outside Westminster Magistrates Court to show their support for Liam.

There were chaotic scenes as Liam battled his way into the court building amid a flurry of photographers.

There was a heavy police presence in place outside the court following the imposition of a restricted protest area by the Met Police on the eve of the second hearing.

Sinn Féin MP John Finucane addressed the crowd saying: “We will be here tomorrow, we will be here next week, we will be here next month.

"We will be here as long as is necessary, with one clear voice and one clear message, free Palestine, free Mo Chara. Tiochfaidh ar lá.”

As Kneecap members left court, the band's Móglái Bap told supporters to keep talking about Palestine and to keep calling what is happening in Gaza a genocide.

New mural unveiled on Whiterock Road in support of Mo Chara

Conor McParland, Belfast Media, August 20th, 2025 09:39

SUPPORT: The new mural on the Whiterock Road in solidarity with Kneecap member Liam Óg Ó hAnnaidhSUPPORT: The new mural on the Whiterock Road in solidarity with Kneecap member Liam Óg Ó hAnnaidh

A NEW mural in support of Kneecap member Liam Óg Ó hAnnaidh has been unveiled in West Belfast ahead of his court appearance in London today.

Liam, who uses the stage name 'Mo Chara', is appearing at Westminster Magistrates Court to face a terrorism charge. The 27-year-old has been accused of allegedly displaying a flag in support of Hezbollah at a Kneecap gig at the O2 Forum in Kentish Town, London, on November 21, 2024.

The mural 'We stand with Liam Óg' was unveiled on the Whiterock Road on Tuesday night.

Tonight in West Belfast hundreds of friends and neighbours or Liam Óg tuned out for the unveiling of a mural to him, kneecap and Palestine.

Speaking at the mural launch, Eoghan Ó Garmaile from An Dream Dearg said: "The British government are trying to criminalise Palestinian solidarity which Liam Óg and Kneecap have been at the forefront of.

"It is very important for us to do something for the local community to show our support and solidarity.

"Liam Óg worked in this area as a youth worker and its where Kneecap started."

Glór na Móna youth leader, Emma Ní Mhuireagáin stated: "I’m happy to be here tonight at the launch of this mural, a mural which publicly displays solidarity with Liam Óg and with the Palestinian people who are suffering an ongoing genocide and mass starvation as we gather here tonight.

"As a youth worker from Glór na Móna, this isn’t just another event to me. Liam Óg is my friend. We grew up together attended the same schools together down the street in Bunscoil an tSleibhe Dhuibh and later Coláiste Feirste. We ran about in these streets together, and when we were 15-years-old we started our journey as youth leaders together in Glór na Móna at the Top of the Rock.

"Liam Og’s love for language and community and providing positive and empowering social spaces to young people to use their language was evident even back then 12 years ago, long before Kneecap was formed.

"This mural is more than a print on a wall – it’s a statement of solidarity from our community. It is an act of resistance. It says we will not stand by silently as the Israeli forces commit a genocide against the Palestinian people. It says we will not stand by as the British State tries to criminalise a local West Belfast man and label him a terrorist. It says we will always defend our own, and that when one of us is under attack then all of us are under attack

"On behalf of Glor na Móna I want to thank everyone who came out tonight and everyone who helped make this mural possible. We are sending a clear message: We stand with Palestine, we stand with Liam Óg and we stand together. Saoirse don Phailistín."

Nuala Ní Scolláin, a member of Mothers Against Genocide, added: "This is a ridiculous court case against Liam Óg who is speaking out against the murder of entire bloodlines in Palestine and that is more offensive to the British Government than the actual blood in Palestine.

"It is really important that as a community we stand with Liam Óg and his family and the Palestinian people throughout the world."

Palestinian-born activist Mustafa Alsaidi, whose father and brother were recently murdered in the ongoing genocide in Gaza, also spoke at the mural launch.

"We want to thank Kneecap and the West Belfast community who have provided me with a loving welcome from the first time I came here," he said.

"In honour of my late father and brother who were brutally murdered by the Israeli war machine, I have committed to continue to campaigning and talking about Palestine.

"I would like to ask you to continue to do the same. Everyone can play their role, and use their voice to keep speaking about Palestine."

Play about the remarkable story of Gerry Conlon’s life returns to the Lyric Theatre

Conor McParland, Belfast Media, August 20th, 2025

IN THE NAME OF THE SON: Shaun Blaney stars in the playIN THE NAME OF THE SON: Shaun Blaney stars in the play

THE story of Gerry Conlon’s life after the Guildford Four were freed from prison is returned to the Lyric Theatre this week.

In The Name Of The Son' was written by Conlon’s lifelong friend Richard O’Rawe and playwright Martin Lynch of Greenshoot Productions. (You can read our review of the Grand Opera House production in 2022 here.)

Directed by Tony Devlin, it tells the story of Conlon’s life after release from an English prison, including his time hanging out with A-list celebrities – but behind the façade was alway the pain.

The play focuses on the life of the West Belfast man, whose wrongful imprisonment was famously depicted in the movie In the Name of the Father.

It explores Conlon’s post-release struggles, including his descent into addiction and eventual recovery, as well as his transformation into a world-renowned campaigner against miscarriages of justice.

It has been a remarkable journey for the play which opened at the Lyric Theatre in November 2021 to immediate acclaim from both critics and audiences alike. That first three-week run sold-out, initiating a jump-up in venues when it was performed for a week at the 1,000-seater Grand Opera House in July 2022, again to packed houses.

Next stop was a month-long run in the prestigious Assembly Rooms at The Edinburgh Fringe Festival. This led to strong interest from some international producers, resulting in the play performing at the Auckland International Arts Festival, New Zealand 2024 and The San Francisco International Arts Festival, 2025.

The journey started when O’Rawe, a childhood friend of Conlon’s, wrote a biography of his friend charting the amazing life of Gerry Conlon. Leading playwright Martin Lynch said: "As soon as I read the last page of Richard's book, I knew this story was an exceptional one.

"All life was within its pages. I approached Richard and we agreed to write the play together. All in all, not bad for a couple of ex-dockers from the backstreets who left school at 15 and we’re still in our prime!"

Richard O’Rawe added: “Never mind the journey Martin and I have taken, Gerry Conlon’s story is much more remarkable.

"From receiving hundreds of thousands of pounds compensation from the British Government to becoming a crack-cocaine addict on the streets of London, from hob-knobbing with famous singers and actors to lobbying the US Congress, Gerry went through it all.

‘Thankfully, he went on to ditch his addictions to become an internationally known human rights campaigner for various miscarriages of justice causes.”

'In the Name of the Son' performs at the Lyric Theatre from August 19-31.

To book tickets go to: https://lyrictheatre.co.uk/whats-on/in-the-name-of-the-son