PSNI flags ‘major incident’ over removal of Belfast Village Bonfire
Conor Coyle, Irish News, July 10th, 2025
A LEGAL challenge has been launched to a Belfast City Council decision to bring in contractors to remove a controversial bonfire which is causing a risk to the power supply at two nearby hospitals.
Contractors are on standby to remove the bonfire in the Village area of south Belfast after city councillors voted to take action against the pyre over fears about its proximity to the electricity supply for the Royal Victoria Hospital and Belfast City Hospital.
A vote was taken by members of the Strategic Policy and Resources Committee yesterday and the use of a contractor to remove the bonfire was approved.
It’s understood an application for a judicial review has been lodged by Unionist Voice Policy Studies, led by loyalist activist Jamie Bryson, over unionist councillors not being allowed to “call in” the decision.
Concerns had been raised in recent days that the power supply of both hospitals was at risk as the bonfire lies near a major electricity substation.
The presence of dangerous asbestos at the site of the bonfire had also been raised in recent weeks.
DUP councillors oppose removal
It’s understood DUP councillors on the committee voted against the motion to bring in the contractors, while all other parties at city hall voted in favour. Speaking outside Belfast City Hall yesterday, Sinn Féin West Belfast MLA Pat Sheehan said he understood a contractor was on standby to remove the bonfire.
“We can think of no other scenario where a structure like this beside electrical infrastructure wouldn’t be swiftly removed and that’s the situation we’re in at the minute,” he said.
“There has been a lack of leadership from unionism around this issue. If that bonfire was situated two hundred yards across the Westlink, all of our political leadership would be out calling for it to be removed, and it would be removed.”
A statement from DUP councillors on Belfast City Council said the decision to remove the bonfire “sends the wrong message”.
“This decision undermines ongoing, constructive efforts by local bonfire builders and community representatives who have engaged in good faith with statutory agencies over the months in which this bonfire has been constructed,” the statement said.
“It ignores the mitigations put in place and further voluntary steps by bonfire builders to reduce the size of the bonfire and ensure no hazardous material was burned or was near the bonfire itself.
“Removing the bonfire sends out the wrong message.
“It undermines local engagement, disregards community leadership and risks setting back significant progress to reduce anti-social behaviour at the Broadway interface.”
Orange Order head supports ‘what needs to be done for health and safety’
Asked about the bonfire on BBC Radio Ulster’s Talkback programme, the grand secretary of the Orange Order, Rev Mervyn Gibson, said: “I’d support what needs to be done for health and safety for everybody.
“It depends on what health and safety says. I’d rather that there wasn’t a controversy over this at the last minute.”
The PSNI has declared a “major incident” after receiving a formal request from the council to provide assistance in removing the bonfire materials from the site.
The force said no decision has yet been taken at this stage as to its involvement in the removal.
“We have declared this as a major incident and a tactical coordination group has been established this evening with multi-agency partners to ensure joint understanding and to comprehensively assess all of the risks associated with this request,” a spokesperson said.
Paramilitaries threaten 'serious disorder' as PSNI declares major incident over pyre
Belfast Telegraph, July 10th, 2025
Loyalists have warned of violence after the PSNI last night declared a major incident over the removal of bonfire material at a site in south Belfast.
It comes after Belfast City Council earlier voted to remove the material over concerns around asbestos and disruption to the electrical supply.
The behind-closed-doors vote by the council's Strategic Policy and Resources Committee on removing the bonfire was held yesterday afternoon. It is understood Sinn Féin, Alliance, SDLP and Green Party representatives were in favour of the move, with the DUP against.
Yesterday evening, police said the City Council had asked for help.
“The PSNI have received a formal request for assistance from Belfast City Council in relation to the removal of material from a bonfire site at Meridi Street,” said a spokesperson.
“We have declared this as a major incident and a Tactical Coordination Group has been established this evening with multi-agency partners to ensure joint understanding and to comprehensively assess all of the risks associated with this request.
“No decision has been taken at this stage and we continue to work with our partner agencies and community representatives on this matter.”
Threat of ‘serious and sustained disorder’
Later, a joint statement issued on behalf of paramilitaries in south Belfast warned of the possibility of “serious and sustained disorder” if the removal went ahead.
“PSNI have been advised of the risk of widespread disorder, with loyalists in other areas across NI staging interface riots to stretch the PSNI,” they said.
“The police have been told there is a very real prospect of serious and sustained disorder should there be any effort to remove the bonfire.”
The pyre in the Village area is also close to an electrical substation, with fears it could pose a risk to the power supply at both the nearby City Hospital and the Royal Victoria Hospital.
A council spokesperson said: “Members of the Strategic Policy and Resources Committee decided to approve the use of a contractor to remove bonfire materials from the site at Broadway Industrial Estate.
“Elected members also decided that the council would write to the Minister of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs to seek assurance that the NIEA will fulfil its obligations in relation to the site.”
Little-Pengelly challenged by SF to ‘speak out’
Sinn Fein MLA Pat Sheehan challenged deputy First Minister Emma Little-Pengelly to “speak out” and accused unionism of a “lack of leadership”.
“My understanding is the contractor is now on standby,” he told media at Belfast City Hall yesterday afternoon.
“We can think of no other scenario where a structure like this beside electrical infrastructure wouldn't be swiftly removed, and that's the situation we're in at the minute.”
“Contractors will move in at some stage to remove that bonfire.”
He added: “Why is Emma Little-Pengelly not out calling for that bonfire to be demolished and dismantled?
“The responsibility rests with unionism to show some leadership.”
A spokesperson for the NI Environment Agency (NIEA) said it noted the council's decision, adding it “will continue to fulfil its obligations in dealing with these issues acting within a strict legal framework”.
“The agency was first alerted to the issues around the Meridi Street bonfire on May 16 and has been engaging with both the landowner and the city council regularly on whether it is possible to remove the asbestos from this site before July 11 and, if not, on the mitigating measures that need to be in place,” they said.
“Removing asbestos from the site will be a complex and delicate operation that will require the site to be vacated and it will take a number of weeks.”
Some see July 12th bonfires as sectarian. For others, they’re about social cohesion
Amanda Dylina Morse, Common Ground, Irish Times, July 10th, 2025
NORTH’S BONFIRE SEASON IS A SOURCE OF COMMUNAL TENSION BUT ALSO PRIDE FOR SOME
Bonfires light up the sky in various parts of Northern Ireland each July, many tonight. Some see it as an act of cultural expression, others as a source of cross-community tension that has been associated with flashes of violence.
The 300 or so pyres are associated with loyalist areas that are part of the wider unionist communities and are part of the annual Twelfth of July commemorative celebrations for King William III’s 1690 victory at the Battle of the Boyne. The bonfires are lit on the Eleventh Night, in advance of the parades and street parties held the following day.
Politically contentious and physically imposing, these towering bonfires, often several stories high, raise concerns about the danger to houses and other structures, as well as their environmental impact. They often feature sectarian messaging aimed at nationalist parties and individual politicians, as well as effigies, Catholic religious imagery and tricolours which are placed on the bonfires to be incinerated. However, it’s not only Catholic communities who may feel unsafe or unwelcome as a result of the effigies. This year, an effigy of refugees in a boat on top of the bonfire at Moygashel has been widely condemned as “racist” and “dehumanising”.
Because of these tensions, many families, not just from Catholic backgrounds, but also from migrant communities, leave the North during this period or take their family holidays.
Despite the unease of many, some within Protestant/loyalist communities regard the bonfires as sources of pride and community closeness.
Bonfire building social cohesion
A recent study I carried out at Queen’s University examined the role of social connection to protect the mental health among adolescent males in Belfast (aged 16-19). Protestant/loyalist young men described to me unexpected aspects of the bonfires which supported strong cohesion in their communities.
Older boys played an important role in mentoring younger ones on how to gather bonfire materials (including wooden pallets, old furniture and tyres) while also imparting knowledge of building techniques. They took pride in becoming mentors and providing guidance for “the young ones”.
“We’ll be friends with people a few years older than us . . . we would have only been about 12 and they would tell us we had to go and get all the collect(ion) for the bonfire, go and get all the wood,” one boy, whom I called Gabriel (not his real name), said.
The boys and young men stayed out all night to “guard their wood” and protect the bonfires from theft or sabotage at the hands of fellow bonfire-builders who may have wanted to use the materials for their own pyres. They were also protecting the materials from boys in nearby Catholic areas who were offended by or afraid of the bonfires.
“It would either be Catholics . . . coming to burn your bonfire, or else another bonfire (group) come and try and steal your pallets . . . So, if your bonfire gets [set alight], you automatically think it was the Catholics, but if your pallets get stolen, it was another bonfire,” said another, Benjamin (not his real name).
Parents supply dinners and older people bring baked goods and juice to help the boys pass their night watch. These interactions were a source of pride for the young men and seen as evidence of the strong sense of “tradition” and “community” in their neighbourhoods. Participants linked the way they were treated as bonfire builders with the more outwardly visible community celebrations like parades and street parties.
Benjamin described how “even when we’re staying out and all, there’s a wee woman who lives directly facing the bonfire, she would . . . well, if we’re out stacking the bonfire, she will come out, big jugs of juice and give us food, sandwiches and all, stuff like that”.
For some, this pride was accompanied by concern that these traditions were under threat and fading away. Modern challenges like lack of housing meant that waste grounds across north Belfast and the Shankill are being developed into new housing estates. The young men spoke candidly about the tension between protecting their cultural heritage, while also acknowledging that the spaces could be used for new homes where they could some day raise their own families.
“Personally, I would agree to put houses, because it’s a big, massive space where our bonfire is. You could get a good couple of houses, so easily 60 houses . . . New people moving in. But most people don’t think like this. But I agree with the houses because there’s a different site [nearby] where you can have a bonfire, but it’s not going to be massive, massive, massive,” said Samuel (not his real name).
Creative solutions
Some of the young men proposed a number of creative solutions, including smaller signal fires in lieu of larger structures to preserve culture and tradition, while mitigating health and safety risks and sectarian implications.
Although the boys recognised that Catholic neighbours and people from other communities may feel unsafe or unwelcome during this period, this awareness of the threatening nature of sectarian symbolism did not prompt a deeper inspection of the broader cultural dynamic surrounding the holiday. Nor did it cause them to consider that their Catholic neighbours could feel unsafe for deeper reasons than just the presence of flags.
“It’s just like the others say they don’t want to see them. The Catholics don’t want to see them, but (it) just goes one way, it’s whatever community argues about it . . . now there’s only about two bonfires left in the Shankill, three bonfires,” said Benjamin.
A small number of participants acknowledged the high prevalence of substance use and antisocial behaviours at the celebrations, which contrasts with the simpler events of prior decades. This echoed recent research by Amanda Hall at Reading University investigating the increasing prominence of unsafe and unhealthy behaviours on the Eleventh Night, including the involvement of loyalist paramilitaries, complicating the bonfires’ image as a family event.
But my study revealed a less discussed aspect of bonfire season – that the fires were the visible product of deeper structures creating social cohesion within Protestant/loyalist community life. The Eleventh Night is the culmination of months of collaborative efforts.
This energy and enthusiasm for their local traditions could be harnessed for a range of other activities, as evidenced in the neighbourhood renewal projects taking place across Northern Ireland.
As the region looks to a more inclusive future, rather than focusing only on the controversial and divisive aspects of the fires, it’s worth also considering their importance to one community in fostering social cohesion – through collaboration, mentorship and shared identity.
Dr Amanda Dylina Morse PhD MPH is a social epidemiologist and research fellow within Queen’s Communities and Place (QCAP) at Queen’s University Belfast
Seeking respect for your culture? Showing some is a good place to start
Mark Bain, Belfast Telegraph, July 10th, 2025
The start of every Christmas time is marked by the arrival of an advertisement for John Lewis. It's become something the public looks forward to. What will the theme be, what will the song be, will it hit the mark and get us all in the right mood for the festive season? It's a good anticipation to have.
But for a village in Co Tyrone, somewhere that rarely gets a mention on the news, a different sort of anticipation now builds up every July.
Just what will the loyalists of Moygashel place on top of their Twelfth bonfire this year?
You do wonder if they sit around in a committee and discuss how 'best' to shock people, how to outdo what they did last year, what more can they burn to get the maximum recognition and cause the maximum offence? The 2024 effort to top the previous toppers — a Vauxhall Vectra decorated in police livery on top of the pyre — was roundly condemned as 'pathetic', though dismissed in some quarters as 'edgy art' from a community where 'loyalist anger was at breaking point'.
Those same words are repeated again this year. There is no end to 'loyalist anger'.
Yes, they do have concerns about the state of Northern Ireland. That much is obvious.
But how does a refugee boat, complete with effigies of refugees, going up in flames articulate anyone's celebration of 'culture'?
We've also seen a boat bearing a banner reading “Good Friday Agreement? That ship has sailed” and a mock copy of the 1998 peace deal with the words “null and void” go down in flames in Moygashel in previous years.
Reputation for controversy seems to have become something the village bonfire builders now thrive on.
‘There’s no need for hate’ says Orange
But the bigger picture is that this is not something the Orange Order wishes to see.
Speaking to the Belfast Telegraph earlier this week, Grand Secretary Rev Mervyn Gibson said: “There's no need for hate. We don't need to celebrate our culture by putting someone's effigy on a bonfire.”
The Orange Order is, first and foremost, a religious organisation. Yet year on year it finds itself tarred with the brush of sectarianism, anger and hate. The Twelfth of July is supposed to be both a celebration and a commemoration.
By all means we should celebrate the different cultures we live our lives surrounded by, those that have been the bedrock of communities for centuries. We hear so much from so many about how loyalist culture is under threat, how some in the political world are doing all they can to force loyalism into submission.
Waving a red flag in those faces with one hand and poking the eye of those with a different viewpoint with a finger from the other will do nothing to stop those perceived attacks.
Condemnation of the stunt has predictably been quick and forceful.
Could those who placed the refugee boat, and brought armed forces veterans into their cause, have expected any more? No, it's exactly what they want. They do it because they know the reaction it will get and that it will fuel the flames of division. Why else would they?
If respect for their culture is what they want, then showing some of that respect the other way would be a good place to start.
Then again, we're relying on the notion they know what the word means in the first place.
We'll be saying the same again when republican bonfires are set alight — but two wrongs don't make a right and respect has to be earned, not burnt to the ground.
Outrage over display of racist hatred on loyalist bonfire in Moygashel
Andrew Madden, Belfast Telegraph, July 10th, 2025
PSNI URGED TO ACT AS MOCK-UP OF MIGRANT BOAT WITH DARK-COLOURED DUMMIES BRANDED 'VILE, DEHUMANISING AND MORALLY REPREHENSIBLE'
There has been outrage after a 'migrant boat' filled with mannequins appeared on top of a bonfire in Co Tyrone.
The race hate display on the pyre in Moygashel, which has caused controversy in the past, is festooned with anti-immigration placards — including ones saying 'stop the boats' and 'veterans before refugees'.
The mannequins all have dark skin and are wearing life jackets.
Last year a mock-up of a PSNI vehicle was placed on top of the fire.
Police said they were “aware of an item placed on a bonfire in the Moygashel area and enquiries are continuing”.
Patrick Corrigan, Amnesty International's Northern Ireland director, described the bonfire as a “vile, dehumanising act that fuels hatred and racism”.
He added: “It cruelly mocks the suffering of people who risk everything to flee war, persecution and hardship in search of safety.
“Beyond being morally reprehensible, it incites hostility toward already marginalised and vulnerable communities.
“Amnesty International urges the authorities to ensure its immediate removal and calls on the PSNI to investigate and hold those responsible to account.
“A clear and unequivocal message must be sent that xenophobia and incitement to hatred have no place in our society.”
Campaign group United Against Racism said the display was particularly concerning following racist rioting in Ballymena and elsewhere last month, which forced more than a dozen foreign national families to flee their homes.
“In a context of widespread violence against migrants and their homes, the burning of effigies is a precursor to the burning of people,” it said.
Ballymeena showed dangers of fuelling social tension
“Given recent events in Ballymena, and our own recent history, we must be alive to the real dangers that such acts carry.
“This is an absolutely shocking attempt to intimidate people who are fleeing war, poverty and persecution.
“It deserves unreserved and unequivocal condemnation, and United Against Racism calls on political representatives to show leadership to ensure the effigy is removed.”
First Minister Michelle O'Neill called for leadership on the wider bonfire issue.
She said: “Unfortunately, we have seen incidents that pose serious risks to life, property, the health of residents and vital public services, alongside openly racist displays that are sickening and deplorable.
“Political leadership is essential to ensure the safety of residents, patients and the wider public.”
SDLP leader Claire Hanna referenced Moygashel and a pyre in south Belfast that has led to concerns over asbestos nearby and the potential to cause power outages at Belfast City Hospital because of its proximity to a substation.
She said her party “supports the right of people to mark traditions in a safe and respectful way”, but that “cannot mean turning a blind eye to very real and serious concerns around public safety and community cohesion”.
‘Nothing cultural or traditional about exposing people to Asbestos’
Ms Hanna added: “There is nothing cultural or traditional about exposing people to asbestos, endangering critical infrastructure or fuelling racial hatred through effigies demonising immigrants.”
She said progress in managing bonfires in recent years was being “undermined by a lack of leadership and by a small number of self-appointed figures who seek to drag communities backwards and who seem to thrive on confrontation and media engagement”.
Fermanagh and South Tyrone Sinn Fein MLA Colm Gildernew said: “This is an absolutely disgusting act, fuelled by sickening racist and far-right attitudes.
“This is a clear incitement to hatred and must be removed immediately.
“Those who come to our island to make it their home are not the enemy — they are our friends, our neighbours, and are welcomed, cherished and valued by the vast majority of people here.
“Political leaders in this area must step up, call for the removal of these offensive materials and make it clear they do not support such vile, deplorable views.”
Local Alliance councillor Eddie Roofe also called for the sick display to be taken down.
“The placing of this racist model on top of the bonfire is despicable and must be removed immediately,” he said.
“It is nothing but a blatant act of racism and hatred, and cannot be excused as a celebration of culture.
Inciting fear, hatred and conflict
“Those responsible only seek to incite fear and spread far-right beliefs and do not represent the community as a whole.
“Every year we see incidents of hate and intimidation associated with bonfires, and this behaviour is entirely unacceptable.
“While Alliance supports everyone's right to celebrate their culture and traditions, these celebrations must be conducted safely and respectfully.”
Loyalist activist Jamie Bryson defended the display, describing it as “artistic expression”.
The row follows successive nights of racist violence last month which saw dozens of homes attacked and more than 60 police officers injured.
Because of the violence, the Housing Executive had to provide emergency accommodation to 18 families.
There has been outrage after a 'migrant boat' filled with mannequins appeared on top of a bonfire in Co Tyrone.
The race hate display on the pyre in Moygashel, which has caused controversy in the past, is festooned with anti-immigration placards — including ones saying 'stop the boats' and 'veterans before refugees'.
The mannequins all have dark skin and are wearing life jackets.
Last year a mock-up of a PSNI vehicle was placed on top of the fire.
Police said they were “aware of an item placed on a bonfire in the Moygashel area and enquiries are continuing”.
Dehumanising victims
Patrick Corrigan, Amnesty International's Northern Ireland director, described the bonfire as a “vile, dehumanising act that fuels hatred and racism”.
He added: “It cruelly mocks the suffering of people who risk everything to flee war, persecution and hardship in search of safety.
“Beyond being morally reprehensible, it incites hostility toward already marginalised and vulnerable communities.
“Amnesty International urges the authorities to ensure its immediate removal and calls on the PSNI to investigate and hold those responsible to account.
“A clear and unequivocal message must be sent that xenophobia and incitement to hatred have no place in our society.”
Campaign group United Against Racism said the display was particularly concerning following racist rioting in Ballymena and elsewhere last month, which forced more than a dozen foreign national families to flee their homes.
“In a context of widespread violence against migrants and their homes, the burning of effigies is a precursor to the burning of people,” it said.
“Given recent events in Ballymena, and our own recent history, we must be alive to the real dangers that such acts carry.
“This is an absolutely shocking attempt to intimidate people who are fleeing war, poverty and persecution.
“It deserves unreserved and unequivocal condemnation, and United Against Racism calls on political representatives to show leadership to ensure the effigy is removed.”
Environment minister is urged to take action over bonfire concerns
Allan Preston, Irish News, July 10th, 2025
ENVIRONMENT Minister Andrew Muir (Alliance) has been urged to intervene over a bonfire site in south Belfast close to an electricity substation powering two hospitals.
Located on a privately owned former factory and adjoining land in the Meridi Street/Maldron Street area, the pyre is near the major substation that powers the Royal Victoria and Belfast City hospitals.
There is also concern of asbestos at the site, which can break and explode close to fire as well as being carcinogenic when inhaled into the lungs.
The BBC has reported that a law firm has written to the authorities to say legal action may be pursued on environmental and human rights grounds.
SDLP leader and MP for South Belfast and Mid Down, Claire Hanna, also said Mr Muir must step in to prevent any serious issues.
“It’s beyond me why the environment minister, Andrew Muir, hasn’t acted more strongly and acted earlier, so that this shouldn’t be dealt with hours before this thing was about to be lit,” she said.
“There was an opportunity to deal with this a number of months ago in a calm manner – it’s for the minister to account for why that wasn’t done.”
‘No credible risk’
East Belfast loyalist activist Moore Holmes said the issue had been exaggerated as “typical sensationalism”.
“People are using this as an issue, as a platform to generate mass outrage and hysteria as if in some way you have to choose between loyalist culture and health.
“It’s absurd. In my view there is no credible risk to the substation.”
Police have said they will continue to work with partner agencies, community representatives and landowners to “address community safety issues” over bonfires, but did not comment any further in case legal proceedings went ahead.
Northern Ireland Electricity (NIE) said the pyre’s location risked “critical infrastructure and power outages”.
Safety measures in place include turning off the transformers beside the bonfire, metal sheets around the transformers and steel plates on open cable ducts to deflect the heat.
Belfast Trust has said that measures like backup generators meant they were confident there was no need to cancel any treatments or procedures.
Sinn Féin’s west Belfast MLA, Pat Sheehan, called the concerns over the hospital power supply and asbestos “extremely concerning”.
“If proper safeguards cannot be put in place, Sinn Féin is prepared to consider any necessary measures to protect the health and wellbeing of patients, residents and the wider public,” he said.
“Given the risks, removing bonfire materials may be unavoidable, and Sinn Féin will support that course of action if required.
“The safety of the community must be paramount.”
A spokesperson for the Department of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs (DAERA) said: “The Northern Ireland Environment Agency was first alerted to the issues around the Meridi Street bonfire on May 16 and has been engaging with the landowner, the city council regularly since then on this matter.
“In dealing with such issues, NIEA has to act within a strict legal framework.
“An inspection of the site was carried out, an enforcement investigation was initiated and the agency engaged the landowner to ascertain how the asbestos material could be removed from the site and, if that could not be done by July 11, on the mitigating measures that needed to be put in place.”
They added: “Staff from the Environmental Crime Unit within NIEA remain in ongoing contact with the council and their enforcement investigation continues in relation to the site.”
Cultural shift required on how culture is expressed
Pro Fide, et Patria, Irish News, July 10th, 2025
The bonfire on Broadway Industrial Estate off Donegall Road in south Belfast that sits yards away from a Northern Ireland Electricity substation and close to the Royal Victoria Hospital
IT is with depressing inevitability that the days preceding the Twelfth are again dominated by headlines about the highly irresponsible actions of some bonfire builders.
The chief controversy this year surrounds a structure in south Belfast which has been erected with complete disregard for public safety near a major electricity substation.
Equally alarmingly, the bonfire – situated between Donegall Road and the busy Westlink road – is close to suspected asbestos -containing material which could pose a serious health risk on catching fire.
“The problems at Donegall Road and Moygashel were fully foreseeable and represent a failure by our political class, and political unionism in particular, to ensure the Twelfth can be celebrated in a way that does not pose a significant risk to the health, safety and wellbeing of communities
A Belfast City Council committee voted yesterday to send in contractors to remove the pyre, although it was not clear when this may happen due to the possibility of legal action.
Meanwhile, in Co Tyrone, there has been widespread horror at the placing of effigies of migrants in a boat on top of an Eleventh Night bonfire.
Statutory Regulaion may be unavoidable
The pyre in the mainly loyalist village of Moygashel also features placards stating “stop the boats” and “veterans before refugees” as well as displays of paramilitary flags.
It is hard to imagine circumstances anywhere else in Europe that structures posing such an obvious risk to health or flaunting such vile displays of hate would be tolerated.
It goes without saying that any threat to the power supply at Belfast City and the Royal Victoria Hospitals cannot be permitted.
Beyond the usual health and environmental risks posed by bonfires, it is also deeply concerning that those responsible would endanger the welfare of nearby residents by potentially exposing them to asbestos fibres.
The episode has unfortunately been characterised by a familiar failure of political and community leadership as well as a reluctance by statutory agencies to intervene.
While many bonfires pass off without major incident, every year we see examples of towering pyres set alight in close proximity to homes and public amenities.
Rather than address the source of the concern, buildings are boarded up or hosed down and we are forced to live with the resulting financial, environmental and reputational damage.
Of course intervention at this late stage, while necessary, will not deal with the underlying issues that allow such situations to arise. The problems at Donegall Road and Moygashel were fully foreseeable and represent a failure by our political class, and political unionism in particular, to ensure the Twelfth can be celebrated in a way that does not pose a significant risk to the health, safety and wellbeing of communities.
If we are not to find ourselves in the same situation again next year, there needs to be a cultural shift in what is considered a reasonable expression of culture in a shared society.
Experience would sadly suggest that, as with parading, only statutory regulation may bring about the required change.
RTÉ’s ‘Noraid: Irish America and the IRA’ leans towards the Che Guevara version of history
Television review: The first of two episodes seems to say, never mind the body count; look at the cool poster we got out of it
Ed Power, Irish Times, July 9th, 2025
The makers of Noraid: Irish America and the IRA, RTÉ’s flashy new two-part documentary about the Provisionals’ support base in North America, say they want to “tell a story that is misunderstood or not known at all”.
But of course, anyone who was alive during the Troubles will remember only too well how elements within Irish America helped fund the IRA’s campaign and, in so doing, contributed to the bombings of civilians, the kneecappings, the murder of Gardaí and the sectarian campaign against Protestant farmers along the border. How shocking to think this part of history might be in danger of slipping between the cracks of popular recollection.
The film (RTÉ One. 9.35pm) doesn’t quite paint Noraid – a contraction of “Irish Northern Aid Committee” – as misunderstood heroes. However, it might have gone further in making explicit what they were supporting. That is, the slaughter of pensioners on Remembrance Sunday, the kidnapping and murder of businessmen, industrial-scale bank robbery.
That isn’t to absolve the British state of its sins in the North, its backing of loyalist death squads or the stain of colonialism, as dark as not-quite-dried blood. But the documentary does not convey, or even really acknowledge, the horror the overwhelming majority of people in Ireland felt at the time towards the Provos. And that is relevant to the story, as it also explains the widespread revulsion towards Noraid. If anything, the first of two episodes leans ever so subtly towards the Che Guevara version of history – never mind the body count; look at the cool poster we got out of it.
Hipster touches abound as the producers play up the New York element of the story. The Beastie Boys feature on the soundtrack, and the title cards are modelled on old cop shows. These are flourishes that do not always sit well with the grim subject matter.
UTP
Still, there are flashes of humour, too – such as when activists recall arranging for senior members of the republican movement in Belfast to be interviewed by one of America’s most widely-read journals, Playboy. Meanwhile, taxi driver John McDonagh remembers booking an ad in Times Square supporting the IRA – it finished with the initials “UTP”. This spelt “Up the Provos”, though the company that took the booking thought it meant “Up the Pope”.
“They never asked me what type of charity,” McDonagh says. “I said I wanted to send season’s greetings to the Irish people. They never asked what type of Irish people. I didn’t offer what type.”
If the film doesn’t take a strong enough stand on the Provos, it does give a voice to senior Noraid figures and allows them to communicate their views uncritically. It introduces Martin Galvin, a lawyer and leading figure in Noraid.
He was banned from entering Northern Ireland but went anyway in 1984. In the riot that followed his appearance at a rally in West Belfast, British security forces shot dead a protester with a rubber bullet. Galvin obviously wasn’t to blame for the bloody excesses of the British security establishment. However, the violence would not have broken out had he not been there.
“We support Irish freedom ... the only way the British are going to leave Ireland is for the fight to be successful,” Galvin says – seemingly cleaving to the old republican shibboleth as seeing the British as an entirely external force and ignoring the inconvenient presence of a million unionists.
Still, it is revealing to learn that Galvin and other Noraid members are far removed from the misty-eyed Irish-American stereotype. Noraid was largely based in New York, and its members have the hard-bitten qualities of characters from a Scorsese movie.
That said, modern Sinn Féin’s hipster-Marxist axis won’t be thrilled to learn that Noraid expunged any hint of socialism from imported copies of An Phoblacht because that sort of thing would not have gone down well with Irish Americans. Nor do the producers address the uncomfortable fact that Irish America – so keen on the physical force of republicanism – would go on to become a power base for Donald Trump and, thus of 21st century Neo-Fascist.
Interviewed today, Galvin is unapologetic and still retains some of the firebrand qualities that are a feature of his archive appearances. The documentary is also careful to point out that while Noraid organised fundraisers for Sinn Féin, it never supplied arms to the Provos. The task of smuggling guns across the Atlantic fell to organised criminals. That story will be told in part two and will touch on the role of Whitey Bulger (as later played on screen by Johnny Depp).
But part one provides a fascinating portrait of a crucial element of the struggles – of true believers from across the sea who seemed to fancy themselves more Irish than those in the 26 counties who didn’t much care about the Constitutional status of the North, only that people stopped dying.
“What I’ve found is the diaspora make a serious attempt to understand the Irish culture, whereas a lot of people that are actually from the island of Ireland have never made an attempt to understand the diaspora culture,” says Chris Byrne, a former New York cop and republican sympathiser. It is a reminder few are as committed to the spilling of blood in Ireland as those who never set foot here.
'It's a big responsibility because this is my family's story. I 'hope I've done it justice'
Suzanne Breen, Belfast Telegraph, July 10th, 2025
ACTRESS CHARLOTTE MCCURRY TELLS ALL ON HER NEW PLAY ABOUT THE TRAGIC DEATH OF HER AUNT JULIE LIVINGSTONE, WHO WAS KILLED BY A PLASTIC BULLET IN WEST BELFAST AT JUST 14 YEARS OLD
Julie Livingstone left home with her best friend to pick up a pair of sunglasses on a glorious May evening, but she never came back.
The 14-year-old from Lenadoon was shot with a plastic bullet fired from an Army Saracen on the Stewartstown Road in west Belfast. She died in hospital the following day.
Next month Julie will be very much alive in a powerful play which premieres as part of Féile an Phobail 2025 before going on tour.
Written and performed by her niece — award-winning actress Charlotte McCurry - it's the latest production from Kabosh Theatre Company.
“I was born three years after Julie died,” says Charlotte, “but she was a big part of my life growing up. We'd talk about her all the time. To this day, we chat about what she'd be doing, who she'd have married, and how many kids she'd have.
“She is not just another tragic statistic of the Troubles. The audience will meet a living, breathing teenager with a cheeky, funny personality who loved fashion and pop music.”
The 14-year-old's favourite song was Stevie Wonder's Lately. “She listened to that record non-stop,” says Charlotte. “My grandfather Archie was a singer in local pubs and clubs, and Julie was teaching him Lately's lyrics when she died.
‘Julie had hopes and dreams’
“Julie had hopes and dreams. She wanted to go to America and work in childcare. She just loved children. She was always babysitting the neighbours' kids. This isn't a happy play, but I've tried to put humour and joy into it, to reflect Julie's personality and to show that tragedy and comedy can go hand in hand. Everybody in our family has a great sense of humour, and I hope that comes through.”
The teenager was shot on May 12, 1981, just after IRA hunger striker Francis Hughes died in the H-Blocks.
“Julie had gone with her best friend Nuala Lowry to pick up a pair of sunglasses at Nuala's sister's house in Suffolk,” says Charlotte. “On the way back, they passed local women who had gathered to say the Rosary for Francis Hughes on the Stewartstown Road.
“Two British Army Saracens sped up the road to break up the peaceful protest. Julie was struck on the head with a plastic bullet. An inquest into her death later found that she was an entirely innocent victim.”
The production uses archive footage, animation and music to bring the audience back to 1981.
It recounts the Livingstones' quest for truth and justice, and their campaign to have plastic bullets banned. Yet this is first and foremost a personal story about grief and how the loss of a child changes a family.
Julie was the youngest of 13 children. “She knew how to handle herself,” says Charlotte. “With eight older brothers and four big sisters, you learn how to hold your own.
“My mother Elizabeth was 16 years older than Julie. Mummy did lots of media interviews after her death. The line that stands out most for me was when she describes her youngest sister as 'a bright wee spark'.
‘Treasure Trove of Memorabilia’
“Mummy had a treasure trove of memorabilia that helped me write the play including Julie's old schoolbooks and Christmas cards she'd sent. Mummy had lived in England in the late 70s and she'd kept all the letters that her wee sister had written to her from home.”
In the play, Julie's story is recounted through the eyes of her nearest sibling Bernadette. The two girls had shared a bedroom, and it's there that the play is set. “My Auntie Bernadette was just two years older than Julie,” says Charlotte.
“She had been an extremely quiet and shy girl, but she turned into a totally different person after her youngest sister was killed. She became very outgoing. She took on Julie's personality in order to fill the gap that had been created in the family.
“Everybody was united in trying to make sure my granny was okay. And this was Bernadette's way of helping her mother cope with what had happened. She was trying to keep the essence of her wee sister alive.”
Julie's handwriting is incorporated into the poster for the play. “She loved her name,” says Charlotte. “She'd write 'Julie' everywhere. My granny wound find it scribbled on walls and even inside the airing cabinet. I thought it would be a nice touch to use her actual handwriting for the production.”
After she was shot, Julie was driven by a local woman to the Royal Victoria Hospital. She was conscious and able to talk. Her life wasn't believed to be in danger. Her best friend Nuala, who had travelled with her to hospital, told the nurses to remove a packet of cigarettes from Julie's pocket before her mother arrived as she didn't know her daughter smoked.
The Livingstones left the hospital that night with Julie in a comfortable condition.
“My mummy came back the next day to find a flurry of activity around her bed and the curtain being pulled,” Charlotte says.
“She knew it wasn't good. She met my granny in the corridor and they were put in a wee side room. The next thing the doctor told them that Julie had gone.
“My granny fell to her knees saying 'I offer her up to God'. She was very religious. Pope John Paul II was shot that day in St Peter's Square in Rome, but he survived. My granny became hooked on the idea that Julie had died so that he could live. It was how she dealt with her loss.”
Charlotte says her grandmother refused to have Julie waked at the family home: “The coffin in the house would have been too much for her, she wouldn't have been able to set foot in it again,” she explains.
Charlotte passed the spot where Julie was killed every day when walking to the bus stop to go to school. She inherited one of the teenager's dolls, Victoria Rose, who wears a black velvet dress with a white lace collar. It remains a precious possession.
“I was always drawn to Julie's story,” her niece says, “but it's a big responsibility because this is my family's story. I hope I've done it justice. I took a course in Dublin on writing a one-person show.”
No soldier ever admitted shooting Julie. In 2018, the family were told by Relatives For Justice of a secret British government file on the killing. It was to be kept closed in the National Archives in Kew until 2064.
Heavily redacted account of her death
After requesting it under the Freedom of Information Act, the Livingstones finally received it two years ago. “It was heavily redacted with pages missing which was in itself torture,” Charlotte says.
Kabosh's Paula McFetridge, who is directing the play, says it was very much a personal project for her. “I'm from west Belfast, and a similar age to Julie. She was shot at the top end of our street. It had a massive impact on the community at the time.
“We are often accused of opening old wounds, but stories like Julie's need to be told. Charlotte's play is so beautifully honest — one of the most heartfelt pieces I have ever read. She has a writing style that is almost childlike.
“We remember those terrible times, the killings on the streets, the randomness and futility of death, of being in the wrong place at the wrong time.” The production is sponsored by the Irish Department of Foreign Affairs Reconciliation Fund, Féile an Phobail and Relatives for Justice which is holding a post-show discussion every night.
The play is sold out for the Féile from August 6-9, but it then goes to the Seamus Heaney HomePlace Bellaghy, the Playhouse Derry, and the Old Church in Cushendun.
Tickets are still available for the shows in those three venues at https://kabosh.net/production/julie/
Charlotte graduated from the Guildford School of Acting in 2008 with first-class honours. She has had roles in Disney's Say Nothing and numerous other TV mini-series along with appearances in the Grand Opera House, the Lyric Theatre, and Dublin's Abbey Theatre.
She will be 31 weeks pregnant with her first child when the play premieres at Féile.
“I'm fine performing in front of strangers but I'm very nervous when my family's there. And 'Julie' is so important. It means the absolute world to me.”
Adams documentary reveals ‘humanity’ of republican figurehead
Trisha Ziff’s new film, A Ballymurphy Man, is an intimate portrait of the former Sinn Féin president – but don’t be expecting any fresh revelations
John Manley, Political Correspondent, Irish News, July 10th, 2025
THE director of a new film about Gerry Adams’s life and 60 years of activism says its most revelatory aspect is the former Sinn Féin leader’s “humanity”.
The documentary, A Ballymurphy Man, directed by Trisha Ziff, premieres in Galway this weekend and will be screened next month at Féile an Phobail.
The fruits of several intimate interviews over a five-year period and supported by a wealth of archive footage and photographs, the two hour film features almost exclusively the testimony of the one-time West Belfast MP and Louth TD.
Mr Adams recalls his childhood in Ballymurphy and his part in that community’s response to unionist backlash against the civil rights movement.
Using his own words, the documentary charts his increased involvement in the republican movement and the escalation of the IRA’s campaign as British soldiers are deployed on the streets of west Belfast and elsewhere across the north.
He speaks of being arrested and beaten, of his time in the cages in Long Kesh, and of how his relationship with Colette, his wife of nearly 55 years, prospered against a background of constant upheaval.
The film moves roughly chronologically through the conflict, hunger strikes and peace process, with little focus on the years following the Good Friday Agreement but concluding with Mr Adams’s retirement from frontline politics.
The Leeds-born, Mexico-domiciled director has known the film’s subject since 1981, when they met after she established the Camerawork photography and film workshop in the Bogside, living in Derry for five years. They reacquainted in the United States post-1994 ceasefire, which also saw Mr Adams visit Mexico during the Zapatista conflict.
V&A controversy
Ms Ziff’s other work includes a successful 2006 Victoria and Albert (V&A) Museum exhibition based on Cuban photographer Alberto Korda’s famous portrait of Ché Guevara, leading to her documentary film debut with Chévolution (2008), on the same theme.
The V&A’s decision to remove Mr Adams – then an MP and an MLA – from the list of those invited to the exhibition opening caused controversy at the time. He remarked: “On the basis of the current reason offered by the V&A of refusing to invite politicians, it would appear that if Ché was alive, he would be barred from his own exhibition.”
Ms Ziff says was surprised when in 2018 the then TD, who was preparing to leave office and step down as Sinn Féin president, agreed to take part in what she says is her “best ever film”.
She concedes that it is pitched primarily at an international audience and that much of it will be familiar to an Irish audience, the older ones at least.
Similarly, she admits a sympathy for her subject’s cause and feels a responsibility to counter the many “hatchet jobs” that she says have been done on Mr Adams, “including by the BBC”, she says in reference to his recent libel case against the broadcaster.
“I think there’s a history of censorship around the depiction of Gerry Adams’s character,” she told The Irish News.
“There’s the vilification in how he is presented and framed yet here you see him talking in a in a very non-confrontational, open way.
“Yes, it’s revelatory [but] it’s not sensational. I chose, on purpose, not to do that. That’s what the dominant media do. My film is a reflective portrait of a man in his seventies looking back over his life.”
That Mr Adams is a “pink sock-wearing”, well-read and reflective individual is “not new to people in his community”, Ms Ziff says.
“That’s the person they would meet on the street or at the checkout and the supermarket.
“People in politics would know, but for somebody outside that world, that’s not the Gerry Adams they know.”
Ms Tiff, now in her late sixties, describes the film as “a man revealing his story” and rejects suggestions that IRA violence is downplayed.
“I think he is quite clear about his position on different things, issues that he was critical of,” she says in an allusion to Mr Adams on-screen pronouncements on the Enniskillen and Shankill bombs as “wrong”.
“I don’t think it does gloss over IRA violence. I think he talks about the legitimacy of the IRA, from his point of view; he’s very clear about that.”
Those expecting fresh revelations or confessions about the 76-year-old republican figurehead’s deeper involvement in armed struggle will be disappointed.
“The film reveals someone who likes to walk; talks about playing with his child when he got out of prison; the fantasy games he played with his child; a whole person; a person that reveals a humanity that we haven’t seen,” says Ms Ziff.
“It’s not about propaganda, it’s not a whitewash. It’s just showing somebody in their fullness.”
Gerry Adams – A Ballymurphy Man will be screened at Galway Town Hall on Saturday.
Pastor allegedly involved in preaching altercation allowed back into parts of city centre
Alan Erwin, Irish News, July 10th, 2025
A CHRISTIAN pastor allegedly involved in an altercation while preaching on the streets of Belfast is to be allowed back into parts of the city centre, a High Court judge has ruled.
Madam Justice McBride agreed to relax the prohibition imposed on Colin Robert Houston (60) following his detention last month.
Prosecutors said police were called to the Castle Place area on June 18 amid reports of an ongoing fight between two men.
Mr Houston told officers that a member of the public had approached him and allegedly spat on a ‘Jesus Saves’ flag on display while he delivered a religious sermon, the court heard.
Fearing he was about to be assaulted, the street preacher said he attempted to perform a citizen’s arrest.
“This led to a fight breaking out between them,” Prosecution counsel said.
In counter-claims, the other man stated he had been assaulted and subjected to alleged racist remarks.
Mr Houston, of Upper Newtownards Road in Belfast, remains under investigation for potential alleged offences of common assault, resisting police and disorderly behaviour.
Banished
Police released him on bail under conditions which included an exclusion from the entire city centre.
His lawyers applied to vary the prohibition, arguing it was too wide, disproportionate and unreasonable.
The court was also told it interferes with his rights to freedom of religion and expression as a street preacher.
Opposing the move, prosecution counsel insisted an exclusion zone was required.
“It seems when the applicant is in the city centre, with that volume of people, there is a heightened risk of altercations occurring,” he contended.
During the hearing a police officer accepted that the blanket ban was unnecessary.
“I don’t see any reason why it cannot be narrowed down,” she said.
Questioned by Mr Houston’s barrister John Larkin KC, she confirmed the other man involved in the incident has also been charged by police.
A number of character references were provided in support of the pastor’s application.
Madam Justice McBride acknowledged that Mr Houston is entitled to carry out lawful evangelical activities.
As she limited the no-go areas to parts of Castle Street, Castle Place and Lombard Street, the judge said: “I don’t think his ministry is going to be curtailed by a smaller exclusion zone.”
Anger as street denied Irish sign after residents' vote threshold rounded up
Francois Vincent, Local Democracy Reporter, Belfast Telegraph, July 10th, 2025
COUNCILLOR CALLS FOR POLICY REVIEW AFTER CONTENTIOUS RULING
Strict rules over bilingual signage votes in Armagh City, Banbridge and Craigavon borough mean one street has missed out due to how the threshold figure was rounded up instead of down.
The unnamed residential area had met an initial test after at least one third of residents signed a petition requesting that householders be canvassed to ascertain their views on the provision of English-Irish street signs where they live.
Consequently, 17 residents were surveyed.
A two-thirds majority was required for the signs to be installed. Two thirds of 17 is 11.33, however — and crucially — that figure was rounded up to 12.
As only 11 residents requested bilingual signage, they failed to meet the two-thirds majority test. Six residents were deemed not to be in favour. This was a mix of residents stating that they were against bilingual signage, and residents who did not respond.
Speaking at the July 2 ABC Planning & Regulatory committee meeting, Sinn Fein councillor Paul Duffy argued that the 11.33 figure should have been rounded down to 11, as opposed to being rounded up to 12, meaning the two-thirds majority test would have been met.
He stated: “Under the decimal point system, two thirds of 17 is 11.3. Usually it would be rounded down [in the case of] 1, 2, 3, and 4, and then 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 rounded up.
“So 11.3 would usually be rounded down. So what way do you stand on that, and is the wording correct within our policy, if this does go down the legal route?”
Head of Building Control Tom Lavery replied: “As you say, the two thirds of that would be 11.33. Now, we have always rounded it up, the reason for that being it is a poll vote and we can't have .33 of a person.
“But we also take legal senior counsel advice on this one, and our policy does state that the results of the survey [must] show 'at least' two thirds of the occupiers, so 11 is almost two thirds, but it's not at least two thirds.
Open to legal challenge
“So we would be subject to a challenge for not complying with our own policy, if we were to round down, and that's the advice of senior counsel, so we followed that advice.
“The policy could be subject to review if members so wish, and we could consider the wording under that review.”
Referring to judicial proceedings relating to another area in the borough, Mr Duffy continued: “I know there's currently an ongoing court case, but once it's probably done, dusted and out of the way, I would like a review of the system, but then we'll talk about it then.”
Meanwhile, in eight other residential parts of the ABC Borough — unnamed at this stage — at least a third of residents have expressed support for bilingual street signs.
These residential areas vary in size from 10 to 177 houses.
Given the current high volume of dual-language applications which ABC Council is receiving, a maximum of three surveys will be conducted every month.
Referring to the growing number of applications for English-Irish street signs in the ABC Borough, Mr Duffy remarked: “It's great to see that the language is thriving.
“There's a demand for it and it is actually good to see that young people and old people alike are looking at their street names in their native language.”
Meanwhile, three more residential areas in the borough will soon have bilingual English-Irish street signage — Andre Close, Ashley Close, and Ashley Heights in Portadown.
TUV councillor claims details of City Hall 'sodomy' window were restricted
Andrew Madden, Belfast Telegraph, July 10th, 2025
A Belfast councillor has claimed he requested to see the design of a “provocative” LGBTQ+ window at City Hall before it was installed, but that “details were restricted” and he was only allowed to view the plans “by appointment”.
The TUV has lodged a formal complaint with Belfast City Council over the stained-glass window, which was unveiled in May to mark the “contribution of Belfast's LGBTQ+ community” to the city.
It features an image of gay rights activist Tarlach Mac Niallais wearing a T-shirt bearing the slogan 'Save sodomy from Ulster', a play on a slogan from a 1970s campaign launched by DUP founder Ian Paisley, aimed at preventing the decriminalisation of homosexuality.
The TUV complaint alleges that the council breached its equality scheme when plans for the window were developed, including by failing to engage with religious groups.
Green Party councillor Anthony Flynn has defended the window while accusing the TUV of “engaging in performative culture wars rather than offering any meaningful solutions for the working-class communities they claim to represent”.
Mr Flynn said the window “received unanimous support, including from the TUV”, something the party denies.
TUV councillor Ron McDowell said his party in Belfast, “under my watch, neither supports the installation of the new City Hall LGBTQIA window, its design or its message”.
‘Another attack on family values’
“The window is simply another attack on traditional family values,” he said.
Mr McDowell noted the plans for the window were first approved by the council in 2017, before he was elected to City Hall, and the decision was “inherited by me on council and not made by me”.
“Let me be clear: if opportunity arises to reverse this decision, then I will happily pursue it,” he said.
The TUV representative said he is “particularly appalled” by the “insinuation” from the Green Party that the window received full council support.
“Months before the window was installed, I requested to see the relevant design, but the details were restricted and only available for viewing by appointment and still not open for challenge,” he said.
“The minutes of the Strategic Policy and Resources (SP&R) Committee meeting [where the plans were approved] were brought to full council merely to inform us of the project's progress.
“There was no decision to be made and no opportunity for discussion. To vote against those minutes would have been to claim they were inaccurate — which they were not.
“Crucially, the minutes did not disclose what would appear on the window.”
Speaking earlier this week, Mr Flynn said the window is now an “iconic feature” at City Hall.
“Its design incorporates powerful imagery and references that reflect key moments in the struggle for LGBTQ+ rights in Northern Ireland,” he said.
“This includes a quote from journalist Lyra McKee, who was tragically murdered by dissident republicans, symbolic emblems from historic campaigns, such as decriminalisation and marriage equality, and a photo depiction of Tarlach Mac Niallais wearing his 'Save sodomy from Ulster' T-shirt, which was an act of protest against the discriminatory 'Save Ulster from sodomy' campaign led by Rev Dr Ian Paisley.”
Belfast City Council said it is investigating the TUV complaint.
Scottish First Minister and Kneecap
Craig Paton, Neil Pooran and Craig Meighan, Irish News, July 10th, 2025
SCOTLAND’S first minister has said the public should focus on what controversial rap group Kneecap are concerned about, rather than the band’s comments.
John Swinney responded to comments made by one of the band’s members at a show in Glasgow on Tuesday, which comes after the trio were axed from this weekend’s TRNS-MT festival in the city following police concerns.
Mr Swinney had raised concerns about comments from the band he said were “beyond the pale” after footage allegedly showing one member saying “the only good Tory is a dead Tory”, as he pushed for them to be dropped from the festival.
The group hit back at the first minister during the O2 Academy show.
According to BBC Scotland, Liam Ó hAnnaidh, who performs under the name Mo Chara, asked the crowd: “What’s your first minister’s name?” before swearing and adding: “They stopped us playing TRNSMT but they can’t stop us playing Glasgow.”
The band said the row around their axing from the festival had suggested their shows were “hate-fests”, but said they were about inclusion and love.
Gaza
But speaking to journalists yesterday during a visit to a hospital on Falkirk, the first minister called for focus to shift to the issues Kneecap are talking about, including the situation in Gaza.
“I think the most important thing at this moment is that we all focus on the issue that Kneecap are concerned about, which is the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza,” he said.
“I want to see a ceasefire implemented, I want to see humanitarian aid put into Gaza.”
He added: “I had a briefing yesterday from Unicef about the suffering of children in Gaza – it was literally impossible to listen to that, it’s so awful.
“What we should be focused on, the most important issue, is ending the suffering in Gaza and getting a ceasefire and getting humanitarian aid into Gaza which is sitting on the border of Gaza today.”
But Mr Swinney added that, if artists make controversial statements, he will likely be asked to respond to them.
“I understand I got a mention (at Tuesday’s show),” he said.
“What I’d say is that the last thing I want to be commenting on is about bands, I want people to enjoy their music and make their choices.
“But if bands say things that cause widespread concern, there shouldn’t be a surprise to bands that I get asked about them.”
Kneecap hit back at Scotland’s first minister on Tuesday night as the rap trio performed a gig in Glasgow.
Hospital emergency waits at five-year high, figures show
Conor Sheils, Irish News, July 10th, 2025
THE north’s emergency departments are in crisis with more than 132,000 patients waiting over 12 hours for treatment last year – more than triple the number during the Covid pandemic.
The latest figures from the Department of Health show that 132,741 patients endured waits of more than 12 hours in emergency departments during 2024/25, compared to just 37,884 during the height of the pandemic in 2020/21.
The statistics also reveal that just 45.5% of the 764,720 patients who attended emergency departments were treated and discharged or admitted within the target four hours – a 20% drop from 65% in 2020/21.
For those admitted to hospital, the median wait time has stretched to nearly 15 hours – more than double the 7 hours 15 minutes in 2020/21.
Some patients are waiting almost 60 hours.
In a worrying twist, 10.5% of patients abandoned treatment before completion, up from just 2.9% five years ago, suggesting people are walking away in frustration.
Belfast patients are 4.5 times more likely to abandon treatment than those in the Western Trust area, with 26% leaving before completion compared to just 5.7% in the west.
The crisis has been fuelled by a 34% surge in demand, with total attendances at urgent and emergency care services rising from 598,956 in 2020/21 to 802,495 in 2024/25.
The latest figures show that three hospitals – the Royal Victoria, Ulster, and Antrim Area – account for more than half of all 12-hour waits, with 68,898 patients between them enduring the longest delays.
Only 60.5% of patients started treatment within two hours of being assessed – well short of the 80% target.
The proportion of patients referred by GPs has also fallen from 17.8% to 14%, suggesting people are bypassing primary care and heading straight to overwhelmed emergency departments.
Only one hospital – rural Omagh – managed to achieve zero 12-hour waits, while no major Type 1 or Type 2 emergency department met the 12-hour target.
But it isn’t just the north’s hospitals that are struggling – with the ambulance service also feeling the pressure.
The Northern Ireland Ambulance Service is also failing to meet most response time targets, with Category 2 emergency calls taking up to 1 hour 50 minutes to reach patients in December 2024.
Health service in the north is facing a ‘defining, watershed’ year says Nesbitt
Jonathan McCambridge, Irish News, July 10th, 2025
NORTHERN Ireland’s health service is facing a “watershed year” of opportunities and challenges, Mike Nesbitt has said.
The health minister has published a Health and Social Care reset plan which commits to establishing a “neighbourhood-centred system”, bringing more services closer to communities.
The plan also sets out measures to counter unprecedented financial pressures, with a projected £600 million gap between available funding and the cost of maintaining existing services this year.
Mr Nesbitt said: “This a defining and watershed year for our health service.
“We have to deliver on reform and waiting list investment, while at the same time securing efficiencies and savings on a scale not seen before.
“There are both challenges and opportunities of huge significance.
“At the heart of the reform agenda must be concrete progress on neighbourhood care, bringing more services as close as possible to people’s front doors.
“This has been a long-term objective but meaningful delivery is required, including a new model of primary care and early intervention.”
The minister said the reset plan also sets out the “most ambitious efficiency programme” in the history of the region’s health service.
It is designed to achieve £300 million in savings in 2025/26, in addition to the £200 million delivered in 2024/25.
The programme will include actions focused on improving trust financial controls, reducing locum and agency costs and increasing workforce availability through absence reduction.
Mr Nesbitt added: “The reset plan includes new structures to enable our trusts to take shared decisions on a ‘whole system’ basis.
“In addition, a new approach to systems financial management is being introduced, with a focus on reducing the budget deficit and driving efficiencies in every area of the system, at every level.”
UPDATE
DUP in City Hall attempt to stymie asbestos bonfire removal vote
Conor McParland, Belfast Media, July 10th, 2025
THE DUP Group on Belfast City Council has formally handed a call-in petition to the Chief Executive over the decision to remove the controversial Eleventh Night bonfire at the Westlink.
There have been growing calls for the bonfire's removal over serious health concerns, including the threat it poses to the Royal Victoria Hospital and City Hospital power supply.
The bonfire has been built near a major electricity substation between the Donegall Road and the Westlink. It is also situated near a large pile of asbestos.
On Wednesday night, The PSNI said no decision has yet been taken in regard to the removal of the bonfire.
The DUP move comes after councillors at the Strategic Policy and Resources Committee at Belfast City Council voted on Wednesday afternoon in favour of removing material from the site.
The DUP blasted the decision, describing it as "political" and not a health and safety matter.
A statement posted on social media by DUP councillor Sarah Bunting read: "This action has been taken in line with our rights under the Council’s Standing Orders and the Local Government Act (NI) 2014.
"The decision to remove the bonfire was made without adequate consultation or consideration of community impact, and we believe it requires further scrutiny.
"This decision is political not a health and safety one. It is foolhardy and has ramped tensions up in an area which has suffered considerably from interface problems.
"Our South Belfast team has worked both locally and across the community to reduce these problems over the last year. The progress made has been damaged by this debacle.
"The decision was not made because of recommendations from the statutory bodies.
"We call on the Chief Executive to accept the call-in of the decision made by the DUP and will be supporting the Judicial Review of the current position.
"We are standing up for the voices of local residents who feel ignored and disrespected by this heavy-handed approach. Our position is clear: cultural expression should be supported and managed in partnership with communities — not overridden by unilateral decisions.
"We will continue to engage with the community and stand up for their right to be heard."
DUP and TUV back Jamie Bryson's judicial review over Belfast City Council's decision to remove bonfire
By David Thompson, Belfast News Letter, July 10th, 2025
DUP and TUV councillors on Belfast City Council have backed a Judicial Review lodged by the loyalist Jamie Bryson on the legality of the authority’s action over an eleventh night bonfire in the south of the city.
Any review is expected to take place on Thursday, with just over 24 hours to go before the fire was expected to be lit.
Nationalist councillors voted on Wednesday to remove the bonfire – citing concerns about electricity infrastructure and nearby asbestos on the derelict ground.
But because of a decision to set aside normal council procedures on the grounds of public safety, unionists were unable to use the call-in motion to have the decision reviewed.
Mr Bryson has described the process used by the council to remove the pyre as an “unlawful attempt” to remove minority protections used by local authorities – known as a call-in motion. He said this was an “effort to deprive unionists the opportunity to challenge the controversial and inflammatory decision to target the Village bonfire”.
The challenge – now backed by two of the unionist parties on the council – focuses specifically on the Chief Executive’s decision to prevent the application of the call-in process, stopping unionist councillors from being able to ‘call-in’ the decision on procedural and community impact grounds.
Call-in Motion by DUP
On Thursday morning, DUP councillors submitted a call-in motion on the decision – saying it was a political decision, not a health and safety one.
In a statement, the DUP councillors said: “This action has been taken in line with our rights under the Council’s Standing Orders and the Local Government Act (NI) 2014. The decision to remove the bonfire was made without adequate consultation or consideration of community impact, and we believe it requires further scrutiny”.
Describing the council’s decision as “foolhardy” – they said it had “ramped tensions up in an area which has suffered considerably from interface problems” – and said work to reduce these problems over the last year had been damaged by “this debacle”.
The statement continued: “The decision was not made because of recommendations from the statutory bodies. We call on the Chief Executive to accept the call in of the decision made by the DUP and will be supporting the Judicial Review of the current position.
“We are standing up for the voices of local residents who feel ignored and disrespected by this heavy-handed approach. Our position is clear: cultural expression should be supported and managed in partnership with communities — not overridden by unilateral decisions.
“We will continue to engage with the community and stand up for their right to be heard”.
TUV councillor Ron McDowell said the council’s decision rests on the argument that an inability to immediately implement the decision would result in a breach of statutory or contractual duty, or would otherwise prevent the council from responding to an emergency, as defined in the 2004 civil contingencies law.
He told the News Letter: “If you're going to have a decision around a fire, you would expect the fire service to be involved in community safety. You'd expect the police to be involved in the decision.
“If it's around the asbestos on the site, you would expect that the health agencies would be involved, and none of that happened.
“Basically, what you had was… a partisan decision made along orange and green lines in council. And quite simply, the benches outvoted the unionists on the committee, and there's no come back to the decision”.
Mr McDowell said what was being witnessed over the bonfire was the “very public fallout” of what happens behind doors in City Hall on a daily basis.
“The bonfires aren't put up to annoy nationalists. The bonfires aren't put up to antagonise nationalism or Catholic communities. These are done by our communities, for the benefit of our communities, for the enjoyment of our communities. And what we've seen is that this has fallen down on orange and green lines”, he said.
Belfast City Council has been contacted for comment.
Royal Black parade in Scarva to be bigger than ever this year
By Philip Bradfield, Belfast News Letter, July 10th, 2025
The annual Royal Black parade in Scarva will be substantially bigger this year - being billed by organisers as one of the biggest ever parades held for the event.
Traditionally held on 13 July, which this year falls on a Sunday, the annual event has been moved instead to Monday 14 July.
With the dates providing a natural day of rest between the 12th and 13th, organisers say at least an extra 20 preceptories are planning to attend this year as a result.
Some 85 preceptories and 82 bands will parade through the picturesque village and supporters will be in the region of 100,000 - understood to be the biggest annual one-day event at a single location in Northern Ireland.
The highlight of the day is the traditional Sham Fight between period actors dressed as King William III and King James at 1:30pm in Scarva Demesne, when the air will crack with musket fire from soldiers on both sides.
Sandy Heak, a member of the organising team and one of the participants in the Sham Fight, said: “This year, with the 13th falling on a Sunday, this provides a break between the Twelfth celebrations on the Saturday and Scarva on Monday the 14th, and this could mean even more spectators turning out to enjoy the Sham Fight.”
He added: “It’s a truly special event, a wonderful day out for families, when the sleepy village of Scarva comes alive to the sights and sounds of an amazing spectacle.
John Adair is the registrar of the Sir Alfred Buller Memorial RBP 1000, which organises the event, and is well known for his portrayal of King William in the pageant for the past 30 years.
New Perceptories taking part
He said: "There are 21 visiting preceptories new to the event, from counties Antrim, Fermanagh, Londonderry, and Tyrone, and that means there will be 85 preceptories in the procession.
“This will swell the ranks of the number on parade to upwards of 7,000, inclusive of sir knights and the members of the marching bands.”
The procession will include a wide variety of musical outfits, comprising flute, pipe, accordion and silver bands.
Rev William Anderson, Sovereign Grand Master of the Royal Black Institution said: “Year after year, the members of RBP 1000 deliver a wonderful day of culture and pageantry, which attracts upwards of 100,000 visitors to Scarva.
“The procession through the village and beautiful Demesne, with preceptories carrying aloft colourful banners portraying biblical scenes, is an amazing spectacle."
As John Adair takes on his customary role of ‘King Billy’, Colin Cairns will once again don the costume of King James.
Colin is a veteran of the Sham Fight, having played the royal role for “well over 30 years”.
“And I’ve never won once, so I don’t know what that’s telling me,” he jokes. “If I won, there’d be real trouble!”
The demonstration will start at 10.45am – 30 minutes earlier than usual – to accommodate the extra number of visiting preceptories in the parade from the Gilford Road to the Demesne.
The Sham Fight will take place at 1.30pm, with the religious service due to start at 2pm, and the return parade scheduled to leave the Demesne at 3.15pm.
• Royal Black Institution members from Lurgan will take part in their traditional parade in Bangor on July 14.
