Retired police officers withdraw from Omagh inquiry until 'proper trauma support' is put in place

MOVE COMES AFTER MAN SUFFERING PTSD WHO WAS DUE TO GIVE EVIDENCE DIED SUDDENLY

ALLISON MORRIS, Belfast Telegraph, May 5th, 2026

Police officers who attended the aftermath of the Omagh bomb have said they will be withdrawing from the inquiry until proper “trauma-informed” support is in place.

It follows the sudden death of a retired officer in recent weeks. He is understood to have taken his own life.

The former RUC sergeant, who previously gave evidence in a civil case against the alleged bombers, was due to appear in front of the inquiry into the 1998 Real IRA attack.

He worked on the police investigation and saw first hand the devastation. He had been suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).

Now a group of retired officers who were due to give evidence have said they will not be cooperating until they are assured that proper support and protection measures are available.

They say they have been “experiencing significant and well‑documented pressures linked to the Omagh Bomb Inquiry process”. “These include retraumatisation, renewed psychological distress, uncertainty around legal protections, and the emotional burden of revisiting catastrophic events from 1998,” the officers said.

“These pressures have been raised consistently with the inquiry, government departments, welfare bodies and elected representatives over a three‑year period.”

The Real IRA bombing killed 29 people, including the mother of unborn twins. In February 2025 the inquiry opened with testimony from the families of those killed.

The victims included James Barker, who was just 12 when he died in the bombing. His father Victor told the inquiry his son had been “robbed” of his bright and happy future, which was “full of promise despite the learning difficulties that he had”.

A statement read from the family of 20-month-old Breda Devine, from Donemana, Co Tyrone, recalled how she was to be the flower girl at the wedding of her uncle and aunt, due to take place the weekend after the bomb, and had been in Omagh shopping for wedding shoes.

Chapter three of the inquiry, which is expected to last four weeks, will examine how the bombing was carried out and who was responsible.

Traumatised first responders

Among the former RUC officers due to be called are those first on the scene.

They say that they have raised issues in the past about “the lack of local trauma‑informed support, particularly for officers west of the Bann, many of whom had avoided counselling for decades; the absence of a coordinated welfare framework, despite the foreseeable retraumatisation risk, and delays and uncertainty around legal representation, leaving retired officers without independent, inquiry‑funded advice”.

A spokesperson for Omagh Police Support Group (OPSG) added: “These issues are not hypothetical. They are evidenced in public domain reporting, inquiry testimony, parliamentary statements and welfare‑sector data.

“Officers have repeatedly described the emotional burden of revisiting catastrophic scenes. Many carried untreated trauma for more than 25 years before the inquiry reopened these wounds.”

Inquiry chairman Lord Turnbull previously acknowledged the scale of trauma carried by retired officers and the importance of the work being done to support them. However, they say to date that support has not been put in place.

“In light of the cumulative pressures being experienced by our members, OPSG will now have to review its position and examine the way forward regarding participation in the inquiry,” the group said.

They added while they were not withdrawing from the inquiry completely, they were pausing participation as a “necessary and responsible step to protect the wellbeing of retired officers, many of whom have already been retraumatised by the process”.

The independent, statutory public inquiry was established by then Conservative Secretary of State Chris Heaton-Harris to investigate whether the bombing could reasonably have been prevented by authorities. The inquiry began formally in February 2024, when the Government issued its terms of reference.

However, the retired officers said future engagement will depend on the establishment of proper safeguards including “clear and independent legal protections”, stable timetables and clear witness‑handling protocols.

“These requirements are reasonable, proportionate and grounded in public domain evidence,” they added. “They reflect best practice across major UK inquiries and are essential to ensuring that retired officers can continue to participate safely and sustainably.

“Retired officers have shown constant commitment to supporting the inquiry's work. But they cannot do so at the expense of their mental health, their families or their long‑term wellbeing.

“The steps now required are not about influencing the inquiry's findings. They are about ensuring that those who responded to the worst single atrocity of the Troubles are able to participate without being exposed to avoidable harm.”

Public hearings on chapter three of the inquiry were due to start on March 9, but are now expected to get under way on September 21. The delay was due in part to late cooperation from the Irish Government over the disclosure of Garda material relating to the bombing.

In March Irish Justice Minister Jim O'Callaghan obtained government approval for the International Co-operation (Omagh Bombing Inquiry) Bill 2026.

The Bill is designed to enable the taking of oral testimony before the Irish courts for the purposes of the inquiry.

The inquiry team was contacted for comment.

If you, or anyone close to you, has been affected by any issues in this article, please contact the Samaritans free on 116123 or Lifeline on 080 8808 8000.

Sculpture is a ‘poor substitute for loss of heritage’

PAUL AINSWORTH, Irish News, May 5th, 2026

CLAIMS that a new sculpture at Belfast’s Grand Central Station was “community inspired” have been questioned by a residents’ group who say it in fact symbolises Translink “turning their backs” on locals.

The nine-metre high artwork was unveiled at the new Saltwater Square outside the transport hub last week, and has been touted as celebrating the city’s “heritage, creativity and future”.

The work of artist Kevin Killen, the sculpture is named ‘Reflections’, and was made using reclaimed parts of the Boyne Bridge, which was demolished last year to create the new public square.

Residents in the nearby Sandy Row area steadfastly opposed the dismantling of the bridge, citing its heritage value, as well as opposing the disruption to local businesses the work would cause.

Now the residents group behind the campaign to save the bridge have turned their ire on the new sculpture, which Stormont’s Infrastructure Minister Liz Kimmins said would “acknowledge the history of this area while looking ahead to its future”.

‘What has been done can’t be undone’

“By reusing elements of the former Boyne Bridge, the artwork reflects the past as this new public space takes shape,” she said of the square at the entrance to the new £340m station.

Belfast’s Golden Thread Gallery was involved in the design of the piece, saying its “use of the Japanese principle of Kintsugi – repairing broken materials to create strength and beauty – speaks directly to Belfast’s story of resilience and regeneration”.

However, Billy Dickson, who chairs the Blackstaff Residents Association, said the claim of “extensive community engagement” by Translink over the sculpture “does not ring true for the vast majority of Sandy Row residents – and likely not for those in Grosvenor Road either”.

“While the Department for Infrastructure’s statement may sound convincing to many, those of us dedicated to preserving our culture and heritage see the artwork as a missed opportunity,” he said.

“It reflects a failure to save the 1936 Boyne Bridge. The sculpture is a poor substitute for the loss of the bridge. After the battle to preserve it was lost, the remaining steelwork could have been used to create a more substantial feature – such as a steel version of Stonehenge.

Sold for scrap

“Unfortunately, we understand that the rest of the steel was sold for scrap.

“What has been done cannot be undone. The sculpture stands as it is, and the general public and visitors will ultimately decide its value. The steelwork may help tell the story of the bridge and the local area. The mirrored side facing the station, regardless of its intended symbolism, will likely be popular with children and many adults alike.

“Another interpretation that might be viewed, is that the sculpture reflects Translink’s and the DfI’s turning their backs on the local community, who made their opposition to demolishing the 1936 bridge very clear.

“Only when the bridge’s closure caused severe traffic issues and nearly strangled Sandy Row’s commercial life did they respond.”

Mr Dickson said Sandy Row residents have acknowledged “positives” including renaming a section of Durham Street, where the bridge previously stood, to ‘Boyne Bridge Place’, and the reuse of some of the old bridge lampposts in the square.

He said the residents’ group has “submitted suggestions to Translink regarding future features and signage, sincerely hoping our views will be fully considered”.

“Comprehensive consultation is essential, rather than the token engagement claimed so far,” he added.

“We urge city planners and Translink to reconsider the current plans and adopt a genuinely collaborative approach – working closely with the community to create a Central Station that truly embodies the spirit of Belfast.”

The Irish News approached Translink for comment.

PSNI investigates Sinn Féin-linked bookshop with £220k assets

ANDREW MADDEN, Belfast Telegraph, May 5th, 2026

The PSNI has “commenced enquiries” into a Sinn Féin-linked bookshop that has more than £220,000 in assets but appears never to have traded.

Meanwhile, the National Crime Agency (NCA) said it cannot “confirm or deny” whether it is investigating Green Cross (Arts and Bookshop) Limited, where former Sinn Féin finance director Sinéad Walsh and former IRA prisoner, Pádraic Wilson, are directors.

The late senior republican Bobby Storey, a former northern chairman of Sinn Féin, was previously a director of Green Cross, which is registered as a private company limited by guarantee.

It was incorporated in September 2004 and changed its name in recent days to Green Cross Belfast Limited.

According to Companies House records, the nature of Green Cross' business is the “retail sales of books in specialised stores”.

As of September 30 last year, it had assets of £226,361, down from £243,474 the previous year.

Despite these assets, financial statements show no evidence that would typically be present in the records of a normal retail business that is actually operating, such as details of liabilities to creditors, payroll information and cash flow.

Records show, while there has been no trading activity of note, the company's reported net assets increased significantly from £67,441 in September 2018 to £185,027 in 2019.

Average employee numbers for the company are listed as zero, while it hasn't held any stock of value since 2006.

The address for Green Cross on Companies House is not a bookshop, but an accountant's office, which appears to have no connection to the business.

In March, SDLP leader Claire Hanna raised concerns about Green Cross in a meeting of the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee at Westminster, when representatives from the NCA were giving evidence.

Ms Hanna described the unusual trading activity seen at Green Cross and asked NCA director of general operations, Rob Jones, if this was something he would typically investigate.

She also specifically named Green Cross and asked if the company specifically was “on your radar”.

Mr Jones said: “If there is intelligence and if there is evidence, then we will speak to our partners in relation to that and take appropriate action with them.”

The Belfast Telegraph subsequently asked both the NCA and the PSNI if they are investigating the company.

While the NCA said it does not “routinely confirm or deny the existence of investigations”, the PSNI was more forthcoming.

“The Police Service of Northern Ireland has received a report relating to this matter, and has commenced enquiries,” a spokesperson said.

Disconnect between assets and activity

A Sinn Féin spokesperson said Green Cross Ltd “has no financial connections” to the party.

In February, solicitor Padraig Ó Muirigh, who acts for Green Cross, said it is a charitable company, registered with HMRC, limited by guarantee and registered with Companies House.

“My client meets all legal requirements through its submissions to Companies House and to HMRC,” he added.

“Green Cross Art & Bookshop Ltd has not been operating as a retail business since 2010, but the Standard Industrial Classification (SIC) has erroneously not been updated. I am instructed by my clients that this will be rectified at the earliest possible opportunity.”

Mr Ó Muirigh has been contacted for further comment.

Current Green Cross director Sinéad Walsh was previously a director of the now-shuttered Research Services Ireland Ltd, along with fellow Sinn Féin figure Seamus Drumm.

Research Services Ireland was subject of controversy in 2014 when it came to light that it was paid around £700k over the course of a decade by 36 different Sinn Féin MLAs through the Stormont expenses system.

At the time, both Drumm and Walsh were also directors of Sinn Féin's finance department in Northern Ireland.

A BBC investigation found no evidence of the supposed work that Research Services Ireland carried out. Sinn Féin denied any wrongdoing.

Green Cross director Pádraic Wilson was jailed in 1991 for 24 years for charges including conspiracy to murder and planning an explosion. He became an IRA leader in the Maze Prison before being released early under the Good Friday Agreement.

DUP MLA Phillip Brett has also raised concerns regarding Green Cross, previously asking about any rates the company has paid.

The Department of Finance said Land and Property Services has “no record of a rate account” linked to the company.

Questioning the “mysterious companies” with links to Sinn Féin, Mr Brett said: “There is a significant disconnect between assets and apparent activity in relation to this company.

“It has six-figure assets yet little evidence of trading.

“The public would undoubtedly like answers about its trading history, how it accumulated those assets and more obviously, if anyone has ever actually purchased a book from it.”

End of place names funding requires urgent explanation

Pro Fide et Patria, Irish News, May 5th, 2026

THE end of funding for an academic project researching the origins of our rich variety of place names raises questions which require urgent explanation from Communities Minister Gordon Lyons.

The Northern Ireland Place-Name Project has been providing invaluable information about the names of roads, townlands and other geographical features of this part of the island for almost 40 years.

A visit to its website, placenamesni.org, is well worth a few minutes of anyone’s time to learn some of the stories behind the tens of thousands of named used without awareness by most of us in everyday life.

Sources dating back more than 2,000 years have been mined to link past and present and shed light on the fascinating shared history of the places we inhabit.

“ The Northern Ireland Place-Name Project has been providing invaluable information about the origin of the names of roads, townlands and other geographical features of this part of the island for almost 40 years

As we revealed yesterday, however, the project has reached the end of its current funding period and has said it is “in the process of winding down activities” and is therefore unable to respond to new requests for information.

A statement from the Department for Communities, which has delivered funding for the last six years, was entirely unsatisfactory, confirming that the latest cycle had concluded at the end of April but offering no explanation for why the team’s budget was not renewed.

This has inevitably led to speculation that the decision is linked to wider unionist opposition to dual language policies operated at our local councils.

Nationalist politicians have said the project played an important role in translation work required for street signs.

Sinn Féin’s Colm Gildernew described the failure to renew funding as a disgrace, while the SDLP’s Mark H Durkan said there were legitimate questions about whether politics played a part in the decision.

Parallels have even been drawn with the decision by a previous DUP communities minister, Paul Givan, to cut similarly modest funding for the Líofa Gaeltacht bursary scheme in 2016, an act cited by Sinn Féin as contributing to its decision to walk out of the Executive and collapse the institutions.

Whatever the reason for the place names decision, relations between the two parties have soured again as an assembly election hoves into view, with First Minister Michelle O’Neill accusing the DUP at the party’s recent ard fheis of “attacking everything to do with Irish national identity” and “yearning for the days of misrule”.

It would be tragic if a project with the potential to unite people would fall victim to wider political tensions and Mr Lyons must now offer a full explanation at the assembly for his decision and the loss of this valuable community resource.

SF and DUP still at odds over who pays for Place name signs

By David Thompson, Belfast News Letter, May 5th, 2026

Sinn Fein and the DUP are embroiled in a fresh row over the Irish language amid recriminations over who is responsible for funding a scheme on the origins and meanings of local place names.

Communities minister Gordon Lyons said funding had been cut by the Sinn Fein finance minister’s department, after the party had accused the DUP of attempting to “attack and undermine Irish identity” by cutting funding.

The DUP communities minister says he has emails showing that the Department of Finance (DoF), led by John O’Dowd, wouldn’t fund the Place-Name project.

However, Mr O’Dowd’s department has told the News Letter that “responsibility for” the scheme transferred to DfC on 2022 with funding in place until the 31 March 2026.

A DoF spokesperson told the News Letter: “When the project transferred it did so on the understanding that the department it transferred to would have responsibility for longer term funding for the project”. At that time, both portfolios were held by Sinn Fein.

Minister Lyons has previously told the Assembly that funding was given by DoF to the communities department (DfC) in 2022, to fund the scheme until 2026.

The News Letter had submitted a series of questions to both departments in a bid to ascertain where responsibility for funding the scheme lies. DfC is yet to respond.

Mr Lyons’s claim was made on BBC’s Good Morning Ulster programme, and followed accusations by Colm Gildernew that he and the DUP had “shown only contempt” towards Irish – branding the funding cut a disgrace.

The Sinn Fein MLA said it was a very small amount of funding – and that his party would call the communities minister to the Assembly to answer questions.

However, the DUP minister said the programme had been funded by DoF who had stopped funding it this year, after handing responsibility for it over to the Department for Communities (DfC).

“I haven’t stopped the funding, I'm not saving £90,000. I'm not reallocating £90,000 elsewhere. The only department that has made a saving or is allocating that money elsewhere is (the) Sinn Fein-led Department of Finance.

“I actually have emails in front of me here between officials and the Department for Communities and the Department of Finance, from March and April, asking the Department of Finance if they were prepared to continue to fund this project.

“The answer that came back on multiple occasions is that they were not prepared to fund it anymore, and were handing this over to the Department for Communities.

“So Sinn Fein have been trying to whip up their supporters into a frenzy and saying that this was the DUP that has stopped funding. There's only one department that has stopped funding to this project, and that's the Department of Finance”, minister Lyons said.

Mr Gildernew said it was his understanding “that this funding was moved into” the DfC.

Asked if it was true that the scheme has been funded by the DoF for the past four years, Mr Gildernew said DfC is responsible for promoting the Irish language.

“I raised this with the Permanent Secretary on Thursday. She didn't give any indication that this was outside their remit. And in fact, I believe they met with the project later that afternoon or the following day.

“And on Friday, 1 May, the project closed. So the minister for communities is responsible for the promotion of the Irish language, he has shown blatant disrespect to the language across a period of time”, the SF MLA said.

The Fermanagh South Tyrone MLA declined to say that he would call the SF finance minister to the Assembly, but would instead seek to establish what has gone on between the two departments.

“Clearly they have been engaging now, and we find that this project has now collapsed under the Department for Communities”, Mr Gildernew said.

The News Letter asked both departments whether any conditions were attached to the 2022 transfer about who would fund the scheme post-2026. We also asked why the scheme was funded by DoF and not DfC out of its own budget.

A DoF spokesperson said: “In 2022 responsibility for the Place Name Project transferred from the DoF to the department with responsibility for languages with funding in place until the 31 March 2026. When the project transferred it did so on the understanding that the department it transferred to would have responsibility for longer term funding for the project.”

DfC has yet to respond.

The Northern Ireland Place-Name Project is based within the department of Irish & Celtic Studies at Queen's University, Belfast.

Its website says it “has now reached the end of its current funding period. As a result, the project team is in the process of winding down activities. At this time, we regret that we are no longer in a position to respond to new enquiries or requests for information or translations. We appreciate your understanding as the project concludes this phase of its work”.

The project has a searchable online database which contains information on the origins and meanings of over 30,000 place-names from all over Northern Ireland.

SDLP seeks new oversight powers for Assembly to monitor Stormont Executive spending

Belfast Telegraph, May 5th, 2026

Stormont's fiscal watchdog would be given new powers to monitor spending in an effort to “force a change in culture” under plans proposed by the opposition.

The Northern Ireland Fiscal Council would be established in law and required to assess delivery of the Executive's Programme for Government under a series of amendments to the Fiscal Council Bill that will be debated today.

These would allow the Fiscal Council to assess the economic impacts of Executive decisions, such as impacts on employment, growth or productivity and require them to examine the cost of duplication of public services in Northern Ireland.

The body has been critical of financial management at Stormont in the past, warning earlier this year that the Executive needs to “address the underlying causes of overspending”.

SDLP MLA and Stormont Opposition leader Matthew O'Toole said too often targets are “left unmet” and budgets are “completely unaligned” to stated goals.

He said if the amendments are successful it would “mark a step change in how we make and scrutinise policy in Northern Ireland”.

“We know that Programmes for Government, on the occasions they are even agreed, are often full of waffle, and when there are targets they are left unmet and, crucially, budgets are often completely unaligned to stated Executive targets,” he added.

“Our amendments would help to force a change in that culture.

“We are also proposing powers to ensure Executive policy is scrutinised for its impact on jobs and the real economy rather than simply its cost, as well as assessing the cost of a divided society which holds us back and wastes money on the duplication of services.

“These are real, substantive legal changes which would give the Fiscal Council powers that could radically improve our policy debate and public scrutiny.

“If Executive parties are serious about delivery, and we have seen little to suggest they are, they must back these amendments.”

Asylum seeker with knife shouted 'Allahu Akbar' at police, court told

Alan Erwin, Belfast Telegraph and Irish News, May 5th, 2026

An asylum seeker allegedly advanced towards a PSNI officer with a knife before shouting the Islamic proclamation “Allahu Akbar”, a court heard yesterday.

The officer was forced to draw his gun when Libyan national Hamza Banali (24) confronted him in the Holylands area of south Belfast at the weekend, a judge was told. Banali, of an address at Farnham Street in the city, denies any religious or hate motivation behind an incident linked to reports of cars being damaged in the area.

He appeared at Belfast Magistrates Court charged with possessing a bladed article in a public place and resisting police.

Officers went to Damascus Street late on Saturday night amid claims that a man was damaging parked cars with a knife.

Banali, who is originally from Tripoli, was approached after he matched the description given of the perpetrator.

“He advanced towards the police, drawing a short, bladed knife,” an investigating detective claimed.

A sergeant at the scene then drew his gun, telling him to drop the knife and get onto the ground.

Within seconds Banali allegedly discarded the blade before being detained and handcuffed.

As he was being arrested he shouted “Allahu Akbar”, the Arabic phrase meaning “God is greater”, the court heard.

The defendant was said to be so aggressive that he had to be physically restrained as officers transported him into custody.

Intoxication

“During interviews he denied any hate or religious motivation,” the detective added.

“He alleged intoxication was the cause, and denied ever having the knife in his possession.”

Banali has not been charged with criminal damage to any of the cars on Damascus Street.

But police opposed bail amid claims that he poses a risk to the public.

Defence solicitor Aidan Carlin argued that it was nothing more than an alcohol-fuelled incident.

“He made comments while intoxicated, sadly like so many people who come before the courts,” the lawyer submitted.

“He said things and behaved in a way that he regrets.”

Mr Carlin described Banali as an unemployed pizza chef currently seeking asylum in the United Kingdom.

Refusing bail, however, District Judge Amanda Brady cited the risks that he could either re-offend or flee.

She remanded Banali in custody to appear in court again on May 7.

Leader of Belfast synagogue fears copycat anti-semitic attacks in NI

NIALL MCGREEVY, Belfast Telegraph, May 5th, 2026

The leader of the north Belfast synagogue has said he “wouldn't be surprised” if an attack similar to recent incidents elsewhere in the UK happened locally.

However, Michael Black stressed that the Jewish community is lucky to be able to live in Northern Ireland.

There has been a series of anti-semitic terrorist attacks across the UK in recent months, with the most recent seeing two Jewish Londoners stabbed.

The Government has declared antisemitism an “emergency” and vowed to spend millions increasing security around Jewish sites.

Mr Black previously said young people of the Jewish community have had to be careful in expressing their identity due to fears of anti-semitism.

Two Jewish people were killed in October last year and three left in a serious condition after a car ramming and stabbing attack outside a synagogue in Manchester.

One of the men was killed by a bullet fired by police.

In March — near to the scene of Wednesday's stabbings — four Jewish charity-owned Hatzola ambulances were set on fire in the car park of a synagogue in Golders Green in London.

Speaking after the latest London attack, Mr Black admitted the anti-semitism seen in the UK recently has been deeply troubling.

He said: “While I'm not in daily contact with everyone in the Northern Irish Jewish community, of course it is worrying.

“In some areas of the UK, the Jewish community have been made very anxious about their safety with everything that has been going on.

‘Very lucky to live in Northern Ireland’

“We're very lucky to live in Northern Ireland for several reasons. But, God forbid, I wouldn't be surprised if an attack happened here.”

A number of anti-semitic incidents in Northern Ireland have happened since October 7 2023 — the date of the Hamas attacks on Israel.

Last year, a brick was thrown through the window of the synagogue, with a teenage girl cautioned for criminal damage.

Despite this, Mr Black said there has still been a massive amount of positivity directed towards the community.

He continued: “We have received a lot of sympathy since October 7, with messages of support and comfort, and the PSNI have been excellent in helping us in any way we might need.

“We're very lucky to be able to call here home.”

Mr Black also said that while the Government has been spending a lot of money to help protect Jewish communities, it is important to “change people's attitudes”.

He continued: “They're throwing a lot of money at this, which will definitely help in protecting Jewish communities, but that isn't going to change any attitudes.”

He said the way to stifle a recent rise in anti-semitism in the UK is through education.

“There unfortunately is a lot of ignorance,” he added.

“It's very worrying to see what's happening in universities and schools, where I have heard of Jewish children being abused.

“History should be taught extensively in schools, especially the Holocaust and a history of anti-semitism.”

'Significant outcome' as NIEN forced to open its £250m project to scrutiny

GARRETT HARGAN, Belfast Telegraph, May 5th, 2026

Northern Ireland Electricity Networks (NIEN) has been forced to accept it is a 'public authority' that is subject to environmental information regulations.

It comes after campaigners sought information on the 'Big Network Rebuild', including whether it had assessed the environmental impact of major new electricity loads such as data centres.

Last year NIEN launched a six-year investment programme worth around £250m to rebuild and future-proof the electricity network in Northern Ireland — making it fit for an age that will include, for example, more electric vehicles.

The ambitious project involves rebuilding approximately 1,500km per year of 11kV overhead lines, constructing new overhead lines and increasing the capacity and resilience of the low voltage and 33kV networks.

In total, it will involve rebuilding and refurbing approximately 14,000km of the electricity distribution network over the six-year period.

That has led to questions as to whether any wider environmental or strategic environmental assessment (SEA) had been carried out.

In January 2026, NIEN was asked a series of questions on the topic under Environmental Information Regulations (EIR).

EIR has some differences to the more commonly used Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) and can be “marginally more favourable to requesters”, according to an expert.

Questions to be answered

Initially NIE did not accept that it had to answer questions under EIR.

When the matter was referred to the Information Commissioner's Office (ICO), NIE then performed a U-turn, with the information watchdog saying NIE “now considers that it is a public authority under the EIR and intends to issue you with a fresh response to your request”.

The requester, Ann-Louise Bresnahan from the Save the Moat campaign group, said this is “a significant outcome”.

Until now, she explained, many people believed important questions were out of bounds because NIE Networks was not treating itself as a public authority under the EIR.

“Now that this position has changed, it opens the door to much more serious scrutiny of what discussions and decision-making may have taken place behind closed doors between the company and NIE Networks,” she added.

Addressing the question of whether an environmental assessment was carried out, in its EIR response NIE stated: “We do not hold any SEA screening reports, determinations or related correspondence in relation to the Big Network Rebuild programme.”

Furthermore, in the absence of such SEA screening, NIE was asked for any internal or external briefing that addresses why SEA was not required for the overall programme, including consideration of cumulative impacts across multiple council areas over the full investment period.

NIE stated: “The Big Network Rebuild is simply a campaign to inform the public of the wide range of upcoming refurbishment activities under the RP7 Price Control period (1 April 2025 — 31 March 2031).

“Therefore, NIE Networks does not hold any internal or external briefing that specifically addresses why an SEA was not required in relation to the Big Network Rebuild.”

Ms Bresnahan believes there are still “gaps” in Northern Ireland Electricity Networks' response as it has “not properly answered some of the most important questions”.

LETTER, Irish News, May 5th, 2026, ‘Don’t treat us like Lemmings 

Case has not yet been made for uniting people of Ireland

I SUGGEST that the talk of a failing assembly is to avoid accepting that the case has not yet been made for a uniting of the people in the north and south of Ireland.

We are a people, both north and south, who are both British by birth and by descent and Irish by birth as well as by descent.

I was born in Northern Ireland to wonderful parents who kept their Irish birth certificates securely. I have worked and lived within both communities in Northern Ireland and have worked and travelled in many countries as an Irish person. The implication that I am not Irish because I live in a part of the UK, I find offensive.

There can be no reconciliation between the communities north and south until this is recognised and accepted by all politicians.

I suggest this failure to progress the desire to be a united Ireland is not caused by stubborn unionists but by the failure of the case being made to unite by those who want Ireland’s communities to come together.

However, accepting their vision for a united Ireland to the exclusion of any other vision is a non-starter.

I am Irish as my late parents were and their parents were and so on, and I would like to hear the arguments for uniting. I don’t think emotional pleas is enough to persuade the communities to even consider uniting.

I dare say we are as much Irish now and have as much control of our lives now as we would have by leaving the UK. By all means make the case for leaving but please don’t treat us like lemmings.

L WALLACE Newtownards, Co Down

Transport for London says 'we did not request changes' after Kneecap claim poster censored

GARRETT HARGAN, Belfast Telegraph, May 5th, 2026

Transport for London has said Kneecap provided them with self-censored posters which are on display in the city's Tube system.

It comes after Kneecap's manager said a poster promoting the band's new album has been 'censored' in the London Underground.

The three-piece from Belfast and Derry have just released their third album.

'Fenian' has been widely praised with The Guardian choosing it as their album of the week, describing it as “terrific, triumphant yet tortured”.

RTE gave the album five out of five stars with the reviewer saying “Kneecap turn protest into a party on Fenian”.

The poster which the band says has been censored also features four and five-star reviews from Uncut magazine and The Irish Times.

The band have history with politicians including Tory leader Kemi Badenoch and Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer, who both wanted them to be dropped from the 2025 Glastonbury lineup.

That came after band member Mo Chara was charged with terror offences after displaying a Hezbollah flag on stage at a London gig in November 2024.

On the poster seen in the London Underground a quote is attributed to Sir Keir, who branded the band's views “completely intolerable”. That followed a High Court decision to dismiss a terror charge against Mo Chara. But the words 'Keir Starmer' have been redacted on the poster.

The album title Fenian is linked to the old Irish word féne, the name of ancient inhabitants of Ireland. It is also a reference to a member of the Irish Republican Brotherhood or the Fenian Brotherhood, 19th-century revolutionary nationalist organisations in Ireland and the US.

The word has also been used in a derogatory sense against Irish nationalists.

Taking to the X social media platform, band manager Daniel Lambert said: “The London Underground only accepting these posters with 'Fenian' and 'Keir Starmer' both blanked out…

“See it. Say It. Censored.”

Transport for London said: “The redacted style of the poster reflects the version that was submitted to us for approval. We did not request any changes to the artwork before the current advertising campaign commenced.”

When asked if a decision had been made by an authority other than Transport for London, a spokesperson added: “To be clear the posters on display are the copy the band provided to us which we subsequently approved.”

Kneecap's manager was contacted for comment.

Funeral takes place of former PIRA man linked to Troubles murders

BRETT CAMPBELL, Belfast Telegraph, May 5th, 2026

A former IRA man who stood trial for a double murder was “a proud family man who never shied away from having an opinion”, his funeral heard.

Sean Clinton, from the Ormeau Road area of Belfast, passed away last week after an illness. He was in his 50s.

Yesterday mourners gathered at St Agnes Church in the west of the city to pay their respects.

Clinton was accused of the murder of senior UDA figures Joe Bratty and Raymond Elder in July 1994.

The loyalist pair had been suspected by security forces of involvement in several sectarian killings, including the Sean Graham bookmaker's shooting in 1992 in which five people were killed.

Clinton and a co-accused were later cleared by a judge.

The father-of-four was also a suspect in the murder of ex-IRA member Kevin McGuigan, who was shot dead in the Short Strand area of Belfast in 2015.

Following news of his death, one friend paid tribute to Clinton, saying he “fought from the front”.

The coffin was draped in an Irish tricolour and was led by a lone piper as it was carried along the Andersonstown Road ahead of the service.

The priest referred to the 1987 Danish film Babette's Feast, set during the late 19th century Franco-Prussian War.

The refugee from counter-revolutionary Paris begs to work as a house-keeper in an isolated community where she wins the hearts of a strict religious congregation through her ability to improve bland recipes. A large lottery win causes suspicion and leads to a memorable banquet.

The cleric said the acclaimed film “struck a chord with Sean's family and friends” as he was “a keen cook, renowned for his specialities” which included lasagne.

Mourners were told that the former St Augustine's school pupil loved to spend his time on Fisherman's Row in Killough which was “a place he cherished”.

They also heard how he enjoyed “the warmer climes” of Santa Ponsa in Majorca, but that Belfast was always his home.

‘Full redemption’

“Sean worked as a security bouncer in many establishments across Belfast,” the priest continued. “He was well read and had an interest in politics.

“He was a proud republican, a loyal friend and proud family man who never shied away from having an opinion.”

The cleric said Sean loved his partner, children and granddaughters.

“Sean's friends were important — but his family were the people who meant the most to him,” he said.

The priest read from 2nd Timothy which says “I have fought the good fight, I have finished the race” and recited John 14.

“We pray that Sean would be welcomed into the Father's house in heaven,” the cleric continued.

“When Sean was baptised almost 60 years ago in St Malachy's he was given the promise of eternal life. May God lead him to the heavenly banquet even more sumptuous than Babette's Feast.”

During the service, Clinton's loved ones prayed that God would “forgive his failings” and thanked the healthcare workers who looked after him in his final days.

A prayer was also recited in Irish.

Before Clinton's coffin was taken to Milltown Cemetery where he was laid to rest the priest prayed that God would “cleanse” him of his sins and grant him “full redemption”.

‘We got it in neck over price-gouging’: Iran war another woe for Border filling stations

Mark Hennessy, Ireland and Britain Editor, Irish Times, May 5th, 2026

Taxes, competition from North, higher costs and red tape are pushing sector to the brink

In the fuel trade for all his working life, Colin Fee, who owns and runs the Maxol filling station on the Dublin Road in Dundalk, Co Louth, stills bear emotional scars from last month’s protests over soaring fuel prices.

In the days when fuel prices from the depots were changing by the minute, Fee and his staff faced abuse behind the counter and on the forecourt from angry customers.

“This was personal. I could show you text messages I got, but I won’t show because they’re that angry and rude. We got it in the neck, and unfairly, too,” he tells The Irish Times outside his shop.

Life in the fuel trade along the Border has always been different from everywhere else on the island, where those involved have to cope with ever-changing challenges.

For the last six months, the stations on the northern side held the advantage, gaining from lower prices on fuels, but also on groceries and drink.

In the wake of the Government’s excise and other changes in recent weeks, the pendulum has partly swung back: stations in the Republic are cheaper for diesel, but more expensive for petrol.

But trade lost has not been recovered, or not all of it.

“Our biggest problem is with our own Government and the amount of excise duty that they are taking. We got it in the neck over price-gouging, and that was wrong,” he says.

“But it takes €1.20 out of every €2 spent. The other 80 cent is shared between me, Maxol, Reynolds, the transport company, [forecourt retailer] Circle K, who have the loading facility in Dublin Port.

“Then, the shipping company that takes it from Rotterdam or Milford Haven, the refinery in Rotterdam, the Greek shipping magnate bringing it from the Middle East and then the sheikh.”

High tax and compliance costs

Even if prices were equal on both sides, Fee and others in the business on the southern side, argue that the odds are still stacked against them.

“It’s got very hard to ply your trade in the south – very hard. There’s just constant increases in the cost of doing business. That is the biggest issue, bigger than the price any day in the North. And it’s affecting everybody,” he says.

He lists off different costs: the increase in the minimum wage, pension auto-enrolment, the extra bank holidays and then smaller costs such as the €1,000 licence for selling tobacco.

“It’s got to a point where it’s very hard,” he says.

Industry representative Kevin McPartlan, chief executive of Fuels for Ireland, says currency shifts are no longer the issue.

“It’s now about that our taxes are so much higher and our regulatory compliance costs so much greater,” he says.

Equally, tougher European Union rules surrounding the addition of bioethanol and biodiesel added to diesel to reduce carbon-dioxide emissions in the Republic drives up costs.

For Colm McKenna, who closed his Texaco filling station in Muff, Co Donegal, nearly a year ago, last month’s protests convinced him he was right to quit.

A year on, he still blames the Green Party and condemns Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael for letting it “wag the dog” on environmental policy because they needed the Greens to stay in power.

He believes the peak seen in fuel prices in March will return because the US-Iran conflict will not go away soon.

“The British had their troubles in south Armagh years ago. Now, Trump has brought 50 ‘south Armaghs’ on his head and the rest of us will pay the price for it,” he says.

The number of filling stations along the Border has reduced over the years; the surviving ones depend more on non-fuel sales.

From his base in Carrickcarnon, near Ravensdale, Co Louth, Hugh Morgan has over 45 years built up Morgan Fuels business, supplying customers on both sides of the Border.

He also runs a fuel cards business used by scores of haulage companies across Europe at nearly 7,000 filling stations in Ireland, the UK and continental Europe.

Morgan, a man of strong opinions, says the carbon tax should never have been introduced and the Government should have abandoned it at the first sign of trouble in the Gulf.

“If they had taken that step as a goodwill gesture on the first day, the protests would never have happened,” he says.

Morgan holds no truck with the environmental arguments behind carbon taxes; he doesn’t believe climate change is happening, despite the available scientific evidence proving it is.

For haulage firms along the southern side of the Border, it was never cheaper in recent times to buy commercial supplies across the Border because of the diesel rebate scheme that existed before the protests.

“Although it did come very close at one stage to being on parity, or being slightly cheaper, but it didn’t happen,” one leading industry figure says, speaking on condition of anonymity.

The increased rebate has helped since, he told The Irish Times. “Though, the first tranche of that probably only lasted days before it was wiped out.”

So far, however, clients are paying fuel higher bills. “They’re being very good. We deal with a lot of multinationals, they’ve all been very understanding,” he says.

There are other actions the Government could take such as introducing barrier-free tolls on motorways, he says.

David Blevings, spokesman for the Irish Petrol Retailers Association, believes northern filling stations will retain an advantage, even though the price gap has narrowed or gone the other way.

No bottles

“Depending how far you are from the Border, it’s still cheaper to go north and fill up because the groceries, drink, even minerals are cheaper. The North doesn’t have the bottle return charge, for example,” he says.

The northern businesses made gains because the British government’s 2022 decision to cut five pence per litre off excise after the Ukrainian conflict began was never reversed.

For now, the British action pales by comparison with the larger cuts imposed by the Government in Dublin.

Rural filling stations are more than just about fuel, says Kevin McPartlan, especially where other local services have been lost.

“It’s where the kids get their lunch, where people drop off dry-cleaning or the post office. So, if you lose a forecourt near the border, it’s about much more than losing fuel,” he says.

Not everything about fuel concerns petrol or diesel, however. “Most of the people around here use oil to heat their homes, and the Government did nothing about it,” Hugh Morgan says.

“You’re not allowed to burn coal. You’re not allowed to burn sticks. Don’t even let you build a house now with a chimney on it. How are those people going to afford a winter tank,” he says, angrily.

Currently, the gap in home kerosene prices on either side of the Border is significant, with a refill costing up to €1.60 a litre in the Republic, but less than £1 per litre (€1.16) in the North.

Kerosene is not supposed to cross the Border without taxes being paid. But it does. Privately, industry figures say HM Revenue and Customs check more thoroughly than the Revenue Commissioners.

The rises and falls in the fuel trade have left their mark along the Border, where once-profitable filling stations now stand abandoned in places, left behind by changing fortunes.

In an area where, for political and other reasons, people have for generations kept their counsel, there are not too many willing to speak openly to The Irish Times about their business.

There is little evidence that the fuel crisis is forcing people to drive less.

Hugh Morgan regards such a suggestion with derision: “People have to live, they have to go to work, they have to take the kids to school,” he says.

The winter will bring fresh challenges and costs for customers, he says, and people are not going to like them.

“Somebody has to pay for higher costs. That’s the way of the world,” he says.

“If taking a load of carrots from Cork to Dublin costs €50 more, then the prices are going to have to be paid by the people who are buying the carrots in the supermarket.”

For Colin Fee, the prospect of angry customers in his forecourt again is viewed wearily, especially when prices are changing hour to hour.

Fees believes prices should remain broadly within a range “where the taxes would decrease as fuel rises, and rise again when it comes back down”.

“There should be a mechanism that automatically controls these things,” he says. “This is not the last crisis we’re going to have, not by a long shot.”