SDLP rows in behind calls for femicide law
CAOIMHE CLEMENTS, Sunday Life, January 4th, 2026
MOVE 'A SMALL STEP TOWARD TACKLING EPIDEMIC OF VIOLENCE'
The SDLP has backed calls for femicide to be recognised as a specific criminal offence in Northern Ireland.
MLA Cara Hunter said the Department of Justice should follow the example of Italy, which has recognised the killing of a woman because she is a woman as a distinct crime.
It followed similar moves in Belgium, Cyprus, Croatia and Malta, where gender-based killings are explicitly recognised in law.
Northern Ireland has the worst rate in the UK and one of the worst in Europe, with dozens of women and girls killed since 2020.
In July last year, Ian Rutledge shot dead his wife Vanessa Whyte (45), his 14-year-old son James and 13-year-old daughter Sara in Maguiresbridge, Co Fermanagh.
A report by Women's Aid found 88 per cent of women receiving its support had been subjected to domestic abuse by a current or former partner.
Ms Hunter said: “We are in the midst of a violence against women and girls epidemic, yet the most extreme acts are still too often mischaracterised.
“Naming femicide in law could play an important role in exposing the reality that these killings are rarely random.
“They are the end point of gender-based violence, coercive control and misogyny.
“A review looking at new legislation could improve how these crimes are recorded and understood, challenge minimising narratives and send a clear message that violence against women is systemic in nature.”
The killing of Alyson Nelson, who was stabbed seven times in the space of a minute by her ex-partner William Finlay in Whitehead in April 2022, was described by a recent domestic homicide review panel as a “femicide”. The term is rarely used formally in Northern Ireland.
History of abuse
The review found her killer had a history of abuse.
According to women's organisations, the failure to recognise femicide as a crime makes it harder to understand the scale of male violence, target prevention measures and identify repeat risk factors.
The PSNI recorded six domestic abuse homicides in 2024/25. All of the victims were female.
Despite these figures, the Department of Justice has repeatedly stated it has no plans to introduce a standalone offence, arguing that existing murder and manslaughter laws apply.
But the Women's Resource and Development Agency (WRDA) said multiple legislative gaps had left women exposed.
WRDA good relations coordinator Elaine Crory added: “There are some obvious gaps. One is that we are still waiting for hate crime legislation.
“Our position at WRDA, and indeed across much of the women's sector, is that this must include a misogyny aggravator.
“We know that this is unlikely to be included in the forthcoming legislation, so that in itself is something we do not expect to see addressed soon.
“We also urgently need the implementation of the Domestic Abuse (Safe Leave) Act, passed in 2022, which would provide up to 10 days' paid leave for survivors.
“It's very frustrating. We were the first place on these islands to pass this legislation. Scotland, the Republic of Ireland and now England and Wales followed our example, but while they move ahead, ours is still not implemented.
“We could have helped so many survivors in that time.”
Campaigners all acknowledge that a standalone femicide offence would not, on its own, prevent violence.
Elaine said: “It is unlikely that such legislation would have a preventative or deterrent effect.
Sentencing
“However, it could be helpful. It helps properly categorise the crime, allowing resources to be directed appropriately, and it can attract different sentencing.
“While it could be useful, alone it is not enough, and its impact would depend on how it was implemented.”
The Department of Justice said it was committed to addressing violence against women and girls, but did not believe a standalone femicide offence was necessary.
It added: “While femicide is recognised as the most extreme manifestation of violence against women, the department is satisfied that existing homicide offences of murder and manslaughter already apply in such cases.
“There are therefore no plans to introduce a standalone offence of femicide or to review homicide legislation to formally recognise gender-motivated killings in statute.”
A spokesperson for the department said the minister was “strongly committed” to ensuring Northern Ireland was safe, pointing to measures including the domestic and sexual abuse strategy, the introduction of stalking offences and protection orders, and the Domestic Violence and Abuse Disclosure Scheme.
DUP more focused on votes, not what's best for future of the Union
Suzanne Breen, Sunday Life, January 4th, 2026
It's not hard to guess what the DUP's approach to power-sharing will be in 2026. The party will keep playing hardball with Sinn Fein as it tries to claw back support lost to the TUV.
This isn't Gavin Robinson's natural territory. Until last year, he was widely seen as a moderate.
His decision to attach the Parachute Regiment's insignia to a social media post welcoming Soldier F's acquittal of murder on Bloody Sunday spoke volumes for the road the party has chosen.
In November, Emma Little-Pengelly couldn't manage to do what Peter Robinson had done 14 years earlier: attend the Irish president's inauguration.
The party is putting its short-term self-survival above what its leadership knows is best for the long-term survival of the Union. It's not even pretending to make Northern Ireland a comfortable place for those from the non-unionist tradition.
It was on 18 per cent in the last LucidTalk poll for the Belfast Telegraph, and it needs to climb significantly over the next 12 months.
The party's sharp shift to the right might be many things, but it isn't stupid. The reality is that, when it compromises, it loses support. The camogie-playing, Irish-dancing DUP wasn't popular with its base.
The TUV had a great 2025. It finally began to resemble a party rather than a one-man band. As a trio, Timothy Gaston, Jim Allister and Ron McDowell punch far beyond their collective weight.
On 13 per cent in our last poll, the TUV is now the third most popular local party.
However, it will have its work cut out in holding onto that position this year.
Hardening Stances of DUP and Sin Fein
The DUP's hardening stance will surely win back some who had switched to Jim Allister's party.
A change at the top of the UUP could also shake up the electoral fortunes of its rivals. Jon Burrows is the leader the TUV and DUP fear most.
Both parties would be more at ease with a Robbie Butler-led party, believing his liberal unionism would appeal more to Alliance voters than to their more traditional supporters.
The last 12 months haven't been good ones for Alliance. It has lost its way, with no strong narrative or dynamic message.
It's paying the price for focusing far too much on identity politics. The impression of a holier-than-thou and lecturing approach on occasions has done the party no favours. It must return to its roots if it's to recover.
Sinn Fein still comfortably remains Northern Ireland's largest party, yet 2025 wasn't great for it on this side of the border.
It fell four points in our polls over the year — more than any other party.
Its Executive team has collectively been underwhelming.
If the DUP is playing to its base, Sinn Fein needs to start securing a few wins for its grassroots.
A legal victory on Irish language signs in Grand Central Station would help the party, as would progress on redeveloping Casement Park.
The SDLP ended 2025 on 11 per cent, just one point up from 2024. That must be disappointing for its hard-working leadership team.
Claire Hanna is the most popular local party leader, and Matthew O'Toole has an incredibly high profile as Opposition leader. The failure to translate that into a substantial rise in support — particularly with an uninspiring Sinn Fein and a struggling Alliance — must be frustrating for the party.
The Greens doubled their support in 2025: the Zack Polanski effect is here too.
But it was generally a year with few winners, and many middling performances, in Northern Ireland politics.
Reunification momentum 'building in Irish America'
AMY DONOHOE, Sunday Life, January 4th, 2025
BELFAST-BORN OWNER OF NEW YORK'S DEAD RABBIT BAR LATEST NAME TO GIVE BACKING BORDER POLL CONFERENCES HELD ACROSS STATES AND CANADA
With Irish America being rallied to bolster the campaign for a united Ireland, the owner of one of New York's top bars has backed calls for unity.
Belfast-born Jack McGarry, whose Dead Rabbit was previously crowned the world's best bar, has been involved in discussions which have taken place across the US about a border poll.
Speaking to Sunday Life, the 36-year-old said he believed the younger generation would generate change but admitted he was nervous about how some nationalists have “romanticised” the past, and worried about the potential for loyalist violence.
“My generation, and particularly some of us being over in America, we have such an important role to really tell the Americans what contemporary Ireland means, who we are, what our wants are, what the issues are, and to facilitate these types of conversation,” he said.
“There's an amazing opportunity to take the best of both sides of the border, and mitigate the worst of both sides, so it's an opportunity to create a kick-ass country out of both sides of it. I'm really excited about it, but obviously, there's a lot to work through.
“There's a whole bunch of complicated questions. A lot of people in the South want a united Ireland, but I don't think they actually know what that looks like. There's going to be questions about what the flag looks like; the anthem; what education, health, pensions and policing will look like.
“There's still issues in terms of infrastructure and housing, and how the North has such untapped potential. We need to begin these conversations now. Most people right now know that the North gets subsidised by the British government, and then people in the South are nervous about what that means in terms of taxation and deficits.
“A referendum cannot just be sprung upon people, particularly for the loyalists in the North. We do not want to create a situation where violence is the norm again. We have a whole bunch to figure out so we can defuse as much tension as possible.
“I would obviously be extremely emotional if it happened because I see Ireland as one country. I don't recognise the British state's involvement in Ireland.
“I feel like Ireland now is much more confident and I feel like we're now ready to start having these conversations.
Nervous
“One thing that I'm a bit nervous about, coming from the nationalist community, is I do see a level of romanticism — people being romantic over previous eras, even seeing the Wolfe Tones and people singing 'ooh, ah, up the 'Ra' — that sort of makes me nervous.
“It makes me nervous because I don't want us to go back to that. That has to be in the past and the way that we move forward is through democratic means.”
Sinn Fein is among those rallying Irish America to help their campaign for a united Ireland.
Ciaran Quinn, who is originally from Belfast and is the Sinn Fein representative to the USA and Canada, believes that a united Ireland could happen soon with aid from the other side of the Atlantic Ocean.
He said “the USA has always acted as a guarantor” for Ireland and they “will help us get a United Ireland.” He believes there is a lot of people in the USA who are interested in the movement.
“The US has been extremely important in Irish history. It's been very important in recent history, from the Good Friday Agreement right through,” he said.
“We are looking at how the US can secure Irish unity referendums as part of their implementation for the agreement.
“Friends of Sinn Fein run online platforms, and we have also just completed in the last 13 months 11 in-person Irish unity commission hearings across the US and four in Canada.
“We have covered places like Columbus, Cleveland, San Francisco, Washington, New York, Nashville, Boston, Hartford, and Philadelphia.
“We've had panel discussions drawing on a range of people from Ireland, including people from a unionist background.
“It'll help shape the discussion on Irish unity and secure the unity referendums as part of implementation agreement. That's the reason why we pay attention to the US and Canada, because both of them could be players in shaping this.”
Frank Gillespie, son-in-law of the late Brendan Grace and friend of the late Jack Charlton, agreed talks were needed but said there was still a stigma attached to Northern Ireland.
He added: “I do believe that the only way that you'll get peace is to sit down around the table.
“But you have to be realistic. Do the people in the South want the North back? What price does it come at? Can we afford it? I think that stigma is hard to get rid of.”
Ciaran Quinn, who has worked under Gerry Adams, Martin McGuinness and Mary Lou McDonald, believes that the USA could benefit from a united Ireland because “the peaceful resolution of what has been a centuries-long conflict is a good news story for the world, and the Good Friday Agreement, in particular for the US, has been probably the most significant and most successful foreign policy engagement”.
“I think it would be good in terms of world politics to show that there could be a peaceful resolution.
“I think America would have some input into that. No doubt as well, American industries would prefer Ireland to be united as one. It just makes life so much easier in terms of trade north and south and the supply chain.”
According to Ciaran, “Irish America has a role in shaping Irish government policy,” and they want to see Irish unity and to see preparations for it.
Future
“Irish government ministers go to the US all the time and ask people to pull on the green jersey,” he said.
“Now Irish-America are saying, 'It's now time for you to actually do something about the future of Ireland'.”
While DUP leader Gavin Robinson and other unionist politicians have dismissed claims a united Ireland is inevitable as a tired lie, Glenn Bradley, a former British soldier and Ulster Unionist party officer, thinks differently.
He is chair of the Irish chapter of Veterans For Peace and is a board member of the Belfast Charitable Society, Ireland's oldest charity.
“I believe Irish unity is inevitable due to changing demographics and the more efficient reality an all-island economy can deliver that will improve the wellbeing of citizens on the island,” he said.
“I believe events will and can hasten that inevitability. As an example, the Brexit debacle, where those in Northern Ireland, which voted against Brexit, face the denial of rights, a reduction in life's quality that further impairs overall citizen wellbeing, has added refreshing new impetus to the Irish unity debate.
“Just as US support was essential to the delivery and success of the Good Friday Agreement, the US, Irish America and the (American) administration will be essential to help create the dynamics required to assure a New Ireland.”
But former journalist Michael McDowell, who acted as a private liaison for Lord David Trimble and is a visiting scholar at Senator Mitchell Institute of Queen's University, believes Americans should not get involved in the united Ireland debate.
He said: “I think people in Ireland get things wrong about the power or the influence of Irish-American lobbies, as it were. I think that's a thing of the past.
“Irish unity, and again interference, as an American — I am an American citizen — I don't think it's appropriate at all for Americans to interfere or tell people in Northern Ireland, or anywhere else, what to do. It's up to the voters in that country. That's American colonialism practically.”
Brexit bruiser's EU briefings prove he knew what he was getting into
SAM MCBRIDE, Sunday Independent and Sunday Life, INDO, January 4th, 2025
At the height of post-Brexit hostilities between London and Dublin, Boris Johnson's pugnacious "point man” was David Frost. The UK's chief negotiator was an unconventional figure who embraced unpopularity at home and abroad, revelled in brinkmanship and was willing to use chaos theory to — he hoped — give Britain an advantage by adopting hitherto unthinkable stances, such as threatening to break international law.
But among thousands of pages of newly declassified Downing Street files opened at the National Archives in Kew are several that make all of this seem extraordinary. In them, Frost sets out the importance of carefully nurturing strategic partnerships with Dublin and Brussels.
Now ennobled as Lord Frost, there are rumours that the Brexit bruiser may join Nigel Farage's Reform UK.
On paper, that makes a lot of sense. Reform is soaring in the polls, but has a dearth of experienced former cabinet ministers or civil servants; Frost has been both and would be an obvious contender for a senior cabinet post in a Reform government.
As a civil servant in 2004, however, he was serving a very different master: Tony Blair. Civil servants must work impartially for whoever is elected, but there is nothing to suggest he was at all uncomfortable with what he was saying. There is a healthy culture of senior officials expressing reservations about a proposed course of action, but none are raised here.
In a confidential memo dated October, 2004, Frost, then the Foreign Office's EU director, set out assessments by British experts in relation to Ireland, along with his own thoughts.
Anglo-Irish relations ‘revolutionised’
He said: "The bilateral relationship has been revolutionised. For me, that is symbolised by the virtual disappearance of the prickliness between British and Irish officials in almost every multilateral body, to be replaced by (apparently) a normal and even close working relationship, and an astonishing degree of shared aims and aspirations within the EU in particular.
"The Good Friday Agreement and progress in Northern Ireland is obviously the basic reason. Our change of approach in Europe since 1997 has also been part of it, making the Irish feel that we were a more 'legitimate' partner.
"The question is: how durable is it? Setting Northern Ireland aside… I sense that it is fairly robust. The improved relations are underpinned by some fundamental factors, which have changed Ireland — a remarkably young society — considerably in recent years (net migration, economic success). Those will not change overnight… there is reason to be pretty optimistic, and there are many areas where we can work closely with the Irish within the EU and beyond.
"But we can't take this relationship for granted. The very factors that make the relationship easier with us also make Ireland a more attractive and credible partner to other member states.”
He added that it was "easy for us to forget about the Irish complication of many domestic policies — for example, ID cards, where we slightly irritated them by allowing them to hear of the policy first from leaks.”
It is extraordinary that a man who was aware of "the Irish complication” of a policy like ID cards failed to see the complication of Brexit for the only part of the UK that shares a land border with the EU.
Frost concluded that "it is right to be optimistic about Ireland” and that "if we can maintain a close relationship with Ireland, one of Europe's success stories, it will have wider spin-off benefits for us too. Ireland gains in negotiating power in the EU through a close relationship with us; but equally, we gain from Ireland's 'halo effect', legitimising policies of which others would be suspicious if pursued by us, and bringing other smalls along for the same reason. That is quite a big gain, and worth hanging on to”.
British officials ‘outtclassed’ by Dublin
Elsewhere, the files contain a constant stream of diplomatic intelligence on and analysis of Ireland. In a December, 2003, cable to London, British ambassador to Ireland Stewart Eldon said of the upcoming Irish presidency of the EU: "They recognise the limitations on their influence as one of the smallest member states. To quote Ahern, 'As a small member state, Ireland has always had to rely more on the strength of our argument than on the weight of our vote'.”
This difficulty forced Ireland to work harder, and to get better — to the point where, in the Brexit negotiations, British officials were outclassed by their Irish counterparts.
The ambassador added: "Nationally, the Irish take a strong position in EU negotiations only where national interest dictates that they should.
"They prioritise ruthlessly, and keep their firepower for their top priorities. On these, they build alliances effectively, and will often look to others to lead the charge on their behalf. On lower priorities they are unlikely to express an opinion, and sometimes may genuinely not even have one.
"Their priorities do in practice often coincide with those of the UK, for historical reasons… however, we should never appear to assume that their interests will coincide with ours....”
In an earlier cable that month, the ambassador observed that "the Irish government machine is small and stretched”, describing it as an "informal, flexible and not hierarchical” system in which "Irish civil servants are generally friendly, approachable and laid-back. But there are some very acute minds at work”.
All of this demonstrates how closely Ireland was being observed by British diplomats and how well-informed the UK government system was about Ireland in the years before the EU referendum.
The scale of the complacency and ineptitude that were to follow will be marvelled upon by historians.
