Search for Seamus Maguire’s remains begins, but information 'gaps' persist
REBECCA BLACK, Belfast Telegraph and Irish News, May 27th, 2026
FAMILY HOPE THAT 'MUCH LOVED ELDER BROTHER' CAN BE FOUND AND BURIED WITH HIS PARENTS
A plea for information has been made for a “much loved elder brother” in Co Antrim who was disappeared by republican paramilitaries as a search begins to find his remains.
“Gaps” in inquiries persist while the first physical dig in Northern Ireland gets under way for Seamus Maguire, one of the final four members of the Disappeared who is still missing.
The 29-year-old from village of Aghagallon is thought to have been killed and secretly buried by republican paramilitaries between 1973 and 1976.
It had initially been thought Mr Maguire was disappeared in 1973, but it was also subsequently suggested that after spending time in Manchester he may have returned to Northern Ireland and was then killed and secretly buried in the Aghagallon/Derryclone area in 1976 aged 29.
His name was added to those being searched for by the Independent Commission for the Location of Victims' Remains (ICLVR) in 2022.
He remains missing, along with Co Tyrone teenager Columba McVeigh, former monk Joe Lynskey and soldier Robert Nairac.
As preparations were made at the site of around two acres yesterday, ICLVR lead investigator Eamonn Henry described a big moment for the commission.
“We took on this case in February 2022, so this is four years, and all the information gathering over that time has led us to this,” he said. “We don't undertake searches lightly, we have to be satisfied that there is a reasonable opportunity here to find Seamus's remains, so based on that information, that's why we have decided to start this search, it is quite a momentous day.”
He described Mr Maguire as a “typical young man” who took work opportunities in construction and farming.
He made an appeal for information to fill gaps in the commission's inquiries.
“There are a lot of gaps in our inquiries, and that's probably due to the passage of time, and this case probably lay dormant for almost 50 years,” he said.
“We are appealing for anyone who has information in relation to Seamus Maguire and his disappearance. We're trying to piece together everything we can, we're not going to have all the information but we are missing some key pieces.
“I am hoping there are persons out there who, if they hear this appeal today, that they will come forward.
“I'm asking people, if you have any snippet of information, please come forward.
Mother searched tirelessly
“Seamus's mother, from the time he went missing until her passing, she searched tirelessly to try and recover and find where Seamus was, so I would ask people to put yourselves in her shoes — how would you like it if your mother was out trying to search for you, and that there were people out there with information that can help.
“So please, pass on the information so that we can recover Seamus' body, and also the other Disappeared, Columba McVeigh, Joe Lynskey and Robert Nairac.
“These families have suffered for 50 years or more, I think it's about time their bodies were recovered so we can stop the hurt for those families and the stress, and also we can draw a line under this dark period of history.”
While Mr Maguire's family did not speak in the press conference in Belfast yesterday, in a statement they expressed hope their “much loved elder brother” can be found, and buried in St Patrick's graveyard in Aghagallon with their parents May and Patrick. “Our mum looked for Seamus right up until the day that she died,” they added.
This is also the first search for one of the Disappeared in Northern Ireland since the remains of Peter Wilson were recovered from the beach at Waterfoot, Cushendall, in 2010.
Northern Ireland Secretary of State Hilary Benn said: “My thoughts are first and foremost with the Maguire family, who have endured so many years of anguish since the abduction and disappearance of Seamus.
“I am deeply grateful to the commission for their unceasing efforts to find the Disappeared and for their painstaking efforts to help ease these families' long-suffering.
“As well as the Maguire family, the families of Columba McVeigh, Joseph Lynskey and Robert Nairac still await the return of their loved ones' remains.
“I urge anyone with information - no matter how insignificant they think it may be - to come forward and speak to the commission. All information will be treated in the strictest confidence.”
Anyone with information on the case of Mr Maguire or the other three outstanding Disappeared cases, Joe Lynskey, Columba McVeigh, Robert Nairac, should contact the ICLVR on +353 1 602 8655 or Secretary@iclvr.ie or ICLVR PO Box 10827 Dublin, Ireland.
O’Neill condemns Hutch’s racist comments after her party leader McDonald declines to
JOHN MANLEY, Irish News, May 27th, 2026
MICHELLE O’Neill has condemned racist remarks by Dublin gangland figure Gerry Hutch, who last week called for the internment of “illegal immigrants”.
Hutch, the north Dublin organised crime figure turned election candidate who goes by the nickname ‘The Monk’, received 11.3% of first preference votes in last Friday’s Dublin Central by-election.
However, Sinn Féin leader Mary Lou McDonald sidestepped responding to Hutch’s comments directly, saying: “We can’t comment on other people’s comments.”
His remarks, which were made in a social media post during the election campaign, were widely criticised.
In the assembly on Monday during Executive Office questions, Opposition leader Matthew O’Toole asked the Sinn Féin first minister whether she agreed that Hutch’s remarks were “appalling and racist”.
Ms O’Neill concurred with the SDLP MLA, asking “who in their right mind would not agree?”.
“I’ve said it in this house and I just said it answer to your original question, I abhor racism,” the first minister said.
“I say ‘no’ to racism, sectarianism and every form of discrimination in our community. Mary Lou McDonald is a political leader not a commentator so I think that she can stand over her own expression. I think that when it comes to creating an inclusive and a welcoming society for everybody, we all have work to do.”
Mr O’Toole told The Irish News Hutch’s comments were “appalling remarks”.
“Mary Lou McDonald was offered the opportunity to condemn these remarks when it mattered and declined to,” he said.
Plenty to ponder for the big political parties in the south
Pro Fide et Patria, Irish News, May27th, 2026
WHILE by-elections regularly produce major political talking points, the results from the contests in Dublin Central and Galway West last week, by any standards, have left the largest Leinster House parties with a series of dilemmas.
The most pressing issues face Fianna Fáil, which got a firm endorsement in the general election of November, 2024, with the biggest share of the vote and ten additional seats, and was able to smoothly resume its coalition arrangement with Fine Gael.
Just 18 months later, Fianna Fáil suffered bitterly disappointing results in two areas where it traditionally had a strong presence, with serious question marks over the leadership of Taoiseach Micheál Martin inevitably following.
“ Parties of government often fare poorly in mid-term contests but the latest outcome for Fianna Fáil was close to a double humiliation which had led many observers to conclude that a change of leadership could be less than a year away
The party was the central force in Galway West less than two decades ago, when it was able to attract the backing of over 37 per cent of the electorate, but a sharp decline then took place and its representative Cillian Keane was below nine per cent last week.
Fianna Fáil’s collapse in Dublin Central was even more dramatic, from 45 per cent in the 2007 general election when the constituency was the power base of the then Taoiseach Bertie Ahern, to barely four per cent and a lost deposit for candidate John Stephens in the weekend declaration.
Parties of government often fare poorly in mid-term contests but the latest outcome for Fianna Fáil was close to a double humiliation which had led many observers to conclude that a change of leadership could be less than a year away.
What made it even worse was that Fine Gael, which shares power with Fianna Fáil, was able to win in Galway West through the vastly experienced Seán Kyne, thanks to transfers from across the board.
Fine Gael did not fare as well in Dublin Central, where it was unable to retain the seat which the former finance minister Paschal Donohoe gave up to become managing director with the World Bank Group in the US.
The by-elections also proved noticeably disappointing for Sinn Féin and its leader Mary Lou McDonald, with the party second in Dublin Central, where it might reasonably have expected victory, and well down the field in Galway West.
Sinn Féin had to watch as the Social Democrats had a significant triumph through Daniel Ennis in Ms McDonald’s own backyard, and was plainly able to present itself as the most credible option for left-leaning voters.
There will be relief that the smaller groups who have expressed hostile views about immigrants were well short of a breakthrough, but, even with the next general election likely to be three years away, it was still the three main parties which were left with varying degrees of uncertainty about their prospects.
Farage told me it would happen. It did. But is he facing his biggest test?
ALEX KANE, Irish News, May 27th, 2026
I HAVE interviewed Nigel Farage twice (and hope to interview him again fairly soon).
The first time was in July 2013, when he was in Belfast to address UKIP members and supporters in Belfast.
This was three years before the Brexit referendum and two years before David Cameron had included the promise of one in the Conservative’s 2015 election manifesto. But already Farage was very clear about his direction of travel.
“UKIP just doesn’t talk about who governs Britain, but about how Britain should be governed. The entire UKIP manifesto is about what we do after we have left the European Union,” he said.
“If UKIP was able to become the top party in the UK in the Euro elections in 2014 then that is a political earthquake. There is a huge message being sent out to our political classes. It’s one that will give us such momentum that unless they seriously respond to it, then I think anything is possible.”
Well, in the May 2014 Euro elections that’s precisely what happened. UKIP pushed Labour and the Conservatives into second and third place; frightening Cameron so much that he decided to play the referendum card two years later.
The result also unsettled Labour, opening its eyes to the possibility that a key part of its traditional working-class base was prepared to vote for a right-wing populist.
I interviewed Farage again in early June 2016, a couple of weeks before the Brexit referendum. He was on a whistlestop tour of Northern Ireland, campaigning for Leave, and I met him in a local pub.
He was in buoyant mood and opened by reminding me what he had told me two years earlier: “This time,” he said, “we will be uprooting the entire political and electoral establishment of the United Kingdom. Cameron has already proved, in the Scottish independence vote, that he doesn’t know how to fight a referendum campaign.”
He told me that a Leave victory wasn’t in the bag, but that all of the drilled-down polling – “dismissed by the complacent Remainers, of course”– was shifting towards Leave.
He made one other point: “Nobody in Remain has game-planned for losing. That’s going to be the biggest problem when they realise how the old ways of doing political business in Westminster, Downing Street and elsewhere have been totally uprooted.”
In the same way that a shark can locate one drop of blood in a million drops of water, Farage was able to detect levels of discontent which had gone unnoticed by the Conservatives, Labour and national media for decades.
Crucially, he was able to connect with the discontented in a way that no other politician had been able to do, and that includes Enoch Powell, Oswald Mosley and even Margaret Thatcher.
“ Through a variety of vehicles – UKIP, the Brexit Party and now Reform UK – Farage has established himself as the most formidable, consequential figure in UK politics this century
I don’t think Brexit would have been possible without him – for he brought in people who hadn’t voted for years.
Implosion
He can lay fair claim to having been responsible for the implosion of the Conservatives and the present levels of rebellion within Labour.
Through a variety of vehicles – UKIP, the Brexit Party and now Reform UK – he has established himself as the most formidable, consequential figure in UK politics this century.
Even the criticisms about Reform being a party of English nationalism are wearing thin after the recent elections saw it land with quite the thud in the Welsh Assembly and Scottish Parliament.
More so than Blair and Thatcher, he has changed the face of politics and looks likely to continue that change in the run-up to the next general election.
In the interview with him in 2016, I asked what the biggest obstacle to a Leave victory would be.
“If it had become a blue-on-blue civil war in which those on the new right get bogged down in a fight with the established right,” he answered.
“But most of the big beasts on the Conservative side are now committed to Leave. Had Johnson and Gove, for instance, gone Remain, that would have been a problem.”
At the moment it is clear that the blue-on-blue battle has appeared in a different form.
Rupert Lowe’s Restore Britain is running a candidate in the Makerfield by-election and Ben Habib’s Advance UK (which, to be honest, hasn’t really advanced anywhere) is backing her.
Some other voices on the right, including Tommy Robinson, have also nudged towards Restore. As has Elon Musk (who I thought was against ‘foreigners’ interfering in other people’s elections).
Farage wants to win this by-election: to unsettle Labour, as well as see off his rivals in other blue camps. He certainly doesn’t want a result which indicates significant growth for Restore.
He also wants to win because Andy Burnham is a bit of bruiser compared to Starmer and other potential Labour challengers.
Farage has been the dominant political player since June 2016. He won’t want a by-election result raining on his tenth anniversary parade.
Police keep tight grip outside court as trial that will captivate NI finally begins
ALLISON MORRIS, Belfast Telegraph, May 27th, 2026
Arriving in court for the first day of what is expected to be a three to four-week trial, Jeffrey Donaldson was wearing his trademark Ichthus fish pin, a Christian symbol often seen on his lapel during his time as one of Northern Ireland's most recognisable politicians.
Now the defendant in a historical sex abuse case, there was a heavy police presence as the former DUP leader stepped out of a black car and was accompanied into court by his solicitor John McBurney. During earlier hearings, there were chaotic scenes outside the court. This time, the PSNI was keen to avoid a repeat and had installed barriers to keep the press pack contained. This also allowed them to carefully monitor any members of the public wishing to observe outside Newry courthouse.
Mr Donaldson was there for jury selection — a process that was expected to last all day, but it took less than an hour to appoint the 12 jurors who will hear the prosecution and defence case.
Before it started, trial judge Paul Ramsey asked Mr Donaldson if he was ready for his trial, to which he replied, “Yes”. He is accused of rape, four counts of gross indecency and 13 counts of indecent assault. The offences allegedly occurred between 1985 and 2008.
Eleanor Donaldson, who also stands accused, was not in court and will not be required to attend as the judge Mr Ramsey ruled last week that she was mentally unfit to stand trial and will instead be subject to a trial of the facts. She is accused of aiding and abetting charges, which she denies.
A trial of the facts is an unusual legal process, sparingly used for those ruled to not have the capacity to instruct their defence or fully participate in the legal process.
Instead, her legal team will attend and represent her throughout the proceedings.
Today, the trial will start with the prosecution laying out its case and the background to the 18 charges faced by the former Lagan Valley MP, who pleaded not guilty at an earlier stage.
It involves allegations made by two female complainants and, as with all abuse trials, they have anonymity and will be referred to as Witness A and Witness B throughout proceedings. There is vast interest in the case, with national media outlets on site for the trial. The court service has had to carefully allocate the 10 available press seats in the courtroom and has facilitated an overflow room within the building.
The media interest has led to the attorney general for Northern Ireland issuing a warning against “speculation” online, and not to say anything which could “directly or indirectly” identify the complainants.
The video link facility is also carefully restricted to accredited members of the media after previous public disruption — with one man having logged in from a cow shed with the animals visible in the background. Keen to avoid any disruption to a case that has already experienced several delays, this is expected to be strictly monitored throughout the trial.
Cadet’ scheme ‘may boost Catholic recruitment’
PAUL AINSWORTH, Irish News, May 27th, 2026
A “CADET” style scheme for young people could help increase the number of Catholics joining the PSNI, a new report by Westminster MPs has suggested.
Such a scheme – similar to that recommended in the Patten reforms that created the PSNI – could also boost the numbers of applicants to the force from ethnic minority backgrounds and working class communities, the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee (NIAC) report states.
The findings follow an NIAC inquiry into policing and security in the north, and the release of the report comes on the 25th anniversary year of the PSNI, following the reforms resulting from the 1999 report by Christopher Patten.
Along with highlighting funding issues and the cost to the PSNI of legacy investigations, the report looks at ways to tackle what the PSNI has warned is “dangerously low” officer numbers.
In 2024 the PSNI drew up a £200m Workforce Recovery Plan to boost officer numbers – which last October fell to a historic low of 6,190 – but this month the Policing Federation warned that plan had “effectively evaporated”.
On the background of new recruits, the NIACC has expressed concern that “progress on increasing community representativeness in the PSNI has stalled, at a time when projections indicate a likely decline in the number of officers from a Catholic background, and when individuals from ethnic minority and/or working class backgrounds remain under-represented”.
‘Current figures cannot be allowed to decline further’
A ‘cadet’ scheme for young people could improve PSNI representation from catholic, working class and ethnic minority background, a report from the NI Affairs Committee has said
Earlier this year it was revealed that just 20% of new sign-ups to the force in 2025 were from a Catholic background, prompting calls from Policing Board member Colin McGrath for a “targeted recruitment” campaign.
In 2024 the figure for Catholic recruits was even less at 17%.
The current percentage of Catholics in the PSNI is 31%, which is expected to fall to 23% over the next decade, according to the Policing Board figures.
The controversial Patten policy of 50-50 recruitment aimed at boosting Catholic police recruits ended in 2011.
In March, Chief Constable Jon Boutcher said a return to 50-50 recruiting was “not necessary at present” but did not rule it out as a future method of increasing Catholic recruit numbers.
Stalled progress
Now the new NIAC report has recommended a “pilot cadet-type scheme” to address under-representation.
The report states the suggestion was “one of the few unimplemented reforms suggested by Patten”, adding it should be “reconsidered by the PSNI”.
“We recommend also that the PSNI commission fresh research into the barriers to applications to the service from under-represented groups. In addition, it should produce and publish an Action Plan, informed by this research, containing the key steps it will take to increase recruitment and applications from Catholic, ethnic minority and working-class communities,” the report recommends.
“This should be completed, if possible, in time for the next officer recruitment campaign.”
The report states the Westminster committee is “concerned…that progress on increasing community representativeness in the PSNI has stalled, at a time when projections indicate a likely decline in the number of officers from a Catholic background, and when individuals from ethnic minority and/or working class backgrounds remain under-represented”.
“Societal and PSNI action is required to increase numbers from under-represented groups, particularly Catholic staff and officers,” the report adds.
“Current figures cannot be allowed to decline further and instead should be regarded as the baseline from which to renew progress.
It highlights that the “continuing threat from dissident republicans” is a factor in the “stagnation” of Catholic representation in the force. The report also recommends an independent, comprehensive analysis to determine the appropriate levels of officer and civilian staff numbers.
MP Tonia Antoniazzi, who chairs the NIAC, said: “For the PSNI to be truly effective, it needs to be representative of the people that it serves.
“Progress recruiting from across communities has largely stalled and the PSNI needs to redouble its efforts to increase numbers from under-represented groups, particularly Catholic staff and officers.”
Referring to financial pressures facing the force, she said the British government “needs to recognise the drain on the PSNI’s already stretched budget and impact on day-to-day policing of the service’s involvement in legacy investigations and provide a specific pot of funding”.
“There also must be much more transparency about how security funding is allocated,” she said.
“Whilst the security situation has improved significantly, as recent attacks show, the threat from paramilitaries and Northern Ireland-related terrorism remains.”
In the report, the Westminster committee also repeats its recommendations from its previous report on addressing legacy, stating there should be a “recurring and ringfenced funding stream to meet legacy costs” in the north.
The PSNI has been approached for comment.
Arrests after alleged beach race hate attack leaves three men with ‘serious’ injuries
CONOR COYLE, Irish News, May 27th, 2026
THREE men in their 20s have been arrested in what police are calling a racially motivated hate assault in Helen’s Bay on Monday night.
Three other men in their 30s were seriously injured in the incident, which is reported to have taken place at the North Down attraction on one of the hottest days of the year so far.
Hundreds of revellers took to the beach at Helen’s Bay on Monday before the alleged attack took place.
The trio were arrested on suspicion of assault occasioning actual bodily harm and possession of an offensive weapon.
One of the three was further arrested after a vehicle search led to the discovery of a quantity of class A and B drugs.
A PSNI spokesperson said: “At 9pm, we received a report that three men aged in their thirties had been assaulted on the beach by three other men, following an earlier verbal altercation. They sustained a number of serious, but non-life threatening, injuries.
“A short time later, three men aged 28, 23 and 21 were stopped in their vehicle and arrested on suspicion of assault occasioning actual bodily harm and possession of an offensive weapon.
“A search of the vehicle led to the discovery of a quantity of suspected class A and class B drugs, and the 23-year-old was subsequently further arrested on suspicion of possession of class A and class B drugs. The three remain in custody at this time.”
Police added that they are treating the alleged assault as racially motivated and described what happened as “shocking” for those enjoying the sunshine on Monday.
“This matter is being treated as a racially-motivated hate crime,” a statement added.
“We know that this was shocking for those enjoying the evening sunshine on the beach and want to reassure the local community that our investigation is progressing at pace.
“We had an increased police presence in the area to ensure that everyone left the beach safely, and were on the scene quickly – but want to commend members of the public who helped to prevent the altercation escalating further.
“As our enquiries continue, we would appeal to anyone who may have witnessed this assault, or the events leading up to it, to contact police on 101, quoting reference 1721 25/05/26.
“We’re particularly keen to hear from anyone who may have recorded footage of the incident.”
Member of Beattie's office staff quit after row over political 'rival'
SUZANNE BREEN, Belfast Telegraph, May 27th, 2026
UUP AIDE RESIGNED FOLLOWING 'DIRECTIONS' OVER FACEBOOK POST
A staff member in Doug Beattie's constituency office quit his job after a row with the MLA over a social media post.
Sources said that Mr Beattie told Norman Wilkinson that he was paid to promote him, and not Councillor Kyle Savage.
Mr Wilkinson had posted a photo on Facebook of himself and the councillor meeting the Salvation Army in Lurgan.
Mr Wilkinson, who was employed as an outreach worker in the MLA's Upper Bann office, told Mr Beattie he'd done nothing wrong. He resigned after the argument in February.
Mr Beattie told the Belfast Telegraph: “Norman Wilkinson resigned from the job having got directions from myself — that is a decision for Norman Wilkinson.”
The UUP has also been contacted for comment. The incident three months ago highlights the ongoing tensions in the party in Upper Bann.
Mr Beattie and Councillor Savage are widely seen as political rivals. The Armagh, Banbridge and Craigavon councillor was the favourite to secure the party's Assembly nomination in the constituency.
However, Mr Beattie has been its MLA for 10 years.
The local association had been set to run just one candidate. A source close to Mr Beattie told the BBC that the former party leader was to be deselected.
However, the party centrally intervened and asked the association to review its decision. At a meeting last week, it decided to run two candidates.
It is expected to nominate both Mr Beattie and Mr Savage when it holds a selection meeting next month.
Resignation
Mr Beattie's personal assistant resigned from the UUP earlier this week. Kate Evans will now sit on Armagh, Banbridge and Craigavon Council as an independent.
Her departure has led to speculation that Mr Beattie could also quit the party he once led. Some sources believe he is poised to do so in coming weeks.
In a statement, a UUP spokesman said: “We thank Kate Evans for her many years of service to the party and to the people of Craigavon.
“The party leader, Jon Burrows, has reached out to Kate personally to wish her well. He has offered to meet Kate at any time. This has clearly been a difficult time for Kate, and we wish her well in future. Out of respect for Kate, we won't be commenting further on what is a personal decision.”
In a statement, Ms Evans said: “It is with great sadness that I have tendered my resignation from the UUP.
“This has not been an easy decision. For more than a decade, I dedicated myself wholeheartedly to the party, fighting countless elections and working tirelessly on behalf of the people and principles I believed in.
“In recent years, however, my experience within the party has become increasingly difficult.
“The past number of months, in particular, have been profoundly challenging on a personal level following the loss of my mother, my greatest supporter, closest friend, and the rock of our family.
“During this time, the strain of internal party politics has taken a significant toll on my mental well-being, and I have come to the difficult conclusion that stepping away is necessary for my own health.”
Ms Evans will continue to work for Mr Beattie. He shared her message on his X account, adding: “I hope she finds the peace she needs and support from her friends.”
Six projects in north to benefit from London-backed transformation fund
JOHN MANLEY POLITICAL CORRESPONDENT, Irish News, May 27th, 2026
MORE than £100m has been pledged to six projects designed to improve the delivery of public services.
Ranging from an “e-pharmacy” initiative to a programme aimed at securing jobs for people with ill health and disabilities, the earmarked projects are part of the so-called transformation fund that was provided to the Northern Ireland Executive on its restoration in 2024.
Last year saw some £129m allocated from the UK government-backed fund for projects across healthcare, special educational needs, justice and infrastructure.
Secretary of State Hilary Benn described the latest list of allocations as a “significant milestone for Northern Ireland, and a clear signal of this government’s commitment to supporting the executive to deliver better public services”.
“At the heart of this funding is a simple goal: making public services work better for the people who rely on them every day,” he said.
Stormont Finance Minister John O’Dowd said the projects would “not only deliver greater efficiency and long-term savings across government, but will also strengthen healthcare, support families, help our farmers and the agri-food sector, and lay the groundwork for bold, system-wide change in the years ahead”.
“The executive is committed to changing how we deliver services to improve lives, strengthen communities, and achieve better outcomes, as set out in the programme for government,” the Sinn Féin minister said.
“At its heart, transformation is about working differently to make services more effective, resilient, and sustainable, especially in a time of constrained public finances.”
Electronic prescriptions
The largest allocation of £42m will deliver electronic prescription transfer and a new digital platform for community pharmacy clinical services.
The other allocations include £29.2 million for the Together for Families project, a partnership to establish a region-wide model to enable families to access the help they need, and the £16m Pathways to Work and Wellbeing proposal to support more people with ill-health and disabilities to enter and remain in employment.
A digital workplace programme to modernise records and information management across the civil service will receive £6m, while a data linkage office to share information across departments will get £5.3m There will also £4m bovine tuberculosis research project.
The investments will be complemented by a further £30 million from the National Lottery Community Fund and £5.6 million from the Shared Island Fund.
Health Minister Mike Nesbitt said the e-pharmacy project would “genuinely transform patient experience”.
“This project and the new digital platform will help to make health and social care as safe as possible, accelerate primary care reform and help support our move towards a neighbourhood model of care for primary, community and social care,” he said.
Pressure on NI prisons raises questions over delivery of justice
Our prison system is under increasing pressure, with rising numbers in custody, limited capacity, and growing strain on the staff responsible for managing it.
By Claire Sugden, Belfast News Letter, May 27th, 2026
When prisons are operating beyond what can reasonably be managed, safety becomes harder to maintain
That is not just an operational issue, it is a warning sign that the wider criminal justice system is not functioning as it should.
I understand that prison population numbers have increased significantly, to the point where staff are becoming increasingly concerned about how long the system can continue to operate in this way.
There is a real fear that, if pressures continue to build, we will reach a position where senior staff feel they have no option but to ask for early release simply to create space. That is not where any of us should want to be.
When prisons are operating beyond what can reasonably be managed, safety becomes harder to maintain and staff are left trying to manage a system that is stretched too far.
At that point, the focus risks shifting from delivering justice properly to simply coping with demand. That has implications not just within prisons, but for public confidence in the justice system as a whole.
It also raises difficult but necessary questions. If capacity pressures begin to interfere with sentences being served in full, then it is entirely reasonable to ask whether justice is being fully carried out.
Victims are entitled to expect that sentences mean what they say, and that the system is working in their interests.
The causes of that pressure are not difficult to identify. Delays in the courts, particularly for those being held on remand, are feeding directly into the prison population.
At the same time, disruption within the legal system has created a wider bottleneck, slowing the progression of cases both before and after conviction. When the system slows at any stage, the impact is felt elsewhere.
We also need to look carefully at how we are using custody. For those serving shorter sentences, particularly under a year, the evidence is clear that the scope for meaningful rehabilitation is limited.
That raises questions about whether other forms of disposal would be more effective, not just in reducing pressure on the system, but in reducing reoffending and better protecting the public.
The judiciary also has a role to play in this conversation.
Sentencing decisions are rightly independent, but there needs to be an awareness of the wider pressures within the system and what they mean in terms of risk to the public, capacity, and the ability of the system to operate safely.
Alongside this, the prison population itself is changing.
Additional demands
We are seeing more older prisoners, whether through longer sentences or an increase in historic offences coming before the courts.
That brings additional demands around healthcare and social care within prisons, and raises further questions about whether the system is properly resourced to meet those needs.
There is also a wider question about whether the justice system is being given the resources it needs to function properly.
The justice minister has been clear about the financial constraints facing the system, but those constraints cannot be allowed to undermine the delivery of justice.
If prisons are operating at or beyond capacity, court delays are increasing, and services are stretched, then it is difficult to argue that the system is resourced to meet the demands being placed on it.
None of this removes the immediate responsibility. Prisons must be safe. Staff must be supported. And the system must be capable of carrying out the sentences handed down by the courts.
If we are serious about restoring confidence and protecting communities, then we need to get a grip on the system as a whole.
That means addressing delays, being honest about capacity, making better use of alternatives where appropriate, and ensuring that every part of the system is working as it should.
Claire Sugden is an independent MLA representing East Londonderry and a former justice minister
Comment, Irish News Letter: Stormont should look to Dublin for solutions to reform the institutions
THE largest two parties – Sinn Féin and the DUP – are often accused of blocking changes to the way Stormont functions. Indeed, often we hear Sinn Féin MLAs criticise the SDLP for not letting the Assembly and Executive Review Committee do its work and develop reform solutions for the remainder of this Assembly term. Meanwhile, the DUP leader Gavin Robinson said he wasn’t “rushing” to read the Alliance Party’s policy document on Stormont reform.
So, if both largest parties and others are not prepared to reform Stormont by a full external makeover, why don’t they consider reforming certain aspects of how the Executive is run from within? Instead of advocating for voluntary coalition, why don’t we advocate for changes to how the mandatory coalition works instead?
For example, the ongoing saga over the multi-year budget begs the question: should we have more than just John O’Dowd in the Department of Finance preparing the budget? Could the addition of a junior minister from each of the other Executive parties in the Department of Finance not ensure better collaboration between parties and ministers as to how the Executive can raise/spend its money?
“ Sinn Féin and the DUP have been allowed to block Stormont reform and then use the lack of reform as an excuse for their poor government delivery
In the Irish government, the Minister of Finance prepares and presents the budget, but only within full consultation with the Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform. This year Fine Gael leader Simon Harris will present the Irish budget alongside Fianna Fáil deputy leader, Jack Chambers. This approach has shown to be successful in ensuring any intra-party issues are solved ahead of the Budget Bill reaching the floor of the Dáil.
Indeed, during the ‘Rainbow Coalition’ years between 1994 and 1997, Fine Gael, Labour and Democratic Left were quite successful at holding such a wide-ranging coalition government together with ‘Programme Managers’ – non-partisan advisers to ministers to help ensure each government department delivered on commitments made in the programme for government. Could Stormont better serve the public if ministers were given advice as to what they should do better to deliver the bigger picture, not just their individual, party political biases?
Rotating Taoisigh
The decision by Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael also to have a ‘rotating taoiseach’ since 2020 is a clever way to remove any concerns from both parties as to whether one party is exuding more power over the other in coalition. When Labour entered coalition with Fine Gael in 2011, it did not share the role of taoiseach and many viewed it as ‘powerless’ in government. It went onto the 2016 election and lost 30 seats from 37 it was defending.
Contrast that with an increase in seats for both Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael in the 2024 election after a fiveyear term of a ‘rotating taoiseach’ system. Rotating the post of First Minister between Sinn Féin and the DUP and removing the position of Deputy First Minister could help in-stil more intra-party collaboration around the Executive table and end the constant battle around the politics of symbolism at election time.
No more will either of the two largest parties run with the slogan to make or keep their leader as First Minister as they will both serve in the role of First Minister at some stage during the Assembly term.
The smaller parties in the Executive and the SDLP opposition have to look at Stormont reform differently. Sinn Féin and the DUP have been allowed to block Stormont reform and then use the lack of reform as an excuse for their poor government delivery. How much longer will that be allowed to continue?
EDWARD FERRIN, Belfast BT14
