How Trimble chose peace over triumphalism in Peace Talks
Stephen Walker paints a picture of a man who was hard to like but churlish not to respect as he came to disavow sectarianism, writes Frank Coughlan Politics David Trimble: Peacemaker Stephen Walker Gill Books, 452 pages, hardcover €27.99
On a Monday in January 1972, law student Mary McAleese walked down the avenue at Queens University towards the library, with a heavy heart. The day before, British paratroopers had fired on civil rights marchers in Derry, killing 14 innocent civilians.
It was a defining moment in a conflict that was only warming up and would inflict horror after horror on the North and the entire island of Ireland for decades to come.
Coming the opposite direction was David Trimble, then a young law lecturer at Queens, wearing a large smile. He said to her and a companion: "Isn't it a wonderful day?” The future President of Ireland was taken aback, "because he wasn't the kind of person who ever greeted you”.
She tells Stephen Walker, the author of this new biography: "On that day, he was very, very friendly.” It was only when she went into the library she discovered other groups had experienced the same thing. How he had "gone up and down the road looking for Catholics to greet”.
Then it dawned on her: ''It wasn't a reference actually to that day at all, but a reference to the day before.”
"You see,” she says, "he was nakedly sectarian, you know, back in those days.”
On that fateful Sunday, 21-year-old Martin McGuinness was the second-in-command of the Provos in Derry. He attended the march, but always rejected claims that he passed bomb parts to the IRA's youth wing as "fantasy”.
It was 45 years later - March, 2017 - when David Trimble, a key architect of the Good Friday Agreement, sat down and wrote a letter to Martin McGuinness, who was nearing death. The former Unionist leader and First Minister took it upon himself to acknowledge how far the hardline republican had travelled to help secure peace.
Circuitous journey
If McGuinness had been well enough to reply, he might have well noted that David Trimble had taken a journey that was every bit as arduous, circuitous and difficult. But that is how peace is made.
Trimble's letter is instructive for other than its contents, as it never strays into largesse, never chooses warmth when mere civility will do. A small insight in itself into a shy, difficult man who found the light touch a lot harder than the heavy lifting.
He was born in Bangor in 1944 to Presbyterian parents who were originally from, as they naturally called it, Londonderry. Trimble was proud of ancestral links back to the Siege of Derry in 1641 and his maternal grandfather who signed the Covenant of 1912, disavowing Rome Rule for Ireland.
A bright student, if not always the most diligent, he was once disciplined for misbehaviour and accused of being a bully by a classmate in Bangor Grammar.
It was his Granny Ida who first instilled a sharp sense of his political and cultural identity. When the thorny issue of religious discrimination in Derry emerged in the 1960s, the disbelieving young Trimble took it personally - a slight on his family and its deep roots in the city. The young lecturer, who strode provocatively through Queen's campus that January morning in 1972, still owed much of his political instincts to that upbringing.
That would change, but along the way he earned a well-deserved title as a sash-wearing, uncompromising, quarrelsome hardliner.
While an academic at Queen's he was an active member of William Craig's shady and uncompromising Vanguard movement and is remembered as having been gleeful on the day the Sunningdale Executive collapsed in 1974.
Three years later he joined the Unionist Party, became an MP in 1990 and leader of the party in October 1995. Bertie Ahern admits he saw Trimble as an extremist, while historian and friend Ruth Dudley Edwards was taken aback at the negative reaction to his elevation.
Some of this was based on Trimble's very visible intervention earlier that summer at Drumcree, when the Orange Order was refused permission to March down the Garvaghy Road. A photograph of the sash-decorated MP confronting a phalanx of RUC men in riot gear - an image that makes up the inside cover of this book - did much to confirm nationalists' worst fears.
Amid the gloom, the nationalist Derry Journal saw seeds of optimism, editorialising that "if he can add pragmatism to his formidable skills, his election could turn out to be a decisive positive turning point”.
It is hard to pin down the elusive motivations of complex, introspective men who go on to reshape history. Perhaps it's as simple as reading the room and wanting to be on the right side of history and have scholarly tomes like this written about them. Maybe even win a Nobel peace prize, as Trimble did in 1998.
In this case it may simply be the moral evolution of a man who matured and grew with age, and came to disown tribal reductionism. That is how Mary McAleese sees it and credits, as others do, his second wife, Daphne Orr, with being "utterly fundamental” in changing his perceptions and thinking.
Change comes in many ways. Of all the speeches Lord Trimble made, it was one he gave in the House of Lords in 2019, on same sex marriage, that illustrates the length of journey this once uncompromising Presbyterian and unionist had made in his life.
His daughter had come out as gay in 2013 and this speech was for her.
As with his letter to Martin McGuiness, Trimble's words in the Lords never stray from the contained, but don't flinch from the truth either.
Stephen Walker's impeccably sourced and researched book gives a fascinating insight into a man who it might have been difficult to like but churlish not to respect.
SF is richest Irish party by far and biggest property owner
MAEVE SHEEHAN, Sunday Independent, September 14th, 2025
Sinn Féin is the biggest political property owner in Ireland — and also the richest party by far, with accumulated profits of over €7m, new filings have shown.
Two years ago, Sinn Féin owned 19 properties across Ireland, including 16 constituency offices owned by local party organisations. But in its latest financial statements, the organisation says it has reduced the number of constituency offices that are owned by the party (or its subsidiaries) to nine.
Sinn Féin disclosed its property interests under new political transparency rules that came into force from this year.
In a statement to the Sunday Independent yesterday, Sinn Fein said it disclosed subsidiaries and properties in its financial statement in accordance with thresholds and guidelines set by the Standards in Public Office Commission (Sipo). It is also conducting an "internal audit” of all properties and assets that could be categorised as potentially owned by party units.
In their annual financial statements to Sipo, all political parties are now required to declare every property they own or control directly or through their subsidiaries.
The statements, submitted to the ethics watchdog in June but previously unreported, confirm Sinn Féin has the biggest property portfolio of any political party.
Other parties
Fine Gael listed three properties in its return: its Upper Mount Street HQ in Dublin 2, valued at €2.3m; and a €225,000 office in Cavan, and a €100,000 property on Bandon Road, Cork, both owned by local organisations.
Fianna Fáil, which leases its Dublin HQ, declared an office in Cavan and Denis Lacy Hall in Clonmel, Co Tipperary, both owned by the local organisations and assigned a combined valuation of €675,000. (The Clonmel property has since been sold.)
Labour has not filed returns for 2024, but previously said it owns its head office on Aungier Street, Dublin 2, while a local Labour Party group owns a constituency office in Cork city.
The financial statements confirm that Sinn Féin is Ireland's richest party. In 2024, it took in almost €8m, but incurred bills of €9.6m, recording a loss of €1.6m. It carried over accumulated profits of €7m, including €5m cash in the bank. It also received €439,051 in UK funding last year (which cannot be spent in the Republic of Ireland) and raised more than €755,615 in donations and fundraising.
Fianna Fáil took in €6.1m in income last year, but ran a €2.3m deficit, including €1.6m in election costs.
Fine Gael recorded an income of €6.3m, expenditure of just over €9m, and an overall deficit of €2.9m, but with €3.51m in reserves. All three parties received substantial state funding, in excess of €5m each.
Sinn Féin's property portfolio sparked controversy a number of years ago, when the party's former director of finance, Des Mackin, claimed in a newspaper interview that Sinn Féin "had easily 40 to 50” properties across the island.
The Sinn Féin press office later said Mr Mackin's figure of 50 properties was "incorrect” and put the correct figure at 19 properties — three national offices and 16 constituency offices across the island. But that figure has changed again in the party's financial statements to Sipo.
Other assets
The properties that Sinn Féin said were owned by the party in 2023, but which were not disclosed in its latest financial returns include an office in Lurgan, Co Armagh, and buildings on Kilmorey Terrace in Newry, Co Down; on Irish Street, Dungannon, Co Tyrone; on Racecourse Road in Derry; on Upper John Street, Sligo; on Dublin Street, Monaghan; and on College Street, Cavan.
The party also controls a premises at No 45A Flower Hill, Navan, Co Meath. The constituency office at Flower Hill was purchased by the local Sinn Féin organisation in 2012.
Also excluded from the list of Sinn Féin-owned properties given to Sipo is Pádraig Mac Lochlainn's Letterkenny constituency office. The Bobby Sands/Eddie Fullerton House was bought for €180,000 cash by party supporters. Sinn Féin confirmed Donegal Sinn Féin contributed to the purchase, but the party does not own the building.
The declarations of property ownership within and outside the State are a requirement of the Electoral Reform Act 2022 by political parties to declare property ownership and the financial activities of its subsidiaries.
In a statement, Sipo said properties that must be declared include lands or buildings "owned or controlled by the party or subsidiary organisation” that support or benefits the political party, its elected members and officials. Under the guidelines, subsidiary organisations with incomes of €15,000 a year or less, and assets or property worth less than €40,000, don't have to be included in an annual statement.
In a note in its accounts, Sinn Féin said it excluded subsidiary organisations that did not meet Sipo guidelines and that income and assets in the financial statements do not reflect "the entirety of the wider party structure”.
The party disclosed the financial statements for 13 subsidiary entities, including several local constituency organisations that recorded a healthy bank balance. These included Sinn Féin Louth, which had €345,739 in revenue reserves; Sinn Féin Kerry, which had reserves of €174,189; and Sinn Féin Cork, with reserves of €307,462.
In its statement, Sinn Féin noted several of its subsidiary organisations had not filed formal financial statements in the past and it was now consolidating these entities for the first time.
McAleese's despair over Adams shows the value of presidential mystique
SAM MCBRIDE, Sunday Independent and Sunday Life, September 14th, 2025
When Mary McAleese stepped down as president in 2011, Gerry Adams commended her from the stage of the Sinn Féin ard fheis. Had he known what she was saying about him in private, he might have felt very different.
He had, after all, endorsed her as a presidential candidate and there were claims — which she always denied — that the former legal academic had been a Sinn Féin supporter. However, among British files declassified at the National Archives at Kew in London two months ago is a confidential message sent from the British embassy in Dublin to Tony Blair's government.
In the November 2001 memo, the British ambassador to Ireland, Sir Ivor Roberts, told Downing Street what McAleese had said over a "frank” two-hour breakfast.
Roberts said that she had "captured the affection of the Irish people which makes her fairly fireproof here and her warmth and bravery are widely (and rightly) admired”.
But the really intriguing element of the memo was McAleese's reaction to the Sinn Féin president. She said a recent debate on The Late Late Show between Adams and Ruairi Quinn had been "an absolute disaster” for the Labour leader.
She said Quinn "had failed to land a single punch on Adams and had come over in an unsympathetic and uncharismatic way, in marked contrast to the Sinn Féin leader, who had attracted round after round of applause”.
This wasn't some neutral analysis. Roberts went on: "McAleese said that she was in despair at the way that Adams had got off scot-free at Quinn's hands. He had set out a vision of an inclusive, 32-county Ireland which would have enormous resonance among the young, and in particular first-time voters.
Socialist message did not go down well
"Interrogating her children afterwards, she had found that Adams had only struck one false note, which was his reference to a socialist state. This had not gone down well with her children, who could think of no successful socialist states on which Ireland would want to model itself... she had found herself, in frustration, shouting questions at the television which Quinn should have been putting to Adams.”
The image of the president shouting at the TV because the leader of a political party was not getting a sufficiently hard time does not sit easily with the concept of an apolitical role.
It also speaks to unresolved questions over the extent to which the holder of an overwhelmingly ceremonial role can properly involve themselves in political controversy.
McAleese might well say that these comments were made in private to a trusted diplomat and so there was no controversy. Yet simply because something is done in private doesn't make it apolitical and there is no guarantee that it will stay hidden from public view.
There is an inherent tension between the firm bounds put on presidents by Bunreacht na hÉireann and the fact that the role is one for a human being, not a mannequin.
The founders of the Constitution were wisely wary of giving the president much in the way of real power, even going as far as to say that any future powers conferred on the president by law could be exercised only on the advice of the government — which in effect is no power at all.
Yet it is remarkable that the scrutiny applied to presidential candidates is more intense than that experienced by legislators, who wield real power.
Anyone running for the Áras has their honesty, integrity and decency dissected in large part because the officeholder personifies how Ireland sees itself at any particular moment.
But what if the Ireland of today wants a president who speaks out about what they see as wrong in the world? To do so would be entirely in keeping with the spirit of this age, where the dominant view is that to say nothing about some injustice is to somehow be complicit in it.
Technically, there is nothing in law that prevents the president from wading into political controversy, just as there is nothing in law that stops King Charles from denouncing Keir Starmer's policies. It just wouldn't generally be wise, for obvious reasons.
If a president wants to behave like a politician, then they must take what comes with that — greater public accountability, criticism and the degradation of what ought to be a unifying office into one held by just another politician whose views are up for debate.
Democratic mandate
In defending his own political comments, two years ago President Michael D Higgins reminded his critics of his democratic mandate and said voters would have to decide "whether they want a silent person, a puppet or whether they want a president”. In framing it this way, he made his own view perfectly clear.
Yet there is a second vulnerability for an outspoken president: the reinforcement of their powerlessness. A president can prompt public debate, but they can do nothing tangible to change what it is that they dislike.
That risks making them look impotent. A president might criticise government policy, but a taoiseach can shrug his or her shoulders and carry on regardless.
Higgins has repeatedly expressed views that are explicitly political, highly controversial and contrary to government policy. He has warned Ireland is "playing with fire” by allegedly drifting closer to Nato, lamented after Russia's invasion of Ukraine "a militaristic discourse” that "draws on fear” rather than "diplomacy”, and refused to attend a sensitive ecumenical service to mark the centenary of partition, despite the Government's clear wish for him to be there.
Much of the magic of the presidential office lies in mystique as to who someone really is and what they really think. Once that is removed, they become just another human being with strong views — and in our online age we are inundated with those.
The great value of any powerless head of State is as a cipher for the nation. McAleese demonstrated this most powerfully in building a relationship with Queen Elizabeth, culminating in the British monarch's historic State visit in 2011.
These two women — who had almost no real executive power at their disposal — were able to lead a symbolic rapprochement between their people.
Had we known everything they thought of the politicians they were meeting, this could scarcely have succeeded as it did.
Heather Humphreys on attending Orange parades and her grandfather signing Ulster Covenant
By Jonathan McCambridge, PA, Belfast News Letter, September 14th, 2025
Heather Humphreys launched her Presoidential campaign at the Monaghan Peace Campus on Saturday.
She said she attended Orange Order parades as a child but stopped going when the Troubles broke out.
The Fine Gael candidate, who is a Presbyterian, said she would now vote for Irish unity and that she was an example to unionists in Northern Ireland of Irish "tolerance and inclusivity".
Ms Humphreys launched her campaign in her home county of Monaghan on Saturday, close to the border with Northern Ireland .
In a speech to party members, she talked about how her grandfather had signed the Ulster Covenant in 1912 - an oath of resistance signed by hundreds of thousands of unionists against home rule on the island of Ireland .
Speaking to the media, she referenced her Protestant heritage as she said she wanted to "reach out" to communities in Northern Ireland .
She said: "When we were children, I attended (Orange Order) parades with my parents.
"It was a family day out, it was a cultural day.
"When the Troubles started, people were concerned and I didn't go then after that."
She added: "Things have moved on a lot. I have been in St Patrick's Day parades in Cootehill, in Cavan Town, when Orange bands from Northern Ireland took part in those parades.
"I think that is a sign of where we are now.
"I want to continue to build on the work of (former Irish president) Mary McAleese , she did wonderful work in reaching out to communities in Northern Ireland .
"I feel I am well placed to do that, to extend the hand of friendship and to break down those barriers and to have that conversation."
Ms Humphreys said the Good Friday Agreement was the basis for any discussion about Irish unity.
She said: "I certainly want to see a united Ireland , I definitely do, I have committed to that, but only through working with people and bringing them together.
"I think when people from the unionist background look at me, for example, I can honestly say to them this country has given me everything I have, it has made me what I am.
"I am an example of a tolerant, inclusive Ireland that can accommodate different traditions and different viewpoints."
She added: "Of course I'll vote for a united Ireland ."
Building on 1998
Asked if she would use the office of president to advocate for Irish unity, she said: "What I want to do is convince people that this is a safe place, this is a good country, this is a safe place when it comes to your culture, when it comes to your identity.
"You will be respected.
"I will work towards that but only on the basis that we bring people together and try to break down those divisions that still exist.
"I've been up in the north many, many times and when you scratch back the surface, there are deep divisions there and we have to work really, really hard on that so that one day we will have a united people and a united Ireland ."
Ms Humphreys would not put a timeline on when she believed a unity referendum would take place.
She said: "We don't want to end up in a situation like we had with a referendum in the UK on Brexit and 51% said no and 49% said yes.
"That is not going to solve problems.
"It is about moving it along, building the trust.
"The presidency is a seven-year term and I'm committed to spending my time trying to do that."
CRIME BOSS USED LINKS WITH S ARMAGH REPUBLICANS TO FLOOD STREETS WITH COCAINE
SUNDAY LIFE, September 14th, 2025
INVESTIGATIONS
Border bandit Brendan O'Callaghan can finally be unmasked as one of Northern Ireland's biggest drug barons.
Known as the 'B-Man' in criminal circles, and from a Crossmaglen family steeped in republicanism, the 37-year-old ran multi-million-pound smuggling rackets throughout Armagh, Louth and Monaghan.
At Belfast Crown Court last week, O'Callaghan, who was a key target for the PSNI's Organised Crime Branch, pleaded guilty to 16 charges including supplying cocaine, cannabis and prescription drugs, and multiple counts of money laundering.
His convictions are linked to the Encrochat phone network, which was hacked by French police in 2020.
They shared information with other law enforcement agencies including the PSNI, which monitored O'Callaghan and dozens of other criminals for months before arresting them in the summer of 2020 as part of the high-profile Operation Venetic.
More than five years on, the gang boss has finally admitted to what most of south Armagh knows: he is one of the biggest drug dealers along the border.
O'Callaghan worked closely with another major, Newry-based criminal to flood Armagh, Louth and Monaghan with cocaine.
Sources said that because of his links to prominent republicans, including former senior IRA members, a blind eye was turned to his activities.
“There is a suspicion that O'Callaghan was paying people off, people who would have been previously involved with the IRA in south Armagh,” a republican told Sunday Life.
“Put it this way, you couldn't operate and deal drugs to the level he was in south Armagh without someone looking out for you.”
Some ex-Provos are known to have voiced concerns about O'Callaghan, not because he was a major drug dealer but due to him bringing PSNI attention to their illegal diesel and cigarette smuggling routes.
Robbery
“He was warned that he would be shut down if the cops started coming into the area as that could cause problems for the ones moving cigarettes and diesel,” added our source.
As well as being heavily involved in supplying drugs, O'Callaghan had close links to ATM robbery gangs in south Armagh.
A relative, Daniel O'Callaghan, is serving a 10-year prison term for using stolen diggers to rip cash machines from the walls of shops in counties Cavan, Meath and Monaghan.
The 33-year-old previously won an All-Ireland GAA football medal with the club side Crossmaglen Rangers. Sources said Brendan 'B-Man' O'Callaghan was also close to the crime gang which murdered Garda Adrian Donohoe during a post office robbery near Dundalk in 2013. However, it must be stressed he played no role in the attack.
Crossmaglen man Aaron Brady (33) is serving life with a 40-year minimum term for the killing.
“Brendan O'Callaghan would have had close links with all these individuals, but it was drugs that he was into, not robberies,” said our source.
“He would always say that if you got caught with £1m of drugs, you'd do five years in jail, but if you robbed just £10,000, you'd do eight to 10 years.”
O'Callaghan's prediction is set to be tested when he returns to Belfast Crown Court for sentencing on October 20.
He was freed on continuing bail at court last week, pending the completion of pre-sentence reports, to allow him to get his affairs in order with his partner and newborn child.
O'Callaghan was first arrested on the drugs charges in April 2020 when the PSNI raided his former home on the Monog Road in Crossmaglen. A search of the surrounding area led to an Encrochat phone being discovered hidden behind a boundary wall.
The crime boss denied any knowledge of the device, but on forensic examination, the PSNI was able to link it directly to him.
When O'Callaghan appeared in court three months later, a prosecutor revealed police had obtained a “huge number of messages” between the defendant and his associates.
These related to the commercial-scale supply of cocaine, cannabis and prescription drugs and “evidence of major money laundering,” said the prosecutor,
“It is believed that he (O'Callaghan) is heavily involved in the transport of drugs and has been for a period of time.”
The prosecutor also said there were references on the phone to the 'B-Man', which is O'Callaghan's nickname, and 'BrendanCross' which is a combination of his first name and home village.
A lawyer for O'Callaghan denied his client was involved in criminality, saying: “Mr O'Callaghan says he has no knowledge of this phone and that it is not his phone. There was one reference to 'B-Man', but this is tenuous at best.”
Subsequent police searches of O'Callaghan's home in July 2020 led to the seizure of another two mobile phones, £2,000 in cash and a quantity of cocaine hidden in an oven.
After denying the drug dealing and money laundering charges for more than five years, the south Armagh gangster finally pleaded guilty last week.
His confessions represent a major success for the PSNI, which considered O'Callaghan to be one of the biggest players in a sophisticated crime group based out of south Armagh.
Many of those involved in this gang have strong links to former leading IRA figures and use the illegal cigarette and diesel smuggling routes established by republicans to import drugs.
Compromised
O'Callaghan's crime group suffered badly as a result of Operation Venetic — the Europe-wide investigation into the Encrochat phone network favoured by criminals which led to more than 40 arrests in Northern Ireland.
Encrochat was used by criminals to conduct drugs and arms deals and plan murders.
It was secretly accessed by French authorities in March 2020, but it was another three months before Encrochat owners realised the servers had been compromised and warned users to dump the handsets.
But by that stage it was too late as detectives had spent weeks monitoring drug deals, identifying users and securing evidence.
Tears at Belfast rally for Charlie Kirk as grieving widow vows: 'I will never let your legacy die'
ADRIAN RUTHERFORD, Sunday Life, September 14th, 2025
CROWD IN TEARS AT CITY HALL VIGIL FOR AMERICAN ACTIVIST
Hundreds of people have attended a Belfast vigil for conservative activist Charlie Kirk.
The 31-year-old, a Donald Trump ally and co-founder of the right-wing youth organisation Turning Point USA, was shot dead at a Utah Valley University show on Wednesday.
After the shooting, the US president called Mr Kirk a “martyr for truth and freedom” and blamed the rhetoric of the “radical left” for the killing.
Suspected killer Tyler Robinson remains in custody following a 33-hour manhunt that ended when his father convinced him to surrender.
On Friday night, Kirk's wife Erika delivered her first public remarks since the shooting, from the office where her late husband hosted his podcast.
Addressing her partner's killer, she said: “You have no idea the fire that you have ignited within this wife.
“The cries of this widow will echo around the world like a battle cry.”
She also thanked Mr Trump, saying through tears that her husband loved the president, and vowed to keep her husband's work alive, continuing his campus tour, radio show and podcast.
Here, a rally took place at Belfast City Hall at 11am in memory of Mr Kirk.
Among the speakers was TUV councillor Ron McDowell.
Some of those in the crowd appeared visibly upset, while others held posters saying 'RIP Charlie Kirk'.
DUP MLA Brian Kingston was among those present.
Organisers described it as a “gathering for free speech”.
Earlier, DUP leader Gavin Robinson said Mr Kirk was “hated by those who could not bear to see their ideology challenged”.
He said Mr Kirk's “convictions were rooted in his faith” and “spoke more broadly to anyone who values truth, fairness and the foundations of a stable society”.
ALONE
US authorities said the man accused of Mr Kirk's assassination had previously told relatives of his opposition to Mr Kirk's viewpoints.
Tyler Robinson (22) had become “more political” in the run-up to the shooting and had indicated to a family friend afterwards that he was responsible, Utah governor Spencer Cox said.
Mr Cox also referred to engravings on bullets found in a rifle believed to have been used in the attack, as well as messages attributed to the shooting suspect which a roommate shared with law enforcement.
The Republican governor called Mr Kirk's killing an “attack on the American experiment”, and he urged a new generation to “choose a different path”.
Tyler Robinson was arrested on suspicion of aggravated murder, felony discharge of a firearm causing serious bodily harm and obstruction of justice charges, according to a court affidavit.
A judge ordered that he be held without bail. Formal charges are expected early next week.
Robinson is believed to have acted alone and the investigation is ongoing, Mr Cox said.
Authorities have yet to reveal a motive, but they did describe evidence they said shed potential light on the killing.
That includes engravings on bullet casings recovered from the high-powered rifle believed to have been used in the attack, including one that said “Hey, fascist. Catch”, Mr Cox said.
Mr Kirk was killed by a single shot in what police said was a targeted attack.
Mr Trump, who was joined by Democrats in condemning the violence, said he would award Mr Kirk the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the highest civilian honour in the US.
Left-wing fanatics don't want debate — they want your silence
EILIS O'HANLON, Sunday Independent, September 14th, 2025
Both left and the right may be guilty of promoting extremist rhetoric online, but last week it was the plaster saints of the left who disgraced themselves by openly gloating over a young man's murder
There is an unbearable symbolic poignancy to the way Charlie Kirk died. For a man whose life was devoted to speaking, then actually listening while others spoke back to him, losing one's life after being shot in the throat — the place where speech originates — is the ultimate silencing.
As poet WH Auden put it: "All I have is a voice.” Now Kirk has none.
That the 31-year-old conservative commentator and campaigner sometimes used his voice to say things that made his opponents uncomfortable should not be denied.
Many of his positions have been grossly distorted by them since he died on Wednesday, but it does not take long to find opinions expressed by him which make one wince.
In turn, many awful and unforgivable things have been said in response to his murder, by people who ought to know better — who do know better, but in the moment chose not to care.
The sensible, centrist response at such a time would be to "both sides” what happened last week. To declare that right and left alike have factions that go too far and to urge both to rein it in for the good of society.
There is some truth to that.
In 2018, social psychologist Jonathan Haidt and lawyer Greg Lukianoff wrote a book called The Coddling of the American Mind. Its central argument was that wrapping university students in cotton wool by reassuring them that they should never have to hear or read ideas that might make them uncomfortable was not only weakening their mental resilience, it was wreaking untold harm to the world — politically and socially
Among the most damaging concepts the authors identified were that feelings are an accurate guide to reality, and that "life is a battle between good people and bad people” — both of which find their most extreme expression in identity politics based on race, sex and gender identity. Such a belief system invariably ends up justifying violence as a response. If you feel that your very selfhood is under threat from people who disagree with you, killing them becomes an act of legitimate self-defence.
It may be madness, but it is logically consistent. A young suspect named by police as Tyler Robinson is in custody after a two-day manhunt. While the motive for the murder remains clouded in speculation, further details should emerge in due course to indicate whether that twisted reasoning played any part in this tragedy.
What's equally relevant here is that Haidt and Lukianoff later wrote a new afterword to their book, in which they argued that reaction from the right to this phenomenon was itself becoming a problem, as both sides found themselves "locked into a game of mutual provocation and reciprocal outrage”.
"Polarisation Spiral”
They called it the "polarisation spiral” — and the days following Kirk's assassination provided a perfect example of this spectacle in action, as those angered and grief-stricken at his death hunted down anyone on the other side who was celebrating, mocking, excusing or simply shrugging off such a brutal murder — loudly decrying anyone who shared the political beliefs of the left as being morally complicit in his death.
How much either of those sides is representative of society as a whole is difficult to quantify. The authors cited research that calculates 6pc of the US population is made up of "devoted conservatives” and 8pc of "progressive activists”.
Despite comprising just 14pc of people, these rival camps — who are, it is also worth noting, overwhelmingly white, as well as being the two wealthiest groups of all those surveyed — "wield enormous influence on American political discourse as they passionately express their hatred for each other”.
Both sides "feed off each other” in a way that is only made possible by the unprecedented speed and reach of social media, which has also spread the poison to this side of the Atlantic.
In turn, the nature of the technology itself is "making extremists on both right and left more extreme, more powerful and more intimidating”.
What needs to be understood, they conclude, is that "neither side can win by attacking or humiliating the other side” in this way, because "such tactics only serve to energise” their opponents to respond with the same nihilistic, scorched-earth ferocity.
One might say that it's not so much a polarisation spiral as a death spiral. Literally and terrifyingly so at Utah Valley University last week.
However, while blaming both sides for the toxic divisiveness of current political discourse would be the safe thing to do, it would completely misrepresent what actually happened last week, which is that the left utterly, shamefully disgraced itself — again.
Those on the right certainly have a problem when it comes to tolerating distasteful and offensive speech; but they would largely acknowledge that there are indeed such problematic characters on the fringes of their movement. To characterise the soft-spoken, measured and affable Charlie Kirk as one of them is absurd, but they do exist.
His Turning Point USA organisation regrettably platformed some of them, and it may even be that they now come to prominence as more moderate voices are silenced with brutal finality.
The plaster saints of the left do not accept that they engage in these spirals of provocation at all. They consider themselves to be above all base and impure instincts, even when crowing or "on the one hand, on the other hand”-ing the cruel murder of a young father of two.
This entire column could be filled with examples of paragons of the left, in Ireland as elsewhere, who either stayed silent last week after a man was shot dead for having the "wrong” opinions, or who dived headfirst into the ideological sewer — all the while regarding themselves as kind, intelligent, educated, tolerant, inclusive and liberal-minded.
These people have declared open war on complexity and nuance.
Most of the principles by which Kirk lived — such as that there are only two sexes and it is not possible to change from one to the other, no matter how much one might long to do so; or that "certain cultures are better than others” — would have been considered unremarkable and middle-of-the-road until fairly recently.
Too many among the activist class on the far left cannot agree to disagree. Disagreement feels like an assault on their very identity. That's why the worst among them need you to shut up. And if you won't shut up — and someone somewhere decides to use violence to do it for you — then that is regarded as understandable by many performatively nice people.
A place of greayer safety?
You have no right to safety if you are making others feel unsafe, is how this heartlessness is rationalised — even if you are merely using words and some scarily unhinged people who take offence at those words have guns.
What makes this way of thinking dangerous is that it has captured large parts of academia, the arts, media and even governments. Its influence has become disproportionate enough to destabilise the balance of political discourse.
Having themselves been the target of so-called cancel culture, those on the right should be wise enough not to play the same game by, for example, turning the tools of their enemies against them and seeking to get people fired or publicly shamed for saying horrible things online. Their words may be stupid, hurtful and malicious, but they are merely words.
True believers in freedom of thought should resist this culture of outrage, not intensify it — because giving in to it can only end in mutually assured destruction.
There will, though, be other weeks to castigate the moderate or far right for their own contribution to the ugly coarsening of the public space. They too have often fallen horrendously short of what is required.
Last week, it was the far left that, given the opportunity to rise above political sectarianism and emphasise the common bonds of humanity, failed to find the largesse of spirit to do so.
When a young father's blood has been spilled for the crime of being too articulate in the expression of a conservative worldview — and on a university campus, of all places, where challenging ideas ought to be cherished — it behoves everyone who could not find it in themselves to be as shocked as any decent human ought to be by it to take a long look in the mirror.
Every side needs to either tame or disown its monsters.
UDA leader cuts deal by confessing to cocaine haul charge
INVESTIGATIONS, Sunday Life, September 14th, 2025
CRIME GANG IN WEAKENED STATE AFTER RAIDS AND ARRESTS LOYALIST TERROR BOSS HOPES TO AVOID PRISON
A UDA boss cut a deal with prosecutors to have drug dealing charges dropped in return for pleading guilty to conspiracy to possess 1.2kg of cocaine.
According to loyalist sources, Clifford 'Trigger' Irons, who runs the terror gang in Carrickfergus, hopes the move will see him avoid a prison sentence.
The 48-year-old had been charged with conspiracy to supply cocaine along with four others following a National Crime Agency (NCA) undercover operation in November 2020.
But after almost five years of legal wrangling, the gang appeared in Belfast Crown Court last Thursday to plead guilty to the lesser charge of conspiracy to possess the drug.
Irons and co-accused Glen Burns (42), David Weir (43), Dean Cromie (28), Darren Kelly (56) and Daniel Vance (37) will be back in court tomorrow to fix a date for their sentencing hearing.
They were arrested after the NCA bugged a car and recorded conversations involving some of the defendants talking about the possession of 1.2kg of cocaine valued at around £35,000.
The drugs package was hidden in a hedge in Greenisland, Co Antrim, close to Irons' home.
Because of police activity in the area, the gang was reluctant to retrieve the cocaine and sent a series of messages among themselves about how best to pick it up.
When Irons, Burns, Weir and Vance first appeared in court, Irons was described by prosecutors as “being the commander of the South East Antrim UDA”.
His three co-accused are also suspected of being senior or important figures within the terror group, the court was told. This was disputed by their lawyers.
Almost five years after their arrests, the case is finally coming to a conclusion following the defendants' guilty pleas last Thursday.
Loyalist sources say Irons informed the South East Antrim UDA leadership of his intention to confess to conspiring to possess the cocaine haul at a meeting earlier this month.
He is the most senior figure in the paramilitary gang, which is currently involved in transitioning talks with government officials, to plead guilty to a drugs charge.
Struggle
The fact that the case against Irons was reduced from conspiring to supply cocaine to conspiring to possess cocaine has also led to questions being asked of him by senior UDA figures.
Several years ago, the terror boss appeared in court accused of possessing a gun and ammunition with intent to endanger life in connection with a loyalist feud in Carrickfergus.
However, the case against Irons was later withdrawn.
A senior UDA insider told Sunday Life: “Trigger has led a charmed life, with serious charges either being dropped or reduced.
“It was talked about at the last leadership meeting.
“It'll be interesting to see if he gets jail over this, which is something Trigger would struggle with as he found it hard the last time he was inside on remand.”
The Carrickfergus UDA, which Irons leads, was one of the most active paramilitary gangs in Northern Ireland until three of its members murdered terminally ill man Glenn Quinn in the town in 2020.
The horrific killing, which Irons had no knowledge of, led to a PSNI and NCA crackdown on the crime gang.
Within a year, Irons and several of his closest associates were facing drugs charges and more than a dozen UDA-linked dealers were arrested by the Paramilitary Crime Task Force and later convicted.
Irons was also targeted financially. His former home in the Castlemara estate was seized by the High Court after the NCA said it was bought with the proceeds of money laundering, and his wife Tanya was convicted of a £32,000 benefit fraud.
It was after this that Irons moved to Greenisland to be closer to the SEA UDA's overall leader, and his mentor, Gary Fisher, who suffered an almost fatal cardiac arrest in the summer of 2023.
With Fisher forced to step down due to ill-health, Irons was sidelined by the new UDA leadership, which effectively wiped its hands of the Carrickfergus unit.
A UDA source said: “The UDA used to be really active in Carrick, but since the Glenn Quinn murder, it has fallen apart.
“It still taxes drug dealers, but that's about all it does these days. It's not making half as much money as it used to.”
Despite being in a weakened state, the Carrickfergus UDA remains a key target for the Paramilitary Crime Task Force.
Earlier this year, more than 40 officers from the elite PSNI unit and its Tactical Support Group took part in house raids targeting the supply of cocaine and cannabis.
This was after high-profile Carrickfergus loyalists David 'DD' McMaw (36) and Robert Glen Murray (49), who also uses the surname Coulter, were arrested in an “intelligence-led operation”.
The pair deny charges of possessing £45,000 of ecstasy and cannabis with intent to supply after being stopped in a car on the M2 motorway.
Giving evidence against them, a detective said the drugs belonged to “an organised crime gang”. This is understood to be a reference to the SEA UDA.
According to UDA sources, the group's biggest drug dealers in the Carrickfergus area are Philip 'Cookie' McGookin and Billy '24/7' Crozier, who have both served prison sentences for possessing cocaine with intent to supply.
Neither are members of the terror gang but are accused of selling its drugs and have been the focus of several anti-UDA investigations by the Paramilitary Crime Task Force.
New IRA suspect 'linked to farmer attack'
PAUL HIGGINS, Sunday Life, September 14th, 2025
FARMER LEFT ON LIFE SUPPORT AFTER SEVERE BEATING
An alleged New IRA terrorist is the subject of a cross-border investigation into a serious assault in Lifford, a court has heard.
Belfast Crown Court was told that as officers from the PSNI and Garda conduct their joint investigation into the attack in the town last January, Michael Conwell, who is accused of leading a pub crawl of intimidation to issue warnings about drugs in Dungiven, is suspected of involvement.
Objecting to the 31-year-old's bail being varied to allow him to attend Ballinasloe horse fair in Galway next month, a prosecuting counsel also claimed the suspect “has not been completely compliant with bail conditions”.
Contending that Conwell was at risk of breaching bail and committing further offences, she told the court “he is under investigation for serious assault in Lifford last January”.
“The PSNI and officers from the Garda are working together in that investigation,” the barrister added.
Charles Dooher, a 26-year-old farmer from Lifford, was at home when a masked gang beat him with iron bars and other weapons on January 20.
Mr Dooher suffered severe head injuries in the attack and was on life support in the Royal Victoria Hospital in Belfast for several weeks afterwards.
Family solicitor Ciaran Shiels, from Madden & Finucane, has confirmed the victim has since been discharged as an inpatient, is back home recovering and is trying to assist the police with their inquiries.
Objecting to Conwell's bail conditions being varied for the three days of the horse show, the Public Prosecution Service (PPS) barrister told Judge Patrick Lynch KC there were also concerns the defendant “has access to firearms” and that he'll being staying in a camper van, rather than a fixed address.
“He will be in a camper van, travelling who knows where and the police have no knowledge of where, other than it's going to be the Ballinasloe area,” she told the court.
Conwell, with an address at Castleton Square in Fintona, is one of three men accused of IRA membership and having an imitation handgun with intent to cause fear. The others are Dermot Burke (60), from Hass Road in Dungiven, and Oisin Conwell (18). from Gortscreagan Road in Claudy.
They are jointly charged with two counts of membership of a proscribed organisation, possessing an imitation firearm with intent to cause fear of violence and possessing weapons in a public place, namely two metal poles.
Previous courts have heard how three masked men entered three bars and a GAA club in Dungiven on January 19 last year.
According to the police case, Michael Conwell “leads the charge” with the imitation firearm in his left hand as the trio visited four pubs and St Canice's GAA club.
The gang declared to patrons during their 30-second visits: “We are New IRA. We are here to clean up the bars. If you don't clean up the bars we are going to do it — the bars are full of drugs.”
There is no suggestion that those involved in running the bars and club had any involvement with drugs.
In court on Friday, defence counsel Sean Devine contended that with a surety in place, it was safe to allow Conwell to attend the horse show. Despite PPS and PSNI objections, Judge Lynch granted the application to vary the bail from October 9 to 12.
