SF minister on dealing with potholes, the DUP, Bryson, and her autumn wedding

SUZANNE BREEN POLITICAL EDITOR, Belfast Telegraph, May 25th, 2026

INFRASTRUCTURE MINISTER LIZ KIMMINS TALKS ABOUT HER BUSY SCHEDULE AND WHY SHE IS DETERMINED THE A5 ROAD IS BUILT

Liz Kimmins is accustomed to fed-up drivers voicing their anger at the state of Northern Ireland's roads, but sometimes the pressure comes from much closer to home.

“On these lovely evenings I've been out walking with my eldest son,” Sinn Fein's Infrastructure Minister explains. “Dáithí is very tuned in.

“He points to the potholes on the road, and says, 'Mummy, can you not get somebody in your work to fix them?' So that's my seven-year-old son telling me — now he's trolling me,” she jokes.

On her walks in her Newry and Armagh constituency, Kimmins takes photos of the craters in the road and sends them to officials. She is well across public fury on the issue.

“People do voice their anger. I'm the face of the department. I knew what I was getting myself into when I came into this role. Everywhere you go it (potholes) is the topic of conversation.”

She has other big issues to grapple with as well. The appeal on the new A5 road — which her party desperately needs to deliver — is ongoing.

A High Court challenge by loyalist Jamie Bryson to her plans to install bilingual signs at Belfast's Grand Central Station will be heard next week. DUP Communities Minister Gordon Lyons has joined the case.

Sinn Fein needs a symbolic win to counter the impression that the biggest unionist party is markedly out-performing it at Stormont.

Bryson will argue that installing the signs is a significant, controversial and cross-cutting decision for the entire Executive, and not just Kimmins.

“It's a live case, so I'm limited in what I can say,” she states.

Nothing to fear

But she stands by her original decision and is “confident” in her case. “Nobody has anything to fear from the Irish language,” she adds.

Kimmins says Lyons' intervention is “very disappointing, but it is what it is”. The DUP's “blocking” on some issues is “frustrating”, and her party has a “challenging” relationship with its Executive partner.

Yet the Sinn Fein minister's words remain constructive and conciliatory. “We're keen to work with everybody to make progress and move things on for people,” she says.

“We all want the same things for our children, our families, our communities: good public services, a thriving economy, and good infrastructure.”

Hanging on the wall above the Sinn Fein minister in the party's Stormont office is a painting of Constance Markievicz. The 1916 leader, who was the first woman elected to the House of Commons, is one of her heroines.

Kimmins (38) was born in the republican Barcroft Estate in Newry. Her father Dessie was a labourer, and her mother Gemma a hairdresser.

“It's a council estate. I'm very proud to come from there. It shaped me as a person,” she says. “There was a real lack of facilities. We were a low-income family. I had a great upbringing, and there was a wonderful sense of community, but it made me feel we deserve more. I became involved with the local community association as a teenager.”

She was the eldest of three children. “I'm the boss in the house and always have been: the one they're afraid to tell things to,” she jokes.

“My parents instilled the importance of a good work ethic in me. Nobody hands things to you: you go out and you work for it. That spurred me on at school. I wanted to do well.”

At 18, she left Newry for John Moores University in Liverpool where she had “perhaps too good a time”. She explains: “Liverpool's a home from home — I still go back. Like many Irish people, I'd a lot of family who had gone over.

“My grandad had worked as a labourer and on the roads there. I felt a connection to the city. When I was away — and it makes you think about the situation here — nobody ever asked me what school I went to or what my religion was. And that's something I really embrace.”

Yet being a “home bird”, Kimmins returned to Northern Ireland. She worked in St Joseph's Nursing Home in Warrenpoint as a care assistant for a few years.

“I absolutely loved it,” she recalls. “I'm still close to some of the girls I worked with and the families of some of the people I looked after. I knew straight away that I wanted to go into social work, and I went to Queen's University to pursue that.”

After graduating from Queen's, she worked in community development. By now, she was also active in politics. She'd joined Sinn Fein after coming home from Liverpool. She came from a republican background.

Republican background

“My mum and dad never said to me, 'You have to be Sinn Fein,” she explains.

“They were quite private about their views, but I naturally picked up on their experiences. My family and others had negative experiences with the British Army and RUC. I was curious about what had happened. I looked into it myself, and read.”

The party asked her to run for council 12 years ago. She has been an MLA since 2020, and was appointed Infrastructure Minister last year.

Kimmins has sons Dáithí and Sé (3) with her partner of 10 years Stephen, who works in sales. On the day of our interview she arrived at Stormont at 10am and would be there until 8.30pm due to a late-night sitting.

“It's hectic. No two days are the same,” she says. “There are no set hours, but normal family life still has to go on. You try to juggle. I'm lucky to have a very supportive partner.

“Every day it's like 'What do you have tomorrow? What time do you need to be away at? Who's taking Dáithí to school? Who's leaving Sé at the childminder's?' Those questions are asked every day. You can't even plan the week.

“In the morning before I come up the road to Stormont, I'm thinking 'Can I get a wash on before I go? Maybe Stephen can put it out on the line?' All those things have to happen. You have to keep the house ticking over. Then you come in here and you're dealing with big issues.”

Kimmins is the only Executive member with young children. “I try to put my family first, but there's things you do miss,” she says.

“Simple things mean more to kids — you miss football practice and school plays. When you're a minister, everybody wants a bit of you. Everybody wants your time. Trying to explain to kids is not the easiest.

“Then there are times when one's sick and can't go into school or to the childminder. I have to take them up here with me. I've had colleagues wheel the youngest around Parliament Buildings in the pram.

“At weekends, I try to get out in the constituency. It's very important to me to go to events and to speak to people. The kids come with me. It's par for the course (but) it's tough and it's challenging. There is no point saying it's not.”

Her time away from work is precious. “I value being at home and doing simple things like taking the kids to the park because I don't get to do it as often as I'd like to. They've very different personalities. They keep me on my toes. They're great fun,” she says.

“When I first went into politics, I was single. I had no children — no big commitments. The two of them were reared in my (Newry and Armagh) office. When I had Sé, there was no maternity leave for MLAs.

“There were days I was working with him under my arm. He's a few weeks old, crying his head off and I'm answering the phone. People don't really see that side of it. You just have to get on with it.”

When Sinn Fein approached Kimmins about becoming Infrastructure minister last year, she consulted her partner.

“It's such a demanding role. My immediate thought was 'How will we do this? How will we balance it?' It's such a huge responsibility.

“It was Stephen who spurred me on. I've not looked back since — even on the tough days. It was a brilliant opportunity.”

The couple are getting married in the autumn.

“We did things back to front,” she says. “We had our babies first. The wedding is in November. I've just about picked a dress. It went to the wire.

“The kids are looking forward to it. The wedding will be more about them than us. Sé is Avengers and superheroes mad so he says he's going as Thor. It will be a challenge getting him into a suit!”

With the Assembly sitting in November and an election six months away, there will be no time for a honeymoon.

“It's a busy year,” Kimmins explains. “We'll find somewhere nice to go as a family on the other side of the election.

“I'm having a hen weekend in Malaga. There's 12 of us going, but it's not like when you're in your 20s and it's a mad one. This will be more of a catch up with the girls.”

In a recent poll, four in 10 voters said their cars had been damaged by potholes. “It's been a problem for years,” Kimmins says. “People see it every day. It's so visible. It's frustrating for all of us. We're all road users.

“There's been significant under-investment by successive British governments. Deteriorating weather conditions have also had an impact. My job is to work to ensure that this time next year, we're ahead of this.

“I've outlined a new road maintenance strategy. We've a big recruitment drive on because even if money wasn't an issue, we need the people to do the work to make things better. I'm optimistic about the future.”

Not an inch of tarmac

Over £150m has been spent so far on the A5, yet not an inch of tarmac has been laid. “The longer the delay, the more it will cost,” Kimmins says. “People who have lost loved ones just want to see the road built. We have to get it built.

“It's almost 20 years since the A5 was first approved. We've seen delay after delay with various legal challenges. We're in the thick of an appeal. Hearings are scheduled for the end of June. I'm determined we win. We can't see any more lives lost.”

She's co-operating closely with Alliance Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs minister Andrew Muir. “We're working night and day on it,” she adds.

Kimmins increased funding for community transport by over £1m last year. She says it's a lifeline for mainly older people in rural areas, reducing social isolation.

Infrastructure is a huge, sprawling department. The challenges mean it can be regarded as a graveyard for politicians. The Sinn Fein minister admits she didn't expect the level of abuse she's received but is not sorry she took up the role.

“I work hard,” she says. “We're not able to deliver everything we want to deliver — that's down to a lack of money. My approach is to do the most with what I have, and to do things differently if I can. I hope people start to see the impact. I understand why they're frustrated but I hope they see I'm trying my best for them.”

Emergency road repair costs double as MOT suspension failures rise

CONOR SHEILS, Irish News, May 25th, 2026

THE bill for emergency road repairs in Northern Ireland has almost doubled in under a decade, as data shows nearly four-in-10 vehicles are now failing their MOT due to suspension damage.

Spending on reactive road maintenance from the Department for Infrastructure’s (DfI) resource budget, such as patching small scale potholes, has risen from £14.2 million in 2016-17 to £28.4 million in 2024-25, according to figures released by the department in response to an Assembly question from SDLP MLA Justin McNulty.

The increase has been particularly sharp in recent years, jumping to £22.8 million in 2023-24, from £16.2 the previous year, and rising again to £28.4 million last year.

Meanwhile, 78,169 vehicles failed their MOT with a suspension defect in 2025-26, accounting for 39.3% of all MOT failures – the highest level in five years.

The proportion rose from 36.5% in 2022-23, before rising consistently every year since, reaching 37.8% in 2023-24, 38.4% in 2024-25 and 39.3% last year.

In terms of numbers, suspension failures rose from 37,253 in 2021-22 to 78,169 in 2025-26, although total MOT failures also rose over the same period.

Despite the doubling in emergency repairs spend, the amount spent on large-scale planned works from the capital budget, such as full road resurfacing, has not followed suit.

The latest figures from the DfI show that it stood at £74 million in 2016-17 compared with £107.4 million in 2024-25, sparking questions over whether the network is being properly maintained or simply patched in the short term.

SDLP Opposition infrastructure spokesperson Justin McNulty MLA said: “Anyone who drives on our roads will not be surprised by the huge increase in spending on pothole repairs and resurfacing works in recent years.

Riddled with potholes

“Roads across the north are riddled with potholes and, too often, repairs are temporary fixes that begin to break apart again within weeks or months. That creates dangers for road users, damages vehicles and leaves the public footing the bill through repairs and compensation costs.

“We have also seen a significant increase in vehicles failing MOT tests due to suspension defects, which clearly reflects the deteriorating condition of many of our roads. Drivers are paying the price for years of underinvestment and a failure to properly maintain our infrastructure.

“Instead of constantly patching over problems, the Executive needs to commit to sustained investment in rebuilding and resurfacing roads properly.

“Communities are fed up with deteriorating roads, repeated repairs and the disruption and cost that comes with them.”

A DfI spokesperson said: “Structural maintenance funding covers both routine defect repairs as resource work and capital patching, so it draws on both types of funding.

“In addition, small-scale resurfacing funded through capital budgets is also used to address clusters of road defect such as potholes.

“While road conditions may have contributed to an increase in suspension defects identified at MOT, a range of other factors may also be relevant, including an ageing vehicle fleet, reduced levels of maintenance, changes in customer behaviour (such as not preparing vehicles for MOT), and the use of aftermarket suspension components. However, we do not hold evidence to support a breakdown of these factors.”

Leaders of Republic's left criticise SF's 'mixed messages'

GRÁINNE NÍ AODHA, Belfast Telegraph, May 25th, 2026

Sinn Fein “need to iron out what their position is” on several issues, the leader of the Social Democrats in the Republic has said.

Holly Cairns was speaking after the election of her party's Daniel Ennis in Dublin Central — the home of Sinn Fein leader Mary Lou McDonald, whose candidate came second.

Independent Ireland's leader Michael Collins echoed Ms Carins' comments and said there were “significant differences” between the left-wing parties.

“If you're from the outside and listening to people, they just feel that there's a mixed message at the moment in relation to Sinn Fein,” he told RTE.

“That's not the situation with Independent Ireland, there's a strong message coming through.”

Ms Cairns said Sinn Fein is a left-wing party “at a crossroads”, highlighting its abstention on the Social Democrats' reproductive rights Bill in recent weeks.

“I think Sinn Fein may be at a crossroads with a number of issues, that's a matter for them, but I think they need to figure out where they are going,” she told reporters in Galway West on Sunday.

Asked whether Sinn Fein is a left-wing party, she said: “In many respects they are and they say that they are, I think there are some issues that they need to iron out what their position is on them, but that's a matter for them.”

She said voters are seeking a more “positive” political offering and that the Social Democrats “never equivocate”.

“I think people are looking for a type of politics that has the courage of its convictions,” she said.

‘We never equivocate’

“We never equivocate on issues and people here really know where they stand with the Social Democrats.

“I think people more and more are looking for that straight-talking type of politics.”

She encouraged people to vote left and transfer left, and said there is a strong transfer between left candidates in Galway and Dublin but “more can be done on that”.

She added: “Encouraging people to vote left, transfer left ensures a broad left government and then you can pick which party you agree with the most.”

Asked about Sinn Fein's persuasion, Sinn Fein TD Louise O'Reilly said she comes from a working class background and the trade union movement.

“I joined a party that is a champion for working class people,” she said.

“We are a left Republican party. We know where we stand, we know what we stand for, but we also are in touch with our own communities.”

HMOs - A recipe for community erosion, or badly needed places to live?

ABDULLAH SABRI, Belfast Telegraph, May 25th, 2026

COMMENT

For residents in parts of south Belfast, HMO has become a byword for overcrowding, anti-social behaviour and the slow erosion of settled communities.

For thousands of students, young professionals and migrant workers, it is simply home.

Debate around houses in multiple occupation — properties that are occupied by three or more people from different households — has intensified.

However, its roots stretch back more than half a century.

Those in favour say house sharing is necessary to facilitate residences for students and young professionals struggling to afford or access housing in what is a highly competitive rental market.

Critics argue they facilitate social disorder, community erosion and allow rogue landlords to operate unchecked.

Opposition escalated to criminal damage in April when a property in east Belfast was attacked and daubed with graffiti reading 'No HMO'.

But no other locality in Northern Ireland has been the subject of greater debate on its tally of HMOs than south Belfast.

Roughly one square kilometre in size, the densely-populated Holylands area has garnered particular attention over the years for disorderly behaviour by young occupants.

Unlicensed premises

This, however, does not factor in unlicensed properties, which have seen a recent rise.

New Tracking the historical uptick of HMOs proves difficult as new definitions were introduced in 2019 which skew numbers.

Belfast City Council, which manages HMOs, acknowledged there has been an increase over time. The council is actively seeking ways to regulate them.

Across BT7 and BT9 alone, figures collected by the Belfast Telegraph show that there are approximately 2,603 HMOs.

Throughout Northern Ireland, there are 3,472 licensed HMOs, according to the Housing Executive.

This means that south Belfast accounts for over 75pc of shared housing. So what made it the region's HMO hotspot?

While the term HMO was only introduced in recent years, the practice of house sharing has existed in the south of the city for at least half a century.

Ulster University lecturer Professor Paddy Gray explained that the large, century-old homes near Queen's University created favourable conditions for shared living.

He argues that it was a “natural progression” as opposed to a dramatic change.

“A lot of those houses, they've been there for a long, long time,” he said.

“So, they were conducive to sharing because of the size of them. Some of them are three storeys, and that in itself lends to letting them out.

“They're four or five bedrooms. Some can be converted into six and so forth. So they've always been traditionally around that university area. It's been a hub for multiple occupancy.”

A larger appetite for renting here has also contributed to a climate of shared living.

He added: “Northern Ireland traditionally had a larger private rental sector than other parts of the UK up until the Sixties, whereas other parts of the UK didn't have a high proportion of private renting.

“So, traditionally, Northern Ireland private renting was a larger tenure.

“There was very little social housing. And people didn't own their houses as much as they do now. So private renting has always been there.”

An assessment of needs by the Housing Executive from 2004 highlighted a number of factors influencing the HMO market in south Belfast.

Proximity to Queens

The most obvious reason was students seeking proximity to Queen's.

Those attending Ulster University at the time in the former Jordanstown campus followed suit, favouring the city for its amenities rather than living in Newtownabbey.

While student housing has acted as a launchpad for HMOs, the Housing Executive study identified a deeper cause feeding into their rise over two decades ago.

Research flagged the “postponement of family and traditional longer-term households” in 18-29-year-olds, leading to a large jump in single people living in HMOs.

This was coupled with shifting trends for those between 30 and 44, whose relationships have been subject to breakdowns as well as delayed marriages, adding to the numbers occupying the HMOs.

A 2011 study on the drivers of young adults' living arrangements by Social Sciences, a UK-based research group, further contended that the “postponement of family formation” is often associated with those in higher education.

This subsequently leads to longer periods of shared living among younger people.

Professor Gray said that many students move into the Stranmillis area out of the Holylands as young professionals.

This correlates with recent council data showing half of properties on the lower Stranmillis Road are HMOs.

While no recent figures are available on foreign nationals using HMOs, migrant workers do occupy shared housing in the area.

A council report on HMOs from 2015 highlighted that those in Belfast are typically employed in the service sector and healthcare, with south Belfast being close to several hospitals.

Rising racist commentary on social media linking immigrants to occupying large parts of the housing sector was dismissed by Professor Gray as “scaremongering”.

“In many cases people say that immigrants are coming and taking our houses. But until someone is granted official status, they're not allowed to get social housing,” he said.

“There's a lot of rules around this. It's just scaremongering. My personal views are that that's just ridiculous, that immigrants are coming and taking people's houses.”

Belfast City Council licensing committee chair Gary McKeown said the high density of HMOs has led to several issues, including sanitation and parking problems.

“Unfortunately in the Botanic area, which I represent, there was a major increase in the number of HMOs within a relatively small area without anything to prevent this, which has led to oversaturation in particular neighbourhoods,” the SDLP councillor said.

“This has resulted in too many people being crammed into too few houses, leading to issues such as trouble with cleansing, bin collection and parking.”

However, Mr McKeown said that a “looming threat” is the issue of short-term lets, such as Airbnbs, which are currently unregulated by the council.

Mr McKeown said that properties here are being quickly snatched up by cash-rich people, deepening the housing crisis, with hundreds of potential short-term lets currently under investigation by the council.

DUP leader calls on Swinney to apologise for Troubles remarks

CILLIAN SHERLOCK, Irish News, May 25th, 2026

The first minister of Scotland should issue a “clear and unambiguous apology” over comments urging people to “move on” from the Troubles, the leader of the DUP has said.

Gavin Robinson claimed John Swinney’s comments caused “genuine hurt among victims and survivors”.

Mr Swinney was speaking to The Herald newspaper after his party’s election victory and was asked about potential dealings with Sinn Féin as a result of the three devolved administrations of the UK having pro-independence parties in leading roles.

The leader of the SNP recognised his dealings with Sinn Féin, whose vice president Michelle O’Neill is first minister of Northern Ireland, had caused some “media consternation”, but he added: “I really do think people have got to move on.”

He said he had “no intention” of apologising for the comments, telling the Press Association last week that: “The issues that are involved in the peace process have involved people moving on, people have had to move on, that’s exactly what they’ve done, and I’m simply reflecting what’s happened.”

However, the leader of the DUP has questioned whether he would consider the same “deeply hurtful” language appropriate for the Lockerbie bombing, the attack at Glasgow Airport or Dunblane shootings.

In reference to Scottish soldiers killed by the IRA, Mr Robinson said no political arrangement or coalition with those “who have never honestly confronted the IRA’s brutal campaign can ever erase the truth about what has done”.

He urged Mr Swinney to “reflect seriously on the offence” his comments caused and “apologise publicly to those victims and survivors who feel insulted”.

In a letter to the Scottish first minister, Mr Robinson said: “Whilst

I appreciate your subsequent efforts to clarify those remarks, the language used has caused genuine hurt among victims and survivors, many of whom continue to live daily with the consequences of terrorism and violence.”

He added: “The passage of time does not diminish the need for sensitivity, nor does it erase the legitimate pursuit of truth, justice and accountability.”

Mr Robinson told Mr Swinney that victims of terrorism are “not an inconvenience to be brushed aside because their pain sits awkwardly alongside today’s political arrangements”.

He added: “They deserve honesty, respect and the assurance that those who lead will never minimise what they endured.”

He told Mr Swinney that leadership requires “the courage to say difficult things plainly” rather than to “manage relationships at the expense of those who suffered most”.

Scottish First Minister John Swinney made comments saying it was time to ‘move on’ from the Troubles

Mr Robinson said: “No victim should ever be told – directly or indirectly – to simply get over the murder of their loved ones.

“I urge you to reflect seriously on the offence your comments have caused and to apologise publicly to those victims and survivors who feel insulted and abandoned by your remarks.”

The Scottish government highlighted Mr Swinney’s remarks that there was “nothing” in his comments that “in any way denigrates the suffering that individual families have suffered as a loss of loved ones as a consequence of the Troubles in Northern Ireland”.

A spokesperson pointed out that Mr Swinney had said: “I would want to reassure them of my sympathy and my empathy with them on that particular issue, but I think we’ve got to look at the fact that we’ve had a period of prolonged peace in Northern Ireland that’s required many people to move on and to seek a democratic course of action, and in a democracy it’s important to co-operate with other governments, and there’s a Sinn Féin-led government in Northern Ireland, and I think it’s incumbent we need to co-operate with them and take forward our agenda.”

Mr Robinson’s comments comes just four months after the DUP leader said that the families of the Bloody Sunday victims should “move on” and stop the “endless pursuit of others” after they were told soldiers would not be prosecuted for perjury.

Sinn Féin MP John Finucane said that Mr Robinson’s comments were “insulting” and “shameful”, while DUP MP Gregory Campbell said that his party leader hadn’t “done anything wrong” and that it was “unlikely” he would apologise.

If King Charles can respect Irish culture, why can’t the DUP?

NOEL DORAN, Irish News, May 25th, 2026

IT will be some months before a programme is confirmed for next year’s state visit to Ireland by King Charles, but it can be expected that the tone will be very much in keeping with the precedent set by his late mother, Queen Elizabeth, during the initiative 15 years ago which was rightly described as historic.

The engagement was the first of its kind by a British monarch since her grandfather, King George V, arrived in Dublin a century earlier, five years before the Easter Rising, when the whole of Ireland was part of the UK.

It was by any standards a hugely significant itinerary in Dublin, Kildare, Tipperary and Cork, with Queen Elizabeth receiving overwhelming praise for both her symbolic gestures and the content of her speeches.

What is striking is the way in which King Charles has followed the example of his mother by regularly displaying respect for different traditions, in a way which can only cause consternation for some unionists who would otherwise present themselves as the House of Windsor’s most loyal followers.

Queen Elizabeth opened her landmark address at Dublin Castle by saying in Irish ‘Uachtaráin agus a chairde’, and went on to express her deep sympathy to everyone who had suffered during the enduring conflict between Britain and Ireland.

She went further, through a wreath-laying ceremony at the Gar-den of Remembrance in Dublin, to honour those who died for Irish freedom, as well as making a memorable trip to the headquarters of the GAA at Croke Park.

King Charles took a similar general stance during his visit to Belfast last week when he recognised the importance of the city hosting Fleadh Cheoil na hÉireann for the first time later this year, and was entertained by musicians from diverse backgrounds.

He previously expressed his sincere thanks for the tributes offered by Sinn Féin figures when his mother died in 2022, and recognised the party’s poll-topping performance in the assembly elections of the same year.

Representatives of Sinn Féin, the SDLP and Alliance in the same context routinely participate in cenotaph ceremonies, and attend major fixtures involving a range of sporting codes across the north.

It was widely noted that not a single one of the DUP’s over 150 MPs, MLAs and councillors was available to accept an invitation to the inauguration of President Catherine Connolly in Dublin last November, citing remembrance commitments, and the prospect of a party member emulating Queen Elizabeth by either publicly speaking in Irish or being pictured at Croke Park in the foreseeable future is beyond remote.

As we reflect again on the consequences of recently instigated but increasingly bitter culture wars, it should be acknowledged that politicians on all sides have been making related errors of judgement.

I have previously set out concerns in this column over the Belfast City Council guidelines which specify that, if 15% or more of local householders who are contacted want to have a dual language street sign unveiled, a report will then be passed to the relevant committee before an outcome is reached.

This is plainly an unduly low threshold, which is causing unnecessary tensions in mainly unionist districts and deserves an early review, but as an issue it can hardly be compared to the significance of the direct interventions on Irish cultural and other matters by consecutive British heads of state.

Peter Robinson

When Peter Robinson was DUP leader and first minister in 2011, he had no difficulty taking his VIP seat at the now famous Dublin Castle dinner and witnessing at first hand both

Queen Elizabeth’s commendable bilingual approach and her enthusiasm for cross-community progress.

He was also present for the swearing in of Michael D Higgins as Irish president a matter of months later, and attended the final of the GAA’s McKenna Cup the following year, with not the slightest sense of unease emerging within his party.

It is sadly clear that events have gone backwards over the last 15 years, and the DUP’s front bench is now so nervous about criticisms from Jim Allister’s TUV, which holds just one Stormont seat, that it is reluctant to have anything to do with high-profile gatherings featuring a nationalist dimension.

This will present the present DUP leader Gavin Robinson with a serious dilemma when King Charles provides his considered thoughts in Dublin next year, and in all likelihood includes a cúpla focal and a warm endorsement of those working for reconciliation, quite possibly in close proximity to the Assembly election.

We live in unusual times but not many of us expected to reach a stage where it is nationalists rather than unionists who are declaring, metaphorically speaking of course, God Save The King.

Victims who were failed in life shouldn’t be failed in death

Pro Fide et Patria, Irish News, May 25th, 2026

Guests take part in a tea ceremony to mark International Tea Day at the Chinese consulate in Belfast last week

THE Stormont administration has been involved in so many different disappointments and errors of judgment that the latest issue over compensation for victims of the scandal involving mother and baby homes has caused huge upset but little real surprise.

However, it still needs to be regarded as a matter of the utmost seriousness, with major consequences for struggling and entirely innocent individuals, which needs to receive the urgent attention of all our political leaders.

Last week, the Stormont Speaker, Edwin Poots of the DUP, used his sweeping powers to unilaterally block any consideration of an amendment to the existing redress and inquiry bill.

‘You know nothing’

“ When the SDLP MLA Sinéad McLaughlin attempted to seek clarification in the Assembly, Mr Poots said: “Those decisions are taken with the best advice. You know nothing about what goes on in the background, and it is not in order for you to challenge that.”

Campaigners described it as a devastating blow, and what made it even worse was that Mr Poots has so far declined to provide any proper explanation of his decision and has instead taken a haughty approach to entirely legitimate expressions of deep concern.

When the SDLP MLA Sinéad McLaughlin attempted to seek clarification in the Assembly, Mr Poots said: “Those decisions are taken with the best advice. You know nothing about what goes on in the background, and it is not in order for you to challenge that.”

The new legislation is due to establish an inquiry into mother and baby homes, the notorious Magdalene Laundries and workhouses as well as an associated redress scheme.

It is estimated that over 10,000 pregnant women and girls passed through the institutions which were largely run by religious orders for seven decades up until the 1990s, with a third of those admitted were under the age of 19, and the youngest just 12.

The proposed laws mean that only families of victims who died after 29 September, 2011, are eligible for redress payments, and an amendment seeking to remove the date was not selected for debate during the bill’s latest stage in the Assembly.

Those centrally involved have spoken of their deep sense of hurt, and said that a vital opportunity for official acknowledgment of their suffering may have been permanently lost.

Solicitor Claire McKeegan, who represents many of the survivors and victims, was fully entitled to tell this newspaper that the Speaker’s ruling raised serious questions about “consistency, transparency and confidence in Assembly procedures”.

She indicated that legal action was under consideration over the decision, which was discussed by the Executive Office committee last week.

Relatives of those directly affected have asked Mr Poots to fully set out the reasons behind his intervention, and it is essential that early progress is made in this regard.

It cannot be acceptable that, as one relative has said, victims who died before September, 2011, were failed in life and are now being failed in death.

Those most at risk in NI 'not reached' as NI's homicide rate soars, says CEO

LOUISE DOYLE, Belfast Telegraph, July 25th, 2026

FINANCIAL STRAINS MEAN PERPETRATORS ESCAPING SANCTION, WARNS CHARITY CHIEF

A lack of 'on-the-ground' services to tackle domestic violence means women who are most at risk aren't being reached, the director of an advocacy group has said.

Marie Brown, the director of the Foyle Family Justice Centre in Londonderry, laid bare the stark demands on services because of very high levels of domestic violence in Northern Ireland.

Ms Brown is also the chief executive of Foyle Women's Aid. The Family Justice Centre in the Bishop Street area of Derry was spearheaded by Foyle Women's Aid, with the support of the judiciary, policing and the government.

It was designed in consultation with victims and survivors of domestic abuse to ensure their needs were at the heart of the blueprint.

Ms Brown told the Belfast Telegraph 70 women a week are being referred to the service.

“We are seeing a lot more women and families year-on-year coming forward.

“We triage and make sure we reach everyone, especially more high-risk women, and that's a challenge.

“We will never turn anyone away. We will always campaign for support and frontline services.

“Some 800 women are currently availing of services, and 35 families are receiving accommodation services.”

Ms Brown pointed to the tragic death of Amy Doherty, who she said was “a high risk person”.

The mother of two (28) was found injured at a property in Summer Meadows Mews on March 21. She later died in hospital.

Connor McNamee (30), of Meehan's Terrace in the city, is charged with her murder. Londonderry Magistrates Court previously heard the charge is aggravated by reason of involving domestic abuse.

McNamee is further charged with possession of a class A drug, cocaine, and possession of a kitchen knife with intent to commit an indictable offence.

United Approach

“We work with other agencies to have a united response. It is important that services are in place so that we have services for high-risk persons.

“There are a lot more challenges in and around the decline in services, so it seems perpetrators are not going to be sanctioned.” Among the most high profile cases was the murder of 21-year-old showjumper Katie Simpson by Jonathan Creswell in Derry in August 2020.

Initially, her death was treated as suicide by the PSNI, but they were forced to re-open the case and properly examine the evidence. 

Creswell was charged with Ms Simpson's murder but took his own life one day after his trial began in 2024.

He was the partner of Ms Simpson's sister and was a well-known figure in the equestrian world.

Ms Brown said: “The level of homicides in Northern Ireland is through the roof. There should be more financial support going to services on the ground to provide refuge and outreach.”

She did though recognise the good work taking place across communities to address violence against women and girls, but she stressed core services need to be in place when a woman appears on the doorstep for help.

“There has to be a complete all-round response to prevent homicide. We also have a lot of women who take their own life.”

Meanwhile, staff at Altnalgelvin Hospital are to honour their friend and colleague Amy Doherty. Staff at Ward 26 will climb Errigal mountain in Donegal.

All money raised will go to Foyle Women's Aid Derry, with more than £1,680 raised so far.

To donate, visit: https://www.gofundme.com/f/in-memory-of-amy-doherty-to-raise-funds-for-womens-aid

Foyle SDLP MLA Mark Durkan said the fundraiser was a “really meaningful way to honour Amy's memory”.

Meanwhile, a peaceful protest will be held at Derry's Guildhall on May 29 at 2pm to highlight the campaign for Jade's Law in Northern Ireland.

It will call upon the Northern Ireland Assembly to fast-track legislation that automatically suspends the parental responsibility of a parent convicted of the murder or voluntary manslaughter of their partner or ex-partner.

* Nexus manages the Domestic and Sexual Abuse Helpline, delivered in partnership with the Departments of Communities, Health and Justice. You can contact the Helpline at any time, free and confidentially. Trained, experienced staff are available to help via phone, email and webchat. You can call 0808 802 1414 email help@dsahelpline.org or live chat via dsahelpline.org

Victims must be protected from vitriol celebrating atrocities

Irish News, May 25th, 2026

MARK THOMPSON Chief Executive, Victims for Justice

PLATFORM

THERE’S a particular type of vitriol that’s beneath contempt. Recent social media posts celebrating the killings of eight IRA members and one civilian at Loughgall and posted on the anniversary are probably some of the most extreme. Unfortunately, it’s commonplace, affecting victims of all actors to the conflict, particularly on social media. It’s clear many of the individuals peddling this hate never buried a loved one killed in the conflict. We see it in Parachute Regiment flags erected in loyalist and unionist areas of Derry as a direct insult and in celebration of the “unjustified and unjustifiable” killings on Bloody Sunday. Every year SAS flags are erected in and around Armagh and

Tyrone celebrating the killings at Loughgall, accompanied by social media hate and marching bands. The SAS celebrated these killings at the time with a drinking session, after holding a dinner party that even had a special congratulatory cake baked for the occasion, according to the Peter Taylor programme Brits. At Palace Barracks, the Parachute Regiment displayed mock pictures of the make of car that Karen Reilly and Martin Peake were shot dead in

in 1990; ‘built by robots – driven by joyriders – stopped by A Company’ was their sick take on the advert by the car manufacturer. The captions were surrounded by the Ulster flag, streamers and balloons. Last week Google Maps had to correct its system as loyalists highlighted a link to Lenny

Murphy and the Shankill Butchers’ torturous murder-gang he led, that was grossly insensitive to their victims. It is, however, important to acknowledge the complexity of victimhood, as Lenny Murphy’s family are also victims of the conflict, and grieve equally.

The Orange Order march, forced through the lower Ormeau Road passing Sean Grahams bookies, routinely witnessed hand gestured waves signifying the celebration of the five people killed in that atrocity. The late David Ervine condemned this behaviour and met with local community representatives. He said the Orange Order no longer had a right to march the area.

Bereaved relatives and injured victims face anniversaries that are difficult and traumatic enough without social media hate. This added hurt, grief, and pain resonates with lasting impact and is not without consequence. As one relative told us this week: “We don’t mock the dead, we don’t celebrate actions that claimed lives, we remember those gone with respect and dignity, which is very different.” This is the way it must be for all of us. All bereaved of the conflict, regardless of circumstances, deserve better. Those killed are gone. It’s their living relatives that have to endure the hate.

In recent weeks, a picture of the Sean Graham’s bookies with a loyalist band parading past was erected in east Belfast as part of a scheme to replace more sinister imagery. This has further caused hurt. However, plans are afoot to remove and replace this.

But, the local MP has not uttered a single word despite the public controversy. The same MP that travelled from his constituency to west Belfast to be pictured alongside pro-Palestinian graffiti in order to condemn it. We need better leadership.

This week Michelle O’Neill had Ógra Shinn Féin remove a post which DUP MLA Pam Cameron complained about. That was positive leadership and an indication of the seriousness with which the Sinn Féin first minister acted. In all of this there is always hope. Hundreds of messages of support, solidarity, respect and love have been received to our offices in response to recent social media hate-posts reaffirming that hope.

These came from across our communities, which is particularly encouraging and welcome. Whilst there may be differing views and opinions on the conflict, and how we each experienced it, the underpinning of that difference is best served in respectful discussions, not hate. It should no longer be acceptable. We need more effective legislative protections for all of the bereaved and injured from hate crimes which celebrate atrocities.

Renovated ‘oasis’ for Catholics at Queen’s reopens after three years

MARK ROBINSON, Irish News, May 25th, 2026

THE Catholic Chaplain at Queen’s University Belfast (QUB) has said that it has been “wonderful” to welcome members back to their building after three years of renovations.

The Catholic Chaplaincy at the university has been at its current site on Elmwood Avenue for over 50 years but temporarily closed its doors in 2023.

Earlier this month, it welcomed students, staff and visitors back inside the reimagined space, which now also includes accommodation spaces for 47 students.

Speaking to The Irish News, Fr Dominic McGrattan said that the building’s reopening earlier this month marked the end of a “long journey”.

“We’re very fortunate to have a building at the very heart of the historic campus,” he said.

“When it was built, it was a really bold statement; modernist architecture that really made an impact.

“But over the years, it became a bit tired and needed renewal if it was to serve well the mission of the place, which is to provide faith and pastoral support to students and staff.”

Fr McGrattan added that with the addition of student accommodation, it opened an “exciting new chapter” for the chaplaincy, which previously had been “something of a day and evening service”.

“It is wonderful to be back in this space and to see how transformed it is,” he said.

“I think for generations it has always been something of an oasis, a place for quiet time, a place to be restored and renewed and energised amidst the busyness and sometimes the challenge of university living.

“I think the building, as it has been renewed, really does support that mission and it’s lovely to have that oasis back at the heart.”

Fr McGrattan added that the “most special part of the special building” was The Lady Chapel, which now includes an altar crafted in Bethlehem and the reredos, depicting St Thomas meeting the Risen Lord, which was sculpted in the Dolomites and embellished in Florence.

“It is here that we have that privileged encounter with God and the Mass is celebrated every day during term and it is a place where students and staff come to be spiritually nourished during their university journey,” he said.

“It was important that we engage the best for this space; we engaged a liturgical art studio in Florence to provide the artistry and the craftsmanship, and they engaged artisans from across Europe and the Middle East.

“The altar itself, it was important for us to have that connection with the birthplace of Christ, and so we engaged stonemasons in Bethlehem and they used Jerusalem stone, the very stone that the temple itself was built with, and that was embellished by the Florentines.”

The chaplain added that they followed in the “age-old tradition” of the church being “patron of the arts”, they also engaged local artists, including Co Antrim sculpter Eamonn Higgins, Hillsborough silversmith Cara Murphy and north coast glassmaker Scott Benson.

“I do think our physical spaces ought to be formative, they ought to lift the heart and mind to higher things and art certainly plays a huge role in that.”

Fr McGrattan said the space was “open to students, staff, visitors of all faiths and none”, with their new café at the front of the building service the best teas, coffees, traybakes and hot lunches in south Belfast.

“I’m competing with the Presbyterians next door on the traybake front,” he joked.

Irish experts warn of Farage economic fallout from potential by-election boost

EAMON QUINN, Irish News, May 25th, 2026

THE result of the Makerfield by-election could help Reform UK, led by Nigel Farage, enter Downing Street in 2029 and threaten a new wave of Brexit disruption for the Irish economy, north and south, economic experts warn.

Analysts here are weighing whether opinion polls that suggest that Reform UK could head a coalition government following a future general election will mean a return to the chaos of recent years.

Many small Irish companies that depend on the large British market for their livelihood will likely wish to forget the nightmare of the Brexit years.

In contrast, multinationals and the largest companies in the Republic fared well. They found ways to get around the so-called land bridge and deliver their goods directly to markets on the continent.

Trucks travelling from Ireland down Scottish and English motorways were hit by the trade uncertainty at ports such as Felixstowe and Dover.

With the help of the EU, new direct services were launched between Rosslare Europort in Co Wexford and Dunkerque in France.

Capacity on the sea routes was subsequently increased and now accounts for a significant slice of the €260bn in pharma, medical and tech and food products the Republic directly exports to world markets and avoiding British ports.

As reflected in Dublin’s ballooning corporate tax revenues, the big tech and pharma multinationals continued to prosper.

Smaller locally-owned firms that spread prosperity across the island fared less well.

Many business people would wish to forget the prospects five years ago of a trade war between the UK and EU that threatened to engulf almost every business north and south.

Economists at the time correctly predicted that Britain targeting specific EU products would likely backfire on the London government, because goods in the North would also be hit badly.

Complex and deep supply and logistics chains and prosperity across the island would be threatened.

Priti Patel

There was an outcry when Priti Patel, then Tory backbencher and future home secretary, suggested that a way to apply pressure on the EU for a better Brexit deal would be to remind Dublin about potential shortages of food exports from Britain into Ireland.

The anger wasn’t only focused on the ignorance of a British politician unwittingly making an allusion to food exports and famine in Ireland.

Most analysts here also identified the economic illiteracy of Brexit politicians and officials threatening trade wars with Europe that would damage supply chains across Ireland.

The Brexit wars again exposed that Whitehall could care less about milk produced on a northern farm and processed by a Cork food plant.

London politicians contemplated economic damage by threatening supply chains linking food and engineering manufacturers across Ireland, north and south.

There was also the issue of the huge Dungannon poultry plant processing chickens grown in surrounding counties.

On the prospects of the British waging a trade war, an economist observed at the time that there is no difference between a chicken reared on a Tyrone farm and a Monaghan chicken, when they arrive in Dungannon.

But the threats to indigenous small firms exporting in a small scale to British markets was nonetheless considerable.

With the north remaining effectively in the EU single market for goods, the all-Ireland economy survived the British chaos.

The value of north and south trade in goods alone steadied at around €11bn last year. Recalling the chaos is a reminder to many here that British politics have yet to resolve their Brexit wars.

A government led by Farage could again threaten disruption to Irish businesses and jobs in a deepening all-Ireland economy.

Scanning the Reform UK policies on its website shows the signs of an opposition party not wanting to make specific economic pledges three years from a general election.

But gone is any prominence to the Reform UK pledge in its 2024 manifesto to slash in three years the main rate of UK corporation tax to 15% from 25%.

Burnham takes advice from Sue Gray over forming new government

ATHENA STAVROU, Belfast Telegraph, May 25th, 2026

Andy Burnham is said to have taken advice from former top civil servant Sue Gray on how he may form a Labour government in the future, as talk of a Labour leadership contest continues to ramp up.

The Mayor of Greater Manchester, who is widely believed to have his eyes on No 10, reportedly sought advice from Sir Keir Starmer's former chief of staff on how to manage a transition into Downing Street.

Ms Gray is a former permanent secretary at the Stormont Department of Finance and owned a pub near Newry during the Troubles before returning to the civil service.

The Guardian reported that Mr Burnham and Lady Gray discussed how a future government could be formed, indicating Mr Burnham's chances of succession are being taken seriously by senior figures in the Labour Party.

Lady Gray, who led the inquiry into the 'Partygate' scandal in December 2021, resigned from Downing Street in 2024 after what she called “intense commentary” around her role amid a power struggle between herself and Morgan McSweeney.

Concerns were also raised when it was revealed she was paid more as chief of staff than the prime minister.

Mr Burnham is running in the Makerfield by-election, a crucial contest which could decide the future of the Labour Party and government.

If victorious, the Manchester mayor is likely to use his return to Parliament as an opportunity to trigger a leadership contest against Sir Keir, which polls suggest he would win.

The leadership chatter has exposed deep splits within the Labour Party, throwing Sir Keir's government into chaos.

A senior ally of the prime minister, his chief secretary Darren Jones, warned the party on Sunday against playing “fantasy politics” which would distract from the big challenges in the country.

He told the BBC's Sunday With Laura Kuenssberg: “There's a lot of fantasy politics going on right now inside the Labour Party… in terms of who is up, who is down, who will be in what position.”

He added that “Britain is poorer and weaker than it needs to be”, and said: “Irrespective of individual ambitions from any of my colleagues, the big questions the country faces are still the big questions the country faces.”

Confronting leaders is crucial in a society where power can evade scrutiny

DAVID GRAHAM, Belfast Telegraph, May 25th, 2026

In theory, power and accountability are inseparable. In practice, however, the people with the greatest influence inside organisations are often those most insulated from scrutiny.

Whether in politics, football or wider civic life, structures that are designed to protect institutions can gradually evolve into systems that protect individuals instead.

That reality is not unique to any one organisation. It exists wherever loyalty becomes a more valuable asset than honesty. Hierarchies that discourage challenge and create a lack of transparency often dig themselves into a hole of their own making.

My own experiences have shown different versions of the same underlying problem. Accountability can lessen as someone climbs higher.

Most organisations speak the language of accountability and promote values and standards. They insist that everyone is equal, yet culture is defined by what people are willing to tolerate.

The downfall of many political leaders in recent times has largely come from the inclination to retreat to a small band of trusted lieutenants.

In politics, there is often an understandable instinct to protect the wider movement from external opponents. Political parties operate permanently under pressure, particularly in Northern Ireland, where a dysfunctional system is exacerbated by the emotions of the past.

When protecting the 'party' becomes indistinguishable from protecting powerful individuals within it, the consequences are negative.

It would appear these issues are prevalent amongst parties in Northern Ireland.

Challenge for Unionism

A major test for unionism right now is finding the room to reach a compromise between parties to provide the best chance of maximum representation at Stormont.

The wider and fundamental question for a party like the DUP is whether those who influence decision-making, policy direction and culture can be accountable. Those in front of the cameras may not always be the ones calling the shots behind the scenes.

Once the line blurs, accountability changes. The ordinary member, activist or supporter can quickly find themselves subject to standards that do not appear to apply equally at the top.

Decisions become harder to challenge because critics are portrayed as damaging “the cause”. Internal concerns are treated as disloyalty rather than legitimate scrutiny. Over time, this creates a culture where people self-censor, not because they agree but because they understand the consequences of speaking openly.

Institutions are not immune to this dynamic either.

In Northern Ireland, Linfield FC and the Orange Institution have a history, identity and fiercely loyal support bases. The passion of their supporters can be a tremendous strength, but it can also create environments where difficult conversations become almost impossible.

Containment or correction?

Large institutions often fear reputational damage more than underlying problems. The instinct becomes containment rather than correction. Supporters, staff or stakeholders who raise concerns can sometimes be viewed as threats to unity rather than people trying to improve standards.

Meanwhile, those with influence, whether because of status, historical standing or connections, may operate with greater protection than ordinary members ever could. This is where organisational structure becomes crucial. Culture does not appear by accident, it is shaped from the top down.

When decision-making lacks transparency, informal power networks emerge. People begin to understand that relationships matter more than principles.

That was why I was heartened to see Rangers chairman Andrew Cavenagh acknowledge the importance of culture in improving the club's fortunes on the park.

From experience, this is a 24/7 task, trying to pull everyone in the same direction. Accepting anything less than first is an acceptance of mediocrity. Making excuses about the market or environment you operate in isn't acceptable.

Many organisations do not recognise the problem until the culture has already deteriorated significantly.

Leadership teams often convince themselves they are protecting stability when, in reality, they are creating fragility. Short-term protection of influential figures can produce long-term institutional damage.

This is particularly evident during periods of success. Resting on your laurels, ignoring the fact that a victorious election or a league title is banked, largely forgotten about and confined to history, can be dangerous. “What have you done for me lately?” is a question often asked on the election trail.

True accountability requires discomfort. It demands structures where leadership can be challenged without fear of exclusion or retaliation. Most importantly, it requires leaders willing to accept that institutional credibility matters more than personal preservation.

The irony is that organisations that embrace accountability can be stronger over time. Transparency builds trust, and fairness encourages participation. Open debate improves decision-making. Institutions become more resilient because they are not dependent on protecting particular personalities.

By contrast, organisations built around shielding powerful figures eventually lose credibility. Members begin to suspect there are different rules for different people. Supporters grow disillusioned and public trust declines. Once that perception takes hold, rebuilding confidence becomes extremely difficult.

None of this is unique to politics or football. It is a wider human problem visible across business, media, public services and civic society. When power is allowed to accumulate without sufficient scrutiny, then accountability weakens. Wherever loyalty becomes unconditional, the culture deteriorates.

The real test of any organisation is therefore not how it behaves when dealing with ordinary individuals. It is how willing it is to confront those at the very top.

Ultimately, accountability only has meaning if it applies most strongly to the people with the greatest power.

Editorial, Belfast News Letter, May 25th, 2026

Sinn Fein has had a poor showing in two by-elections in the Republic of Ireland.

Morning View

The republican party under-performed in Dublin Central, which ought to be a stronghold because Mary Lou McDonald, party president, is a TD there and very popular in the constituency. The race in that seat was caused by a Fine Gael TD Paschal Donohoe leaving for a job in the World Bank.

Sinn Fein did particularly poorly in the Galway West by-election, where the radical leftist TD it helped to become president of Ireland, Catherine Connolly, stood down from the Dail now she is Ireland’s head of state. A party that is sceptical of immigration, Independent Ireland, was in the running as we went to press last evening, after a tight race in which SF got a mere 7% of the first preference votes, a third of the Independent Ireland tally.

Sinn Fein is not shy about crowing about electoral matters. It boasts of being the biggest party on the island. It taunts unionists with demographic change and what is says is the inevitability of an all Ireland. So it is not unkind to point to its failures in these latest results.

By-elections are unreliable guides to public feeling but they are typically an opportunity to punish the governing party, so SF should have performed well. But it has not done well in general elections either, for example not breaking through as predicted in 2007, or later Irish elections. It did have a very good result in 2020, but then fell back noticeably in 2024.

This is significant because while most mainstream parties south of the border now talk up constitutional change, this is mainly because they are worried about the Sinn Fein threat to them on that matter. Yet no large party in the Republic is as obsessive on getting rid of NI as is SF, so the matter seems not a priority for Irish voters.

Meanwhile, SF sneering at concerns on immigration does not seem to be helping them either.