Son of IRA victim's warning after 'enormous hurt' from advert for a Wolfe Tones gig

AMY COCHRANE, BELFAST TELEGRAPH, February 16th, 2026

RADIO PROMOTION OF TICKET SALES FOR GROUP CRITICISED

A man whose father was murdered by the IRA when he was 12 has said music from bands such as The Wolfe Tones is “conditioning young people that terrorism was normal”.

It comes after tickets went on sale recently for the group's Belfast concert at the SSE Arena on August 29.

They performed a 60th anniversary show at the same venue in 2024.

One of their songs, Celtic Symphony, includes a pro-IRA chant.

Sammy Heenan's father William was shot dead by the Provos in May 1985 outside his Co Down home.

He was inside when he heard a “painful, piercing yell and a gunshot”.

“I followed a trail of blood to an image that would never, ever leave me - an image of my daddy lying dead,” he said.

“My father was a civilian, he was an innocent man who didn't deserve to be forced to his knees and shot twice in the head.

“He never hurt or offended anyone and was not engaged in terrorism and I think young people need to know how hurtful the music of groups like Kneecap or The Wolfe Tones is to innocent victims.”

Mr Heenan has been a volunteer for the SEFF victims' group in their Rathfriland branch for almost 15 years.

He said his father's murder followed him into adulthood, and terrorists like the IRA are being “glorified” by bands like The Wolfe Tones.

“Now in 2026, we're supposed to be in a new dispensation of inclusivity and respect, but unfortunately I don't think that's the way society is moving, and I think it's concerning for me as an IRA victim to watch the way young people are being radicalised and motivated by this romanticised narrative of the IRA,” he added.

“I think it's not good for community cohesion, and as victims we have to keep challenging this to defend the memory and integrity of our loved ones.”

‘Traumatising’

Mr Heenan said hearing radio adverts promoting ticket sales to The Wolfe Tones concert were “traumatising”.

“When I heard The Wolfe Tones be advertised on Downtown Radio it caused enormous hurt to me and I know it retraumatises many other victims of terrorism throughout Northern Ireland,” he said.

“It's all about conditioning young mindsets that terrorism was normal, and I think we have to be careful young people aren't radicalised or indoctrinated through these groups, and I think that is what's happening.”

Bauer Media Audio NI said: “We recognise and respect the range of perspectives held by all our listeners across the community.

“The recent external advertising campaign promoting ticket sales for the upcoming Wolfe Tones concert has now concluded, and there are no plans for it to rerun.”

The SSE Arena was approached for comment.

Wolfe Tones member Brian Warfield previously said he made no reference to the Provisional IRA when he wrote the lyrics to Celtic Symphony.

He said in 2023: “I think they want to erase the IRA from our history books. It is the foundation of our state, people like Michael Collins.

“That's the people that we're supporting.”

Campaigners ‘rewilding’ site where they fear 900 homes won’t be built due to interface concerns

HANNAH PATTERSON, Irish News, February 16th, 2026

HOUSING campaigners are ‘rewilding’ part of a city site where they say the potential for hundreds of new homes is being hampered by concerns it would become a sectarian interface.

The Mackie’s site in west Belfast, once home to a machinery and munitions plant, has been lying largely vacant for two decades.

The ‘Take Back the City’ campaign has been mapping out areas of publicly-owned land throughout Belfast that could be used to build social housing and address the housing need. One of them is the Mackie’s site – the 25 acres of land they say could accommodate up to 900 social houses.

The main issue blocking the group’s plans for the bulk of the site is that it is still zoned for industrial use. ‘Take Back the City’ wants the site to be for mixed use, for both employment and housing needs, for the “betterment of everybody in Belfast”.

However, the land acts as a natural segregation line between traditionally nationalist and unionist communities. But there are concerns this is acting as a barrier to building social homes.

Co-ordinator of Take Back the City, Conal Matthews, said the idea mixed communities cannot live together needs to be challenged.

Asked if he believes interface concerns are hampering calls to build homes on the site, Mr Matthews said: “More than likely”.

He added: “There seems to be a common idea that nationalist and unionist communities cannot live together. That’s absolutely rubbish.

“I think the things that unite us are far greater than things that divide us. We all suffer from the cost-of-living crisis, a broken health care system, a broken infrastructure system. In times of real need, people come together.

“Our campaign has activists and people from traditional nationalist and unionist communities, as well as people from migrant communities. We’re all fighting together on basic common need.”

However, the group has experienced “radio silence” from the Department for Communities in recent months. With no discussion or movement on plans, they’ve taken matters into their own hands.

Schools and community groups looking after land

Local schools and community groups have been looking after the part of land at Mackie’s, which isn’t zoned for industrial use, to help improve biodiversity, and building a community space that people can enjoy.

Several local primary schools have been engaged in rewilding the site with natural flowers.

Mr Matthews hopes the project will gather momentum, before homes can be built around it.

He said: “If we show that we can build houses here in this part of the site, and overcome all the obstacles that are being thrown at us for the wider site, then there’s a great scope to continue on with the rest of the site.

“People at the front of this campaign have been through this broken housing system, temporary accommodation, they’ve been failed by this system. None of us are experts in everything, but we’re all experts in our own lived experience.”

In January, it was revealed housing waiting lists across Northern Ireland are set to hit 50,000 applicants after Stormont built 30% fewer social homes than planned.

The figures showed 49,588 applicants were on the waiting list for the last quarter of 2025. Besides the Foyle area, Belfast dominated the figures.

The group is currently wrapping up their pre-application discussion, so it can engage with statutory bodies over potential house building on the site. The aim is to have 31 units built on this part of the site, which could house up to over 120 people.

Mr Matthews added: “If the state and the authorities aren’t going to act, then we as the people in the community are going to have to act.

 “This is a housing crisis. In times of crisis, you need to act fast. The only people suffering are people within these communities, people who are on this waiting list. Work needs to begin now. You could build 900 social houses, basically half the housing waiting list within west Belfast overnight. Get it done.” 

The Department for Communities was contacted for comment.

Sister of IRA victim hits out after Derry tourism official claimed Provos 'didn't set out to kill her'

ABDULLAH SABRI, Belfast Telegraph, February 16th, 2026

The sister of a woman killed by the IRA has slammed the “lack of empathy” after a tourism official in Londonderry said she “wasn't murdered”.

Mary Travers (22) was gunned down in 1984 during an attempt on the life of her father Tom, a magistrate, as he left Mass at St Brigid's Church in south Belfast.

He was shot six times but survived. His wife, who had a rifle aimed directly at her face, miraculously survived after it jammed.

Victims' advocate Ann Travers said those making such claims “would rightly be up in arms” if the same comments were directed at those who died on Bloody Sunday.

She challenged the comments by Ronan Gallagher, who said the IRA “didn't deliberately set out to kill” Mary, during an online exchange on X.

Mr Gallagher, a Visit Derry tourism ambassador, is “part of Project Ireland 2040”, according to his professional profile.

Both organisations were contacted for comment.

Ann said: “I came upon the scene immediately.

“I saw my sister lying on top of my mum and then being lifted off her.

“I was there, my mum was there, my mum wasn't going to lie. My mum had the black gunpowder burn on her face, and it didn't go away for days and days.

‘Justifying attempted murder’

“There's people on [social media] justifying the attempted murder of my father, and these same people would rightly be up in arms about Bloody Sunday, or Pat Finucane, or whoever else, and rightly so.

“My dad was a Catholic solicitor who became a resident magistrate. He was one of the few Catholics on the bench. He was a really kind man. He actually had people contacting him saying you should never have been shot.

She described Mr Gallagher's connection with Project Ireland 2040 - the Irish government's “long-term overarching strategy to make Ireland a better country for all and to build a more resilient and sustainable future” as “concerning”.

She said: “If you've got people like that involved in government, or involved in planning, or involved in talks about what way Ireland should be, [then] it's obviously not going to be a very welcome place for people like me.

“I just find it all quite bizarre. Even if he had even privately messaged me and apologised, but he obviously doesn't think he's done anything wrong at all. He doesn't seem to see the fault.”

“We all lost so much during the Troubles, and unfortunately, most victims and survivors, they're still having to live with it and deal with it,” she added.

“We need to remind people about what happened, and the lived impact, so it never ever happens again.”

UUP leader Jon Burrows branded the treatment of Ann Travers as “disgraceful”.

He said: “The killing of her innocent sister was murder. Standing up for the innocence of victims and the integrity of history is not being stuck in the past; it is a moral imperative.”

Audit Office ‘stonewalled’ over £112m overspend on the Women’s World Cup

JOHN MANLEY POLITICAL CORRESPONDENT, Irish News, February 16th, 2025

STORMONT’S spending watchdog has been “stonewalled” by the NI Executive after requesting minutes of a meeting at which ministers approved an overspend of more than £100m.

Comptroller and auditor general Dorinnia Carville asked for a record of the ministers’ October 16 meeting more than 16 weeks ago as she seeks to establish if the correct process was followed when the Executive approved funding for hosting the Women’s World Cup in nine years’ time.

The Department for the Economy, which will be expected to meet the costs of part-hosting the UK-wide tournament in 2035, has told The Irish News it “does not yet have access to the minutes of the relevant meeting”.

A department spokesperson said the minutes would be passed to the comptroller and auditor general “as soon as they are available for sharing”.

The Executive Office has not responded to queries about the whereabouts of the minutes.

Approval of £112m of funding for the Women’s World Cup was by a ministerial direction, which is required when a permanent secretary, who also acts as a department’s chief accounting officer, is unable to signoff on a spending decision because it does not comply with civil service rules.

Limited time before a decision on hosting the Women’s World Cup was made meant the project could not be assessed to establish whether or not it represented value for money.

‘Serious consequences for public purse’

In recent months, Executive ministers have made four further ministerial directions, including for pay awards for teachers and health workers, for paying landowners affected by the stalled A5 upgrade, and for a financial support scheme for bluetongue pre-movement testing.

£400m loan

Finance Minister John O’Dowd confirmed on Wednesday that the Treasury has loaned the Executive £400m to help it stay within this year’s spending limits.

Stormont’s public accounts committee is tasked with scrutinising ministerial directions to ensure they represent value for money.

The committee is advised on the ministerial direction process by Mrs Carville.

Committee chair Daniel McCrossan said there had so far been “no justification” for withholding the minutes about the Women’s World Cup funding requested by the comptroller and auditor general.

Mr McCrossan said the tournament had the “potential to be a fantastic event” but he was concerned about the growing number of departmental overspends.

“I am deeply concerned that we are seeing ministers abuse the ministerial direction process, feeling like they can rule over their own personal fiefdoms without having to justify their decisions to the public or anyone else,” Mr McCrossan said.

“The auditor general has a job to do when it comes to establishing value for money and instead she has been stonewalled for weeks by the Executive Office and the Department for the Economy.”

The West Tyrone MLA said the failure to produce the minutes of the October 16 meeting “raised serious questions about the standard of record-keeping”.

“We are repeatedly reminded that Executive ministers and departments have learned nothing from the lessons of RHI around the need for proper record keeping and transparency when decisions of this magnitude are made, with serious consequences for the public purse and trust in politics here,” Mr McCrossan said.

Ireland should apologise for ‘unjustifiable conduct’ during Troubles, says UUP leader

Freya McClements, Irish Times, February 16th, 2026

Jon Burrows criticises ‘double standard on legacy’, but stresses respect and good relationships

Almost 16 years ago, Jon Burrows, now leader of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), stood with the crowds in Derry’s Guildhall Square as the Saville report on Bloody Sunday was published.

Then the city’s police chief, he watched as the British prime minister, David Cameron, apologised. The killings of civilians by British soldiers in Derry on January 30, 1972, had been “unjustified and unjustifiable”, Cameron said.

“I literally saw people sob in the street,” Burrows tells The Irish Times of that day in June 2010. “I felt the air lift; it was validation. I got goosebumps … it was a very powerful moment.”

He believes it is time for the Irish Government to make a similar gesture and create a similar moment. “I think they should make a major statement about the past,” he says. “I would love Ireland to say that some of their conduct during the Troubles was unjustified and unjustifiable.

Burrows’s own story is entwined with that past. The 49-year-old from Bangor, Co Down, describes his as a “uniform family … there was pride in being in service and uniform”.

Relatives fought in the British army in the first and second world Wars, and his father was a member of the Royal Ulster Constabulary.

Burrows joined the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI), saying: “I 100 per cent wanted to follow in my dad’s footsteps”. He spent 22 years as a police officer, including as area commander for Derry and Strabane and as head of the force’s disciplinary branch.

In Derry, he was under “heavy threat” from dissident republicans. A viable letter bomb addressed to him was intercepted in the post, he lived in a constant security “bubble”, had to move house and was the subject of social media smear campaigns and false allegations. It took its toll on his mental health and he retired from the PSNI in 2021.

He believes that, “given the scale and threat of the Troubles, the UK police and army did remarkably well” although at times things went “catastrophically wrong”, not least on Bloody Sunday.

But he also emphasises the need for Ireland “to address … their conduct” during the Troubles, particularly over the extradition of suspects to the UK.

“I think there’s something specific about the Irish state’s approach to extradition that stands out as an equivalent of Bloody Sunday, but over a long period of time, and it was a decision at the highest level,” he says.

“They refused to [extradite] murderers,” he said.

Asked if Britain should make an apology similar to that which he advocates for from Ireland, Burrows cites the example of the Kenova team’s inquiries, particularly into the IRA double agent known as Stakeknife. “Every time there’s been something shown to be wrong, I think the British Government have said, ‘We got that wrong’.”

‘A double standard on legacy’

He says “there is a double standard on legacy today” and the Irish Government needs to “engage in good faith, with equal footing” and put in place “parallel arrangements” similar to those in place in the UK jurisdictions “to investigate, to co-operate, to disclose” in regard to Troubles-era killings, “especially given all the murders on the Border.

“So many attacks were planned in the South; people came from the South, devices were made in the South, and they escaped to the South, and they’ve left Northern Ireland and the UK with the burden of investigating and responsibility for the sort of ownership of legacy, and they need to take their part.”

Burrows is happy to have that conversation with the Irish Government. “I’m waiting for an invite,” he says, while stressing the importance of “mutual respect” and “practical, good relationships because we share an island together”.

He describes Taoiseach Micheál Martin as “one of the better ones” in that he “at least understands unionism, doesn’t speak down to unionism”.

But, he says, “you still get different taoiseachs who’d be nakedly nationalist”.

‘No Trojan horses’

“I think they should reassure us that in all of their policies there is no Trojan horse towards unity, that we’re engaging, when we’re discussing co-operation in good faith that it’s not politically or ideologically driven, it’s genuinely practically driven.”

He views the treatment of candidate Heather Humphreys during the presidential election campaign as “a blast of cold reality for some unionists … clearly there’s an issue [with sectarianism] in the Republic of Ireland”.

This is coupled with the election of Catherine Connolly, whose geopolitical views he says many unionists “would be horrified by”. He believes these “probably solidified unionist resistance to this new and agreed Ireland. It doesn’t look very new and agreed”.

Burrows himself is “confident but not complacent” about Northern Ireland’s constitutional status. “We need to be on our game, arguing the case” and “evangelising … for the union”.

He believes unionism has thus far failed to sell the positive benefits of being part of the United Kingdom. He advocates making “the rational case for the union … for those people who are disinterested or just see themselves as Northern Irish or who are nationalist but persuadable”.

He lists multiple benefits from the economy to international security interests. “Western Europe is very vulnerable: international terrorism, [undersea] cables, organised crime, other hostile states.” In Britain, Europe and globally, he says, “you want us to be part of the UK because we create a huge security headache for you if we leave”.

Yet, ultimately, Burrows is less concerned with the constitutional question. “It’s going to take a lot to convince people to make this leap into the dark,” he says. He is more concentrated on practical, day-to-day politics. He hopes to attract voters from across the traditional orange and green divide by sorting out grit boxes, school uniforms and potholes rather than discussing identity, nationality or geopolitics.

“I do think there’s a real appetite out there for a bit more plain speaking and common sense and relatable politics that almost pricks this wee bubble that our politicians live in.”

Building momentum

His has been a remarkable political rise. A year ago, Burrows was not even a member of the UUP. He was co-opted into the Assembly in September and became party leader a matter of weeks ago.

His goal is to make the UUP the dominant force in political unionism again, but it is a challenge many have faced and failed at. Burrows is the fifth person to lead the party since 2012, but in that time the party has stagnated, going from 13 per cent of first preferences in the 2011 Assembly elections to 11 per cent in 2022.

“People can judge me on my performance, and ultimately they will judge me on the electoral performance of [the next Assembly election in] May 2027, and that’s my challenge.”

Burrows speaks of “momentum” building, of the gap narrowing in the polls between the UUP and Democratic Unionist Party. “If we come back with 14 MLAs, 15 MLAs, dozens more councillors… suddenly we’re building, so I’m looking at building a mass movement,” he says.

“I think people in Northern Ireland want something different, and we’re offering that difference.”

He compares it to his time as Derry’s police chief when he tried to change relationships between police and the community and “humanise” the force by, for example, bringing PSNI officers into the city’s schools.

“I am trying to challenge people’s perceptions, build confidence and trust, but also deliver practically. In many ways it’s the same, I’m just wearing a different uniform now.”

Boucher Road surprise vote shows Sinn Fein don't care about Belfast concerts - DUP

Bills set to rise for Belfast ratepayers 

By Iain Gray, Belfast News Letter, February 15th, 2026

The last 2026 rates hike in Northern Ireland was set at Belfast City Hall on Friday night.

Rate bills have been set across Northern Ireland, with some surprise last-minute changes.

Friday night saw Belfast finally set its property taxes for the coming financial year, making it the last council in the province to do so.

Although it was expected to go for a 3.8% increase, councillors instead plumped for a 4.48% hike.

That’s still below the highest rates bump in Northern Ireland, with Ards and North Down going for a 4.5% increase – and even that is a reduction on its initially planned 4.74% rise.

Ards and North Down brought its rates hike down after Finance Minister John O’Dowd u-turned on a planned revaluation of business properties at the end of last month.

In Belfast, a council spokesman stated the 4.48% rise would mean an average increase in tax bills of 33p per week for a terraced house, £1.11 for a four-bedroom detached home, and 32p for an apartment.

In the business world, the spokesman said, the average office will have to pay £8.22 more per week, while the typical shop’s bill will go up by £6.74.

Belfast’s tax hike will be spent, stated the spokesman, on moves such as a city-wide graffiti removal programme, plus apprenticeship schemes and rolling out glass recycling boxes to all households that don’t currently have them.

It will also see £1m spent on “work towards housing-led regeneration across the city”, as well as giving £600,000 to local community organisations, putting £500,000 into a programme teaching groups how to apply for grants, and spending £100,000 each on summer projects diverting young people away from anti-social behaviour and sports clubs wanting to compete in “elite-level” contests.

Other work planned by council in 2026/27 includes continued development of the “Belfast Stories” visitor attraction, planned to open in 2030, plus £1m towards floodlights at sports grounds, more than half a million pounds on “biodiversity funding”, and delivering this year’s all-Ireland fleadh.

The council also plans to hire three additional bin collection crews and carry out improvements to parks and community facilities.

Belfast is one of four of Northern Ireland’s 11 councils to set inflation-busting rates hikes.

Rates Table

The 2026 rates rises are below, with last year’s increases in brackets:

l Antrim and Newtownabbey: 2.99% (4.96%)

l Ards and North Down: 4.5% (3.65%)

l Armagh, Banbridge and Craigavo n: 2.79% (3.91%)

l Belfast: 4.48% (5.99%)

l Causeway Coast and Glens: 3.35% (3.65%)

l Derry City and Strabane: 4.48% (4.92%)

l Fermanagh and Omagh: 1.96% (3.76%)

l Lisburn and Castlereagh: 4.25% (3.99%)

l Mid and East Antrim: 2.95% (3.99%)

l Mid Ulster: 3.4% (5.1%)

l Newry, Mourne and Down 2.8% (3.98%)

The total amount of rates residents pay is made up of the district rate, which is voted through by councils, and the regional rate set by the executive.

Last week, Stormont announced that it will raise regional rates for businesses by 3% and domestic properties by 5%. Those figures are broadly in line with a plan announced by the Finance Minister, which would see 5% rates hikes on households every year for the next three years – though that plan has not yet been agreed by the executive, and has already proved controversial with other parties.

From peace hero to PR liability: QUB's lauding of Mitchell backfired spectacularly

MICHAEL CAIRNS, Belfast Telegraph, February 16th, 2026

COMMENT

George Mitchell's political base from where he grew to become a significant figure in US foreign policy was the State of Maine.

People there had pride in his achievements and young people benefitted from a bursary entitled The Mitchell Scholarship which gave financial assistance to those seeking to go to college. That was until a few days ago when Mitchell resigned from the fund oversight body with the foundation saying it “was an appropriate time to consider a name change.”

The context for this is the latest Epstein files release and so the CBS TV station in Maine ran this high in their outputs. To illustrate their video story on this further fall from grace, they used footage of Mr Mitchell speaking on a podium with the logo of Queen's University Belfast prominent on the front and a background of a large, branded hoarding of the Queen's logo behind him.

Mitchell and Queen's are forever bound together by the ample footage of him at events at the campus's Lanyon building designed specifically to raise the profile of the university across the globe. And this branding effort is now backfiring in far off newsrooms like that of CBS13 in Maine.

Competing for students and particularly overseas students has been a fixation for those running universities for many years now. Universities are major businesses reflected in the remuneration of vice-chancellors at Russell Group universities like Queen's, which averages at £350K per year.

According to Queen's University's 2024/25 annual report, it attracted “over 3,800 international students to study in Belfast from over 110 countries across the world”. That is multi million-pound business.

Universities succeed in attracting students, both at home and abroad on the basis of their reputation.

You need to be noticed

Reputation for good research outcomes, for student success and experience and performance in specialist fields like medicine or engineering. Like all businesses you need to be noticed, you need to project that you exist, you need influencers to talk about you and if your business needs inward investment in the form of foreign students, partnerships or research money, you need international media coverage.

Seeking out George Mitchell as Chancellor from 1999 to 2009 was the first phase of using his kudos for reputational promotion. Over the years he then became part of the effort by those responsible for raising the profile of Queen's in the national and international media as a place somehow central to the Good Friday Agreement - which it wasn't - and big enough to be given the continuing seal of approval by its chief architect.

Along came the 2018 anniversary of the agreement, prompting Queen's to put on special events built around appearances by the former senator.

But by 2023 when he returned again to the university for more packed hall standing ovations, the name Jeffrey Epstein was now very familiar and Epstein's most high-profile victim, Virginia Giuffre, had made her allegations about Mitchell public in 2019.

Mr Mitchell has always denied wrongdoing. A spokesperson for the former politician has said he “never met, spoke to or had any contact with Giuffre or any underage women”. But in 2023, the 25th anniversary of the signing of the peace deal seemed to be seen as too good an opportunity by Queen's communications strategists to miss in terms of profile raising, so a conference week entitled Agreement 25 was set in place with Mitchell delivering the keynote address.

There was a big promotional effort after an unexpected knockback for QUB's attempts to be custodians of the agreement's history. This came when Ulster University pulled off the coup of having the sitting US President Joe Biden visit its new Campus for his only globally covered speech in Northern Ireland. It came a week before Queen's event.

Film Project

The next step in the university's comms plan to keep Mitchell in the hall of fame was to partner with a film production company to develop a documentary titled “The Negotiator” with Queen's Vice President of Governance and External Affairs, Ryan Feeney, taking a role as executive producer. In the broadcasting industry, executive producer roles normally entail overseeing the editorial content of the finished piece before it is broadcast or distributed. Queen's described the project as “a major international documentary film chronicling the life and work of Senator George Mitchell.”

The interview at the heart of the documentary with Mr Mitchell and filming of others involved was carried out in 2023 but the film wasn't released until summer 2025, giving a long period for reflection on its content.

On its release, critic Tim Grierson of Screen Daily described the documentary as “affectionate” and that “The Negotiator takes little notice of him (Mitchell) as a flesh-and-blood individual, more interested in chronicling his professional achievements”.

The documentary's focus was to talk to Mitchell about his work as the peace process negotiator and there was no reference to Epstein.

The documentary - Queen's partnered and supported - has been shown at several film festivals in the US and Ireland.

It was then shown in Belfast at the Queen's Film Theatre in November 2025, despite two months earlier a US congressional panel releasing the content of the so-called Jeffrey Epstein “birthday book” from 2003 in which Senator Mitchell had described their relationship as “a blessing.”

What might be termed the university's “Mitchell sales strategy” came tumbling down not because Queen's leadership decided to terminate it but because the release of thousands of new documents led the US-Ireland Alliance to come out publicly dropping Mitchell's name from its prestigious scholarship scheme on the basis of the content of some of the documents.

In a statement a day later, Queen's communications department issued its justification saying: “As a civic institution with a global reputation for leadership in peace, reconciliation, and justice, Queen's University Belfast must ensure that its honours and symbols reflect the highest standards consistent with its values and responsibilities.”

Discarded

The irony of this line of reasoning is that they sought to build that reputation for leadership in peace and reconciliation by using George Mitchell, their now discarded publicity golden goose.

The issue of George Mitchell is a difficult one for those of us who were around during the peace process and the success of the Good Friday Agreement is in no short measure due to his skills and tenacity.

Northern Ireland owes a lot to him for his professional life and so it makes any view of his alleged private actions, which he vehemently denies, somewhat clouded by gratitude.

A key rule in strategic communications is to constantly horizon-scan for potential reputational threats to protect the corporate body.

From as far back as 2019 there were dots on the horizon which no one at Queen's seems to have been concerned about and perhaps it was the community-think cloud that made seeing the horizon more difficult to do objectively.

Michael Cairns is a strategic communications adviser and former editor at BBC NI.

London should follow Nesbitt and stop puberty blocker trials, says Beattie

By Staff Reporter, News Letter, February 15th, 2026

The UK health minister needs to follow Northern Ireland and not allow children to be used in puberty blocker trials, an MLA has said.

Doug Beattie was speaking in support of his Ulster Unionist colleague, the health minister Mike Nesbitt MLA, after he suspended NI’s participation in a UK-wide puberty blocker trial until a legal challenge to the scheme has concluded.

On Saturday the News Letter reported the Stormont minister’s major policy shift in a statement to this newspaper – just days after a review by Baroness Cass welcomed the work the Department of Health had undertaken so far to prepare for participation in the scheme.

New party leader Jon Burrows has previously publicly opposed medical or pharmaceutical interventions on children, but had also said Northern Ireland’s transgender services should be in line with the 2024 national Cass Review findings.

In a statement, Mr Nesbitt said: “Having taken account of the ongoing Judicial Review into the UK government’s clinical trial of puberty blockers, I have decided to suspend Northern Ireland's agreement to participate in the UK wide trial until the legal process has concluded. Should the trial ultimately be given the green light to proceed, I shall take the views of executive colleagues before any potential lifting of the pause.”

Doug Beattie, one of the UUP MLA team, replied on the social media platform X to a message from the News Letter political editor, David Thompson, that linked to our story on the suspension, to say: “The right interim move to be followed by a clear commitment that Northern Ireland will not be part of the pathway trial. We now need @wesstreeting [the UK health minister Wes Streeting] to stop children being used in the trial, let adults who previously used puberty blockers take part if they wish.”

A review of Northern Ireland’s transgender service reported this week that the local health service is making “rigorous and demanding” changes to meet minister Nesbitt’s previous commitment to be part of the scheme. It would have seen local children take part in tests to establish the effectiveness of the hormone-blockers on dealing with gender distress in children.

The drugs block normal physical development, and their use has been backed by Sinn Fein, Alliance and the SDLP in the past – and described as “gender affirming care”.

The TUV welcomed Mr Nesbitt’s change of policy, but said he had more questions to answer.

The party’s equality spokeswoman Ann McClure said: “I welcome news that Health Minister Mike Nesbitt has pulled Northern Ireland involvement in the puberty blocker trial, but this does not change the fact that he has major questions to answer as to why we ever got to this point.

“My colleague Timothy Gaston has tabled an urgent oral question to the minister challenging him on how he could have made such a significant and controversial decision and then reversed it within a couple of days without ever bringing the matter before the assembly.

Massive public concern

“This is an issue which has generated massive public concern, with a petition with several thousand names being submitted to the minister by TUV some months ago opposing the use of life-altering drugs in children. It is also something that has prompted many questions to minister Nesbitt — yet he has chosen to bypass the proper channels of accountability and go to the media.

“That is unacceptable. The public deserve the minister to be held to account on this matter. And not only on the issues which have arisen in the past few days but on what appears to be the undue influence of groups such as the Rainbow Project within his department when it comes to this matter.

"The minister has repeatedly refused to answer assembly questions on the role of the Rainbow Project and other ideologically driven groups in the co-design process for the new Gender Identity Service. It’s time for answers from Minister Nesbitt.”

The policy change comes after growing unease within the party about the puberty blockers trial. Before Mr Nesbitt had made his decision, Upper Bann MLA Doug Beattie had told the News Letter that he remained “concerned about any interventions with pre-pubescent children who are questioning their gender identity”.

He said that “putting children onto a potentially harmful trial is not something I can personally support.

“I also accept there are more knowledgeable people on this issue than me, including clinicians, so in many ways my position is from a conscience standpoint.

“That said, why can any trial not use those who have already been subjected to puberty blockers before the ban being examined to see what physical and psychological effect they have had on them; therefore protecting our children?”

Boucher Road surprise vote shows SF don't care about Belfast concerts - DUP

By Iain Gray, Belfast Telegraph, February 15th, 2026

A surprise vote pushing through moves that could axe gigs at Boucher Road shows Sinn Fein don’t care about major-league concerts in Belfast, the DUP says.

On Friday night, a city council meeting that was set up to vote through new rates bills also saw nationalists force through a move to have Boucher Road used for sports by 2028 – which came just days after the council voted to delay a decision, so they could get more information about how it could affect Belfast’s music scene and tourism draw.

The council is now to plough ahead with building two GAA pitches and one intermediate soccer pitch on the site, which Sinn Fein previously said would make it impossible to stage big-name concerts there.

Officials are now to see where major gigs could go instead, and there’s a chance Boucher Road might still host both music and sports.

But for DUP councillor Sarah Bunting, the tight deadline and decision to force through the GAA and soccer move without knowing whether Belfast has any other suitable venues for the biggest names in the concert world shows the nationalists don’t care about those gigs.

“Sinn Fein appear focused so singularly on GAA pitches that they will push concert-goers, or even community gardens and a wildflower meadow, aside in an attempt to impose their will alone onto Belfast,” she told the News Letter.

“Our position has always been to deliver upon our unwavering support for football teams such as Kelvin FC and Sandy Row FC; however, that can be delivered upon alongside the provision of an entertainment venue.

“Promoters and stakeholders are confident that concerts with a 40,000 capacity could continue alongside sports pitches [at Boucher Road] and are willing to work with the council to that end.

“Sinn Fein don’t seem to care about an alternative venue for hosting concerts, and when the council agreed to defer the decision they branded it discrimination.”

Alliance had change of heart

The News Letter understands that on Friday night unionists and Alliance came out against the idea of overturning the delay to plough ahead with sports pitches, but were outvoted by other parties.

Shortly after that decision, a Sinn Fein politician rushed out a press statement saying it was “fantastic” that the Boucher Road pitches plan “has been given the green light”.

Councillor Natasha Brennan added: “This will be particularly welcomed by Gaels in the city, who have had to contend with underinvestment and a lack of provision for decades.”

Ms Bunting attacked that, accusing Sinn Fein of trying to “govern the city of Belfast by press statement, rather than by what the council has actually agreed”.

“They seem to believe that whatever narrow view they express is what everyone else should fall in line with,” she said. “It is clear that the motion passed includes the potential for hosting concerts at Boucher, yet they seem to believe that should be ignored in favour of whatever they release in a statement.”

The DUP has previously suggested Boucher could be a joint venue for music and sports, while Alliance have been concerned that officials haven’t worked out where major gigs could happen instead.

When the Orange Order branded Blair ‘turncoat’

NOEL DORAN, Irish News, February 16th, 2026

WHILE Tony Blair has become used to facing heavy criticism from a range of sources during his lengthy and contentious public career, arguably the most bitter personal attack he ever encountered involved the Orange Order, and took place even before he became UK prime minister.

Three decades ago this year, when Blair was only starting to come to prominence as leader of the opposition at Westminster, the Belfast Orange grand master, Robert Saulters, was enraged not by his policies but by the fact that his wife, Cherie Booth, was a Catholic.

Saulters, who was elected as overall head of the Orange institution later that year, said that Blair had “…sold his birthright by marrying a Romanist and serving Communion in a Roman Catholic church. He would sell his soul to the devil himself. He is not loyal to his religion. He is a turncoat. The future looks bleak.”

It was a grossly offensive intervention at every level, and, having met Booth with Blair at a couple of Downing Street receptions, I can confirm that, rather than trying to influence Irish developments, it was an area in which she had little obvious interest.

Saulters was the most prominent Orange official of his day, leading the organisation for 14 years, including during the height of the notorious Drumcree protests in Co Armagh, and also once signed election nomination papers for Ian Paisley senior.

Although it is not an episode which is likely to be examined in detail when Blair’s reputation is analysed during a major Channel 4 documentary series starting tomorrow, unusually running for three consecutive nights and featuring what is said to be a forensic, longform interview with director Michael Waldman, it was nonetheless a significant moment at the time.

He was not deterred from playing a central role in the Irish peace process, which will be fully assessed in the programme and, unlike many of his activities since then, largely stands up to scrutiny.

Blair should not have been totally surprised by the Orange onslaught, as his family background gave him some insight into undiluted sectarian attitudes.

In his 2010 autobiography, A Journey, he described what it was like for his mother, Hazel Corscadden, an “almost saintly woman” who died when he was 22, to come from a Protestant background in Ballyshannon, Co Donegal, with relatives who held hardline views.

Scottish-born Blair said that his grandfather, George, who also lived in Glasgow for a period, had been in charge of one of Donegal’s then many Orange lodges, while his grandmother, Sarah Margaret, had in his words been infected by bigotry which was “unfortunately accepted as the norm”.

‘Never marry a Catholic.

He wrote that Sarah Margaret, who suffered from Alzheimer’s in later life, had a moment of lucidity when he started to date Booth, and said to him: “Whatever else you do, son, never marry a Catholic.”

Blair was only 43 when he became prime minister in 1997, then the youngest holder of the post for almost two centuries, and immediately threw himself into the highly pressurised negotiations leading to the signing of Good Friday Agreement in Belfast the following year.

He had hugely consequential exchanges with senior nationalists and unionists along the way, but, as the C4 programme sets out, there were also lighter moments which occasionally verged on the surreal, including one in Downing Street involving his son, Euan, then in his early teens, and the Sinn Féin leadership.

Euan Blair said: “They [Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness] go out for a break from these very intense sessions and they see me and my brother skateboarding in the garden and we said to them, ‘Hey, do you want to try?’… [we’re] in the farcical situation of trying to teach Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness how to skateboard against the backdrop of something incredibly serious and solemn and historic…”

It is possible that Tony Blair privately contrasted the crude insults towards his wife from the Orange side with the attempts by Adams and McGuinness to entertain his children, but he had more pressing matters than skateboards to consider when he later made what is widely regarded as among the worst errors of judgment committed by a British premier in living memory.

Blair’s decision to support the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, over false claims that Saddam Hussein’s regime possessed weapons of mass destruction, had completely disastrous consequences, and, if the Orange Order had been prepared to sit back, and look beyond all the nonsense about Catholic turncoats, it would eventually have had entirely legitimate grounds to denounce him.

Channel 4’s The Tony Blair Story will be broadcast on Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday of this week, starting at 9pm.

‘It’s a challenge to be a woman in unionism’

CONOR COYLE, Irish News, February 16th, 2026

The only female among her party’s nine representatives at Stormont, Diana Armstrong tells Conor Coyle it is an issue not just faced by the Ulster Unionists, but acknowledged that the party needs to do better

LESS than 18 months ago, Diana Armstrong occupied a seat on Fermanagh and Omagh District Council, one that she had sat in for nine years.

Today the Co Fermanagh woman sits as an MLA at Stormont and, most recently, as the deputy leader of the Ulster Unionist Party, having been described as the “kingmaker” in the selection of Jon Burrows as the party’s new leader.

A meteoric rise for the representative who follows closely in the political footsteps of her late father, former Ulster Unionist leader Harry West. West narrowly lost out to Bobby Sands in a 1981 Westminster by-election which sparked increased efforts of republicanism towards an electoral strategy.

Ms Armstrong says she believes her father would be “very proud” of her as she embarks on the challenging task of returning the party to its former glory as the largest within unionism.

The only female of her party’s nine representatives at Stormont, Ms Armstrong says it is an issue not just faced by the Ulster Unionists, but acknowledged that it needs to do better.

The Fermanagh South Tyrone MLA says being an MLA is currently “not conducive” to being able to raise children.

“I see it really as a challenge for females to be in unionism,” she said.

“When I did a survey of councillors for the DUP and the UUP, around 24% of councillors in the DUP are female and 25% of UUP councillors are female.

“So there’s a message there and it could also be cultural.

Stormont not conducive to childcare

“Working here, working in Stormont itself, in Parliament Buildings, it’s not really a conducive life to where you have childcare and elder care responsibilities.

“That is something we are looking for, reform in how we deliver in this place, how we maximise efficiencies and how we deliver for both the electorate, the constituents, but also the elected representatives and making it meaningful so that we can do the best job, in the best conditions.”

Ms Armstrong says that an attempt was made by former party leader Doug Beattie to introduce more women as election candidates during his tenure, but was unsuccessful and led to a loss of talent within the party ranks.

Addressing the gap is one of her top priorities as deputy leader.

“That’s one of my objectives certainly, and it’s something we are working on developing policy on, recruiting females and also supporting and retaining them.

“We had the experience with Doug Beattie as leader, we brought a raft of females in as candidates. When those candidates didn’t get selected, there’s an economic section there where people have to learn a living.

“So the candidates naturally, if they weren’t in an elected position, had to really consider their career choices and in that sense you can lose some talent.

“But what we are trying to do is bring people through that pathway, either as activists or as elected representatives, but it’s very much up to the electorate to work with us.

“Working here, working in Stormont itself, in Parliament Buildings, it’s not really a conducive life to where you have childcare and elder care responsibilities. That is something we are looking for, reform in how we deliver in this place, how we maximise efficiencies and how we deliver for both the electorate, the constituents, but also the elected representatives and making it meaningful so that we can do the best job, in the best conditions

The treatment of some female MLAs has made headlines on a number of occasions within the last 12 months. Ms Armstrong’s party colleague and assembly deputy speaker Steve Aiken was accused of “patronising” Alliance MLA Nuala McAllister within the chamber last September, while TUV MLA Timothy Gaston was suspended from the assembly for two days last week after the Standards Commissioner found comments towards committee chair Paula Bradshaw to be “unnecessary and personal”.

‘Hugely mysogynistic’

Just this week, Alliance turned accused after its MLA David Honeyford referred to Ms Armstrong as the “DUP’s little sister” during a debate in the chamber.

The new UUP deputy leader described Mr Honeyford’s comments as “hugely misogynistic” – and suggested there was a wider issue of commentary towards female MLAs at Stormont.

“I think none of the behaviours and the outspoken language are befitting of this place,” Ms Armstrong said.

“You are here in an institution that is here to govern and it’s very much on the shoulders of all elected representatives to set an example and that’s what they should do.

“It’s a privilege to be in this place, our focus is on delivering for our country, for Northern Ireland to get the best opportunities for all who live here.

“Minor spats like that, they are a distraction and respect has to be at the basis of all co-operation.

“David has apologised to me today personally. I’d like to draw a line in the sand, I would like the Alliance Party to be more aware that they have called this out on many occasions. It has now been called out by me against them and they need to consider how it appears on the outside too.”

MUCH was made of the fact that there was no “team photo” taken of UUP MLAs during the ratification of the Burrows-Armstrong ticket at the party’s AGM at the end of last month, with reports emerging of a lack of support from Stormont MLAs for the new leader.

In an interview asking whether he supported the new leader this week, former deputy leader and would-be challenger to Burrows, Robbie Butler, struggled to deliver a direct answer to the question.

The new deputy leader and chief whip rubbished those reports, saying that the party had a “cohesive unit” at Stormont and that she didn’t sense any ill discipline within its ranks.

“It was really pleasing and very positive that every MLA did attend the AGM. I’m now chief whip as well, so that would be my role to organise the party in the business in the weeks ahead. There’s obviously a disciplinary role and I don’t see any ill discipline in that role at all.

“We are a cohesive unit and certainly I always have total support for my colleagues there.

“I went with my instinct and that was to support Jon Burrows. In the end it was a coronation as people have referenced, so I was just glad to be part of that.

“You hold yourself up for scrutiny in every aspect of your public life.

“The fact that it wasn’t a contest, ideally we would have preferred a contest. We’re a very democratic party, it was unanimously supported by the grassroots and by those attending the AGM.

“In terms of satisfaction, perhaps it would have been a thing to have a vote. That didn’t take place but we had the unanimous mandate there on that day.”

Some have suggested the new leadership of the party represents a move to the right of the political spectrum, and a rejection of a more central ground which may have been offered by Butler.

“I don’t think a shift to the right is in that thinking at all. I think we are very proudly unionist with the values of the Ulster Unionist Party, so no that will not change.

“What you see in Jon is a very clear minded and confident person, moving forward focused on how we can deliver best here.

“I always listen to the grassroots, particularly if you’re from Fermanagh you listen to your electorate.

“What you see in Jon (Burrows) is a very clear-minded and confident person, moving forward focused on how we can deliver best here. I always listen to the grassroots, particularly if you’re from Fermanagh you listen to your electorate. To me the overwhelming, the compelling, backing was for Jon Burrows and myself

“To me the overwhelming, the compelling backing was for Jon Burrows and myself. Robbie is a fantastic colleague and has previously been deputy leader and chief whip, he has been a very good colleague to work with.

‘It is service before self’

“Robbie hit the nail on the head, it is service before self in our party, it always has been.”

Ms Armstrong says she sees “growth and optimism” in the future ahead of the Ulster Unionists, in contrast to its electoral fortunes in recent years which has seen it eclipsed by the DUP and under pressure from the hardline TUV.

“I see growth, I see optimism. There are 250,000 people in Northern Ireland who are totally turned off by politics

“With the response that we have had recently to the change of leadership within the party and the vision being captured by Jon Burrows and me as his deputy.

“I see an enthusiasm and interest there in clear speaking in insisting that we get delivery right – we owe that to our people in Northern Ireland to make these institutions work and deliver across the board.

“I think it can be (the biggest party within unionism again), it will take time. Growth takes time.

“Looking forward we would have the challenge after the next mandate of whether we go in to government or whether we go into opposition. Those are things we are considering actively at the moment.”

Ms Armstrong said her own rise to the higher ranks of the party is an opportunity she wanted to grab with both hands, and hopes that she can forge the way for other women in unionism coming after her.

“I know a lot of women who have gone before and the opportunity didn’t present itself then, it’s presented itself now so I certainly wasn’t going to turn it down.

“I have to say, it’s all been very positive, and I sense also the excitement that came from the grassroots to the names being put forward.

“I’ve always believed in stepping up when the opportunity presents itself, and it’s very much one that I want to take on board to show other women, particularly women in our party that there are those pathways there.”

Concern over hospital’s ‘alarming’ £86m ‘high-risk’ bill for repairs

ALLAN PRESTON, Irish News, February 16th, 2026

AN £86m cost to address high-risk repairs at Altnagelvin Hospital in Derry has been described as “nothing short of alarming”.

The figures were revealed after an Assembly question from SDLP MLA Colin McGrath, giving a full breakdown of £251m of high risk maintenance work still to be carried out at health service sites across Northern Ireland.

Costs in the Western Trust were the highest by far at £158m, which also included £58m for Tyrone and Fermanagh Hospital.

The Northern Trust accounted for £44m, including £17m and £15m respectively for Whiteabbey and Holywell Hospitals as well as £7m for Antrim Area Hospital.

The Belfast and South Eastern Trusts were both listed at £17m, including £11m for Ards Community Hospital and £8m for Belfast City Hospital.

The Southern Trust had £14m of high risk repairs needed, including £8.5m for Craigavon Area Hospital.

The Health Minister Mike Nesbitt commented: “It should be noted that the Trusts have confirmed that where facilities remain occupied whilst requiring high risk backlog maintenance, they continue to manage the risks associated with same, introducing mitigation measures where appropriate allowing the facilities to be assessed as remaining in a safe state to support service delivery.”

Mr McGrath told the Irish News: “These figures are nothing short of alarming. Altnagelvin Hospital alone requires £86m in high-risk maintenance works. That news should signal a major warning flag to the Minister.

“Staff and patients deserve better than working and receiving care in buildings where significant high-risk issues remain outstanding.

“While the Trust says that mitigation measures are in place, that is not a long-term solution.

“If this work is not progressed urgently, the costs will only rise and the risks will only deepen. Delays today will mean even greater expense and higher risk tomorrow.”

Calling Altnagelvin a cornerstone hospital for the north west, he added: “An £86m high-risk maintenance bill cannot be allowed to sit on a spreadsheet while pressures mount on staff and services.

‘People of North-West deserve certainty’

“The Minister must now set out a clear and detailed timeline for when this work will begin, how it will be funded, and when it will be completed. The people of the north west deserve certainty.

“Managing risk is not an option. We need action, not reassurance.”

A Department of Health spokesperson said: “The severe financial challenges facing the Northern Ireland Health & Social Care sector, as well as the competing demands on the capital budget, are impacting the Department’s ability to issue sufficient capital to positively impact on the backlog maintenance.

“The Department welcomes the efforts made by the Trusts on a daily basis to allow the provision of service delivery despite the backlog maintenance liability.”

Tyrone and Fermanagh Hospital in Omagh needs £58m for high risk maintenance works.

Last month, it was also reported that the repair bill for the entire health estate currently stands at £1.6bn – including the £251m classed as high risk.

In addition, over £600,000 a year is still being spent to maintain around 91 vacant properties.

The Department’s most recent “state of the estate” report in 2024, estimated the entire health estate is spread across 1,500 buildings with a value of around £3.7bn.

In a previous written answer, the health minister said it was important to remember that nearly half (46%) of the estate was over 50-years-old,with mitigations against the risks including regular inspections and fire risk assessments.