The fundamental driver of Troubles was sectarianism, toxic by-product of a divided society
Malachi O'Doherty, Belfast Telegraph, April 15th, 2025
Brian Rowan, erstwhile security correspondent for the BBC, says he doesn't like the term 'The Troubles', so often used to refer to the period of violence between 1969 and — roughly — the early 2000s.
This came up on a Talkback programme presented by John Campbell in which we were discussing the prospects of a museum to mark that period, sometimes called a Troubles Museum or a Peace Museum.
The term 'The Troubles' was previously used to describe the upheaval in Ireland between 1916 and 1922.
It is the term I prefer. I have problems with two other common terms, 'The Conflict' and 'The War'.
The implication of calling the violent years a conflict is that it was a contest between definable powers, Irish nationalism and British unionism, each at its cutting-edge brutal and each organically part of a wider community.
So the resolution of the conflict had to be between political parties, most of which had always called for an end to the violence. The Irish and British governments urged them on as if motivated by nothing but the best of intentions.
The governments also made a pact with each other — the east-west component of the Agreement.
Smaller parties that had supported paramilitary campaigns went into the talks insisting either that they did not speak for those paramilitaries, as Sinn Fein uncoupled itself — to everyone's convenience — from the IRA, or boycotted the whole business, as did the DUP.
Loyalist representatives were described as being 'close to the thinking' of the UVF or UDA but accepted the penalty of suspension when their comrades on the street resumed killing for a time in January 1998.
Incoherent strategies
The terms 'conflict' and 'war', to my mind, attribute coherent motivations and considered strategies to the armed groups. Such a conflict or war would be ended by a treaty between those groups or armies, yet no one at the table would agree to speak for any of them.
What we really got was a political pact, not a treaty.
The paramilitaries, having said for years that they would never accept such a deal, fell in line for reasons that we can only speculate on.
The main activists and leaders were getting old. They did not want their children to live with continuing danger. They wanted to get their members out of prison and back with their families.
The same people who had started the violence in their youth ended it when they had matured, perhaps duly sickened, perhaps even ashamed.
The Good Friday Agreement addressed a fundamental political problem of division between nationalism and unionism. It took no account of the difference between nationalism and republicanism. It didn't need to because the republicans had become constitutional nationalists.
Delusional politics
It did not, however, come up with a durable formula for stable government, but the parties congratulated themselves on having brought an end to violence and that seemed achievement enough. We live on with the legacy of that delusion.
I call that period 'The Troubles' because I do not attribute coherent and consistent motivation to those who did most of the killing. Some were, no doubt, committed ideologues. Some were sectarian thugs. Some were methodical criminals who had found a context within which they could operate. Some were angry, grief-stricken people who needed to lash out.
The word 'conflict' implies that murderous activism was always and only political, and was brought to an end through political compromise.
I have similar difficulty with the word 'war', though it is a word with many possible interpretations.
Some would regard the asymmetry between the paramilitary groups and the British Army as making it a guerrilla war. But even a guerrilla war usually had a prospect of military success.
If a war is a contest by military means, then what we had was not war. There never was the remotest prospect of the IRA militarily defeating the British Army.
Its campaign had nuisance value only.
Perhaps one might legitimately use the term 'war' to describe the interactions between republican and loyalist paramilitaries. I don't like to think so, since it might seem to dignify what they did.
I think the fundamental driver of the Troubles was sectarianism, the inevitable toxic by-product of a divided society. The term 'The Troubles' serves as a euphemism for glossing over how ugly that was.
The discussion with Brian Rowan was about the prospects of a museum, a Troubles museum or a peace museum. Irene Boada, who is campaigning for a Troubles museum, argued that it could be a centre for reconciliation.
Perhaps it could. I argued that it should not propagandise any idea, not even peace. Just let people walk through a representation of all that happened. They can then make up their own minds in the face of such chaos and carnage whether it was a conflict, a war, or something much more troubling to contemplate.
Sean Brown’s family: Benn ‘trying to make fools’ of us
Connla Young, Crime and Security Correspondent, Irish News, April 15th, 2025
MURDERED GAA official Sean Brown’s family say Secretary of State Hilary Benn is attempting to make “fools” out of them and the judicial system as the British government continues to stall on a public inquiry.
Mr Brown (61) was abducted and beaten by an LVF gang as he locked the gates at Bellaghy Wolfe Tones GAC and later shot dead near Randalstown, Co Antrim, in May 1997. No-one has ever been convicted of his murder.
This month the Court of Appeal ruled that the government’s refusal to hold a public inquiry is “unlawful”.
The court also found it breaches Article Two obligations under the European
Convention on Human Rights which protect the right to life.
The court has given Mr Benn four weeks to “reflect upon the judgment”.
Government Appeal
The government launched an appeal after a High Court judge ordered a public inquiry following a case taken by Mr Brown’s widow Bridie (87).
It emerged during an abandoned inquest last year that more than 25 people had been linked by intelligence to the murder, including several state agents.
The inquest into Mr Brown’s death was halted before the former Tory government’s Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Act 2023, which ended all inquests and civil cases, came into operation last May.
Responsibility for investigating Troubles cases has since transferred to the Independent Commission for Reconciliation and Information Recovery (ICRIR), which it is claimed by some to be part of British government attempts to protect state participants from accountability.
The current Labour government has pledged to repeal and replace the Legacy Act, although the ICRIR is to be retained.
Last week Mr Benn said he was “determined” to make sure the ICRIR will be compliant with the ECHR, adding that he is taking steps “to ensure the “commission has the capacity to do that.”
The Brown family have warned they will not accept a de Silva style review into the GAA man’s murder and rejected British government suggestions they should engage with the ICRIR, saying an inquiry will provide them with answers
In its recent ruling, delivered by Lady Chief Justice Siobhán Keegan, the Court of Appeal said the ICRIR “is not fit for purpose in Mrs Brown’s case”.
While the government has indicated attempts will be made to improve the ICRIR, its powers strengthened and “remedies found to address the flaws in its current constitution”, the Court of Appeal observed the “gaps are significant”.
28 year battle
The court also referenced the time that will be required to introduce legislative change, and the fact Mrs Brown has been fighting her case for 28 years, adding the “ICRIR is not fit for the purpose of delivering the remedy she needs now”.
Mr Brown’s daughter Siobhán questioned Mr Benn’s approach.
“Siobhán Keegan was really clear as well that a public inquiry was the only way forward for it and the IC-RIR wasn’t a body which was going to help us as a family,” she said.
“We are still of the opinion that clearly the secretary of state is not standing up to what he is supposed to do. He is making a fool out of us, the court system, and he’s not doing the ICRIR any favours either.
“Because the body that was set up by the government, albeit a different government, isn’t fit for purpose.”
Earlier this year The Irish News revealed that 10 former RUC officers and staff are employed by the commission – a point highlighted by Ms Brown.
“At the end of the day… there’s ex-RUC officers, and I am assuming there’s ex-PSNI officers working within that body,” she said.
“So, where’s the independence at, irrespective of anything else?
“Even if they do make changes, what are those changes going to involve?
“How long are they going to take, years down the line, they could be just kicking the can.
Bridie Brown with her daughters Claire Loughran, left, and Siobhán Brown holding pictures of their murdered father Sean Brown
“If they are wanting to kick it down the line, none of us are getting any younger, we have waited 28 years….it’s ridiculous that we’ve had to fight this basically for those 28 years.”
In response, the Northern Ireland Office provided a statement previously issued on April 3.
Case will not delay repeal of Legacy Act
In the statement a spokeswoman said the secretary of state “wants to see a full investigation into the murder of Sean Brown” adding that it will “carefully consider” the recent court ruling.
“This will not delay the government’s determination to repeal and replace the Legacy Act, and to implement mechanisms that are human-rights compliant and can command confidence across communities,” the spokeswoman added.
Meanwhile, Sinn Féin president Mary Lou McDonald has urged Mr Benn to “do the right thing” in setting up a public inquiry.
She was speaking after meeting the secretary of state along with Michelle O’Neill and North Belfast MP John Finucane yesterday.
“We have emphasised to the secretary of state the necessity to do the right thing, to respond in a constructive and positive way to the court ruling and to give the Brown family the process they need to find truth and to find justice,” she said.
Paul O’Connor, of the Pat Finucane Centre, said: “The Secretary of State, by continually using the commission as a patsy for families who are seeking proper investigative mechanisms is doing no favours to the reputation of the ICRIR.”
“We are still of the opinion that clearly the secretary of state is not standing up to what he is supposed to do. He is making a fool out of us, the court system, and he’s not doing the ICRIR any favours either
Shankill bomber 'should be returned to jail following terrorism conviction'
Liam Tunney, Belfast Telegraph, April 14th, 2025
BROTHER OF TEENAGER KILLED IN ATROCITY MAKES DEMAND FOR LICENCE REVOCATION
Shankill bomber Sean Kelly should be returned to prison following his conviction under the Terrorism Act, the brother of a teenager killed in the atrocity has said.
Kelly (51), from Ardglen Place in north Belfast, was last week convicted of wearing a proscribed jacket at a commemoration event for a dead IRA man on Boxing Day 2022.
He was found guilty under the Terrorism Act after a contested hearing at Belfast Magistrates' Court and fined £300.
Kelly was convicted of one of the worst IRA atrocities of the Troubles after nine people were killed when a bomb ripped through Frizzell's fish shop on October 23, 1993. He received nine life sentences.
It had been aimed at taking out the UDA leadership on the Shankill, including its C Company boss Johnny Adair.
Another bomber, Thomas Begley (22), was killed when the device exploded prematurely.
Kelly returned to prison previously
Kelly was released in 2000 under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement, but was returned to prison in 2005 by then-NI Secretary Peter Hain over suspicions that he had been involved in rioting.
The Ardoyne man twice canvassed for Sinn Fein election candidates, with the party defending his participation as promoting the peace process.
Gary Murray lost his 13-year-old sister Leanne in the Shankill bombing. His mother Gina spent years campaigning on behalf of the victims prior to her death in 2024. Mr Murray said Kelly's latest conviction should result in a return to prison.
In a statement issued through JWB Consultancy, Mr Murray said he was unsurprised at the bomber's actions.
Fundamental questions about licences
“This raises fundamental questions in respect of this IRA terrorist's licence. He has been convicted of an offence under the Terrorism Act,” he said.
“If that doesn't warrant the revocation of his licence, what does?
“We will be writing to the Secretary of State asking him to discharge his legal responsibilities and place more emphasis on the rule of law and safety of the public than he does staying in Sinn Fein's good book.
“As part of this, we will further be asking as to whether the reported private deals between previous Labour governments and Sinn Fein extended to a promise not to return any IRA terrorists to prison.”
DUP MLA for North Belfast, Phillip Brett, has also urged Secretary of State Hilary Benn to investigate whether the conviction breaches the terms of Kelly's early release.
“Having barely served seven years of his sentence, Sean Kelly was released on a conditional licence as per the Belfast Agreement,” he said.
“This accounted for less than one year of imprisonment for each murder he committed.
“While his recent conviction is a welcome reprimand, Mr Kelly's behaviour has continued to add insult to the families of the bereaved.
“In light of the seriousness of this Terrorism Act-related offence, I have urged the Secretary of State to investigate if Sean Kelly has breached the conditional terms of his early release.
“The Labour government promised a different approach to legacy in Northern Ireland.
“This is a matter in which they can prove their commitment to justice and respect for innocent victims of terrorism.”
It is understood Kelly's latest conviction relates to a coat emblazoned with the insignia of a defunct north Belfast IRA unit from the 1970s, which he wore during a memorial service for former Provo prisoner Jimmy Donnelly, who died in December 2022.
Donnelly was jailed for 18 years for IRA activities and took part in the 1983 escape from the Maze.
He was among 22 people found guilty on the evidence of supergrass Christopher Black, though 18 of those would later have their convictions overturned on appeal.
Kelly is now seeking to appeal his recent conviction at Belfast's county court.
Protest against Irish signs at Grand Central
Caoimhe Quinn, Irish News, April 15th, 2025
DOZENS of protesters have held a demonstration against proposed Irish-language signs at Belfast’s Grand Central Station.
Crowds gathered at the planned protest yesterday evening in response to Infrastructure Minister Liz Kimmins’s announcement last month that signs in both English and Irish will appear at the transport hub in the city centre.
Irish language campaigners staged a protest shortly after the opening of the new £340m station late last year, with demonstrators claiming members of Belfast’s Gaeltacht community felt “excluded” from the hub due to a lack of Gaelic signage.
Ark, which helped organise the rally, criticised the decision saying the minister is new to the position and has not engaged with residents around the decision.
One campaigner said: “This was a decision made by a minister who’s been in post for only a short time and she’s not attempting to reach out to the community.
‘Economically gutted and culturally attacked’
“This area has been economically gutted and culturally attacked by imposing a language on which people here don’t speak.
“My grandmother was a fluent Irish-language speaker. I don’t have a problem with people having a personal love for their Irish language. My difficulty is whenever it’s coerced speech on on signage, which isn’t needed.
“There’s £200,000 offered to shopkeepers in this area for the damage that has been done by TransLink and almost equivalent is going to be spent on Irish language scenes. It could be better used.”
Trader Paul McCann told The Irish News that it was “not right” that traders received £200,000 while Irish-language signage would cost £150,000.
‘We’re not in Ireland, we’re in Ulster’
“We’re not in Ireland, we’re in Ulster. It’s not our language. It’s not our native language, either. You know, it’s a Gaelic language from a foreign country.
“Traders received £200,000 to help with the impact on business during the building works but I’ve still bills to pay. Then we’re told £150,000 going into this Irish language signs. It’s a kick up the backside.”
William Dickson of the Blackstaff Residents Association referred to a quotation that “every word of Irish spoken is like another bullet being fired in the struggle for Irish freedom”.
He claimed: “There are two entrances to this station; one here in Sandy Row and another at the Grosvenor Road, which had a rich Protestant history before the ethnic cleansing in the 1970s, which is never publicly spoken about.
“Promoting the Irish language is seen as rewarding the republican people for the ethnic cleansing and extending republican territory.
“We wish to see a station that everyone can feel welcome in. We need a careful and sensitive approach to any proposal around the installation of Irish language signs at the site.
“We are here tonight calling upon our MLAs to stop Liz Kimmins’s solo run of forcing the Irish language signs in and around the station.
“We do not fear the Irish language but we do not want it rammed down our throats either.”
The new signage, estimated at £150,000, was expected to appear at the hub later this year, but work has halted after a legal challenge.
Residents’ groups in Sandy Row have been critical of several aspects of the new transport hub, including the demolition of the Boyne Bridge and the impact on traders in the area.
Loyalist activist Jamie Bryson is seeking a judicial review against the Department for Infrastructure over the decision, stating it was taken “without executive approval”.
However, Ms Kimmins has defended the decision and said she was “keen to continue to push this”.
Irish government’s €40,000 for Ulster Scots ‘unlocked’ by DUP minister
Conor Coyle, Irish News, April 15th, 2025
THE Irish government has provided €40,000 in a one-off payment to the Ulster Scots Agency after a “reallocation” of funding to the agency by Communities minister Gordon Lyons.
The amount was confirmed by the Irish Department of Rural and Community Development (DRCD) after it previously announced a €630,000 uplift in funding for Irish-language cross-border body Foras na Gaeilge.
The £34,500 from the Dublin government was “unlocked” after the Ulster Scots Agency received a six-figure sum from Mr Lyons’s department as part of a “targeted reallocation” of funds.
The DRCD said its contribution to the Ulster Scots Agency would go towards its “community programme”.
The Ulster-Scots Agency, or Tha Boord o Ulster Scotch as it is known, has been given the legislative remit of the “promotion of greater awareness and use of Ullans and of Ulster-Scots cultural issues, both within Northern Ireland and throughout the island”.
The Department for Communities said a number of “one-off funding adjustments” were agreed at a meeting of the north-south ministerial council last Thursday.
“As part of this move, £103,000 will be transferred from the Department’s Culture Division directly to the Ulster-Scots Agency,” the department said.
“Under existing cross-border funding arrangements, this decision will also unlock an additional £34,500 in support from the Irish Government, resulting in a total increase of £137,500 in the agency’s allocation.
Mr Lyons said: “This funding boost reflects our clear commitment to supporting the Ulster-Scots tradition and ensuring it continues to thrive as part of the rich cultural fabric of Northern Ireland.
“By directing this funding to the Ulster-Scots Agency, we are allowing the agency to expand its valuable work in communities right across Northern Ireland.
“It is vital that all traditions are respected and supported through balanced and responsible investment.”
The DUP had been accused of blocking additional funding being allocated to the cash-strapped Foras na Gaeilge body, which Deputy First Minister Emma Little-Pengelly said was “entirely without justification and entirely wrong”.
