Truth, recrimination and the value of a little compassion

ANTHONY McINTYRE, Irish News, January 12th, 2026

JUST into the new year, Denis Bradley, writing in this paper, raised a matter which has defied resolution throughout many old years.

Truth, despite acquiring a word association with reconciliation, is a concept which in the north has long been used for something entirely different – recrimination.

Our truth about you, but not your truth about us.

Denis Bradley, alert to this, in suggesting that compassion should place limitations on clarity, invites his readers to reconsider the value of truth recovery in its most expansive form.

His main concern is, briefly, that to come clean to the extent that informers be identified will have a destructive affect on the families of those who are ‘outed’.

One authentic, but not sufficient, reason for wishing to have informers publicly identified is curiosity.

The titillation to be derived from the layers of deceit being pulled away from the spook world, causing spinners and spoofers to seek out new shadows, should not be understated either.

Many aficionados of horror find rich pickings by flicking the mind’s channel to one of the following stations: Internal Security Unit, Force Research Unit, MI5, Special Branch.

John Ware’s upcoming book on the moral quagmire inhabited by Freddie Scappaticci, Brian Nelson, and a range of state agencies is likely to be replete with the genre of nightmare that prevented Edgar Allan Poe getting a good night’s sleep.

Yet there is no compelling reason to insist that curiosity should trump compassion.

Taking prisoners when war is over

Pursuing informers at this point is often driven by the same type of mindset that presses for prosecution of former combatants. As the former IRA prisoner Tommy McKearney once put it: why continue to take prisoners when the war is over?

While not intrinsically objectionable, there is no uncomplicated way to erect the humane ‘Bradley barrier’.

Would the family of John Bingham be allowed to know the identities of those who killed him, but not that of the informer who was also part of the same IRA operation?

Perhaps the most that can be done is to erect the safety rail of compassion rather than a barrier, in the hope that a society chooses wisely and opts not to go down a path that leads to even more destruction.

One thing the Kenova Report demonstrated starkly is that there are families who have already been destroyed by the informer label.

The Kenova Report demonstrated that there are families who have been destroyed by the informer label

“The deaths of all those executed by the IRA on the watch of Freddie Scappaticci amount to a gross miscarriage of justice. Each of the dead should be posthumously pardoned by the only body capable of doing so, Sinn Féin

They lost loved ones, and forever walk the earth bearing the mark of Cain for a sin not their own, or a sin perhaps not even committed.

Compassion or condemnation?

Compassion should not be confronted with the harsh command of verboten at the family homes of those whose loved ones were executed on the orders of the IRA Army Council after it was fed information procured and processed by Freddie Scappaticci, and green-lighted by his agent handlers in the British security matrix.

The involvement of a British agent in the construction of cases against people accused of informing, leading to their execution, is as corrupting as police malfeasance in the Birmingham Six ‘appalling vista’.

Even within its own narrow ethical bandwidth, the deaths of all those executed by the IRA on the watch of Freddie Scappaticci amount to a gross miscarriage of justice, the cases contaminated beyond all reasonable doubt.

Each of the dead should be posthumously pardoned by the only body capable of doing so, Sinn Féin.

The party still has within its ranks a former element of the Army Council, the institution which signed off on the Scappaticci executions.

It alone carries the authority within the communities where the deceased once lived to remove the stain.

Seeking to evade the obligation to exonerate by recourse to the mantra of ‘the IRA has gone away’ is as shallow as the secret graves the IRA interred some of its victims in.

If Sinn Féin can lay wreaths at monuments for British war dead, it can just as surely lay wreaths at the graves of Vincent Robinson, Anthony McKiernan, Charlie McIlmurray and the many others the IRA and British state, in a macabre joint enterprise, forced to sail into nothingness under the ‘tout’ flag.

The same military whose fallen Sinn Féin now honour on Remembrance Sunday stands accused by the party of being responsible for the killings procured and counselled by Freddie Scappaticci.

To whatever extent the British state was responsible – and it is hugely culpable – showing compassion to the families of its victims is hardly a breach of any principle.

Hubris should not stand in the way of an action that would be one of humility, not humiliation.

Reconciliation in Northern Ireland

Irish Times, Letters, January 10th, 2025

Sir, –Your editorial, “Politics must have greater ambition”, on the feast of the Epiphany (January 6th) was timely but also depressing. Certainly Northern Ireland needs “wise men” and indeed wise women to lead it out of its current political stasis.

One wise man, George Mitchell, pulled together the Belfast Agreement as a starting point for the parties. Neither he nor the other architects of the agreement saw it as the endgame, rather it was a path to a fully functioning political process.

The agreement did not stand the test of time in political terms and has been amended on several occasions; most egregiously by the St Andrews Agreement which enabled Sinn Féin and the DUP to enter government together, but weakened the principle of collective responsibility and created “ministry silos”.

Twenty years on from that agreement the same two parties are at the helm and, sadly, as they prepare for new Assembly elections, they will not be promoting what’s best for Northern Ireland, but rather how do they hold on to their seats, ministries, salaries and perks. Powersharing and the d’Hondt proportional representation system are failing the people of Northern Ireland.

Your invocation to the British and Irish governments to pass the legislation “required by the new agreed legacy machinery” ignores the flaws in that machinery; most obviously the fact that the information retrieval body will only deal with “Troubles deaths”, thus disenfranchising the tens of thousands of victims and their families who had loved ones maimed or injured in the Troubles. There is no attempt to promote reconciliation.

The status of those giving “protected disclosures” is still unclear. Most worryingly, as set out in the latest Bill before the UK parliament, it provides little incentive for veterans and former combatants to participate.

The machinery allows the two governments to hide behind “national security” in denying access to State records. Without open and transparent participation by the two governments and the paramilitary bodies, legacy issues will continue to prevent Northern Ireland society from functioning normally.

It is eight years since we first proposed a “Truth Recovery Process” run jointly by the British and Irish governments, based on conditional amnesties for former combatants and veterans.

The two governments seem to believe in doing the minimum now required in the mistaken hope that time will eventually cure the problem. Nothing could be further from the truth; without a radical rethink from the two governments, legacy issues will continue to fester and blight Northern Ireland society. – Yours, etc,

HARRY DONAGHY, Northern Chair,

JOHN GREEN, Southern Chair,

PADRAIG YEATES, Secretary,

Truth Recovery Process (CLG), Dublin 13.

Victims’ commissioner ‘extremely concerned’ about barristers’ strike

CONOR COYLE, Irish News, January 12th, 2026

Geraldine Hanna, Commissioner Designate for Victims of Crime in Northern Ireland, has expressed “extreme concern” over feared delays to Crown Court cases due to an ongoing barristers’ strike.

The arraignment of two men for the unlawful killing of nurse Karen Cummings was delayed on Friday due to the strike, which centres around defence barristers’ dispute with the Department of Justice over legal aid payments.

Kevin McGuigan (43) with an address as HMP Maghaberry and 33-year old Glenn Robert King, whose address was given as HMP Magillian, were both due to be formally charged with unlawfully killing Ms Cummings on December 14 2024.

Ms Cummings, a 40-year old nurse and mother-of-two, was found unconscious with a serious head injury at a house in the Laurel Heights area of Banbridge.

Several victims’ families have expressed frustration over potential delays to trials as a result of the strike, and Commissioner Designate for Victims of Crime in Northern Ireland Geraldine Hanna says that a resolution must be found in order to progress some of the most serious cases in the legal system.

“I remain extremely concerned about this action and the significant impact it is having on victims and witnesses of crime,” she said.

“The indefinite nature of the strike will exacerbate delays for victims, many of whom have already waited several years for their cases to progress.

“This uncertainty has left victims in limbo, further traumatised and with no light at the end of the tunnel in terms of when their case will go to Court.

“I strongly urge all parties to agree upon a reasonable set of crite-ria for identifying exceptional cases which can be progressed while negotiations are ongoing.”

Justice Minister Naomi Long has insisted her department does not have the adequate funds available to award barristers the pay uplift they have demanded.

The strike, which began last Monday, means no Crown Court cases involving people who require legal aid can proceed while it continues.

The Bar Council of Northern Ireland has said the strike was called because Crown Court legal aid fees have not risen in 20 years.

Victims campaigner demands to know why Kelly's IRA file 'pulled by Irish Government'

ADRIAN RUTHERFORD, Belfast Telegraph, January 12th, 2026

SEFF DIRECTOR CALLS FOR 'TRANSPARENCY' AS DECLASSIFIED FILES ARE RECALLED

A victims' campaigner has demanded an urgent explanation from the Irish Government over claims it pulled a file alleging that Gerry Kelly was a key IRA figure in the 1990s.

Kenny Donaldson said the incident, which emerged at the weekend, risked destroying any prospect of building trust with those affected by the Troubles.

The once-classified file had been published two weeks ago as part of a release of state papers by the National Archives in Dublin.

It included a secret garda briefing note that included an assessment that Mr Kelly, a long-time MLA for North Belfast, was the most significant figure in the IRA in the mid-1990s.

However, the file was later withdrawn, according to The Irish Times, who reported it was at the request of the Republic's Department of Foreign Affairs.

The department was approached on Saturday and again yesterday for an explanation, but did not reply.

Action contradicts Irish Govt commitments on greater transparency

Mr Donaldson, who heads the SEFF victims group, said: “At a time, when the Irish Government has claimed that it is committed to delivering maximum disclosure in respect of the Troubles, here we have a circumstance where released files — already kept secret for 20 and 30 years — are being recalled.

“This cannot happen in the absence of transparency as to why.”

According to The Irish Times, the file was pulled following “urgent consultations between the Department of Foreign Affairs and the Department of Justice”.

Mr Donaldson said he would be seeking answers from the department, including who recalled the file, and why.

He also questioned how many other files have been recalled in recent years.

“How on earth does the Irish Government believe it will build trust with victims and survivors of the Provisional IRA against the backdrop of actions such as this, and without openness and transparency as to why?” Mr Donaldson added. “These matters must be urgently addressed.”

Mr Kelly and Sinn Fein were approached for comment and asked if either the party or Mr Kelly had requested the file be withdrawn.

The document in question is a letter, written by assistant garda commissioner Noel Conroy, which identified Mr Kelly as “the most dominant figure” in the Provos in the 1990s.

Mr Conroy wrote the briefing note to the Irish Department of Justice on May 21, 1996.

Two page analysis of IRA leadership

It was addressed to the department's secretary general Tim Dalton and formed a two-page security analysis of the leadership of the IRA.

It said: “The current PIRA [Provisional Irish Republican Army] strategy continues to be dominated and controlled by the leadership of Gerry Kelly, Belfast; Brian Keenan, Belfast; Martin McGuinness, Derry; Pat Doherty, Donegal; and Thomas 'Slab' Murphy, Louth. Gerry Kelly is emerging as the most dominant figure within this group.

“Martin Ferris is also emerging as highly influential in formulating strategy and is consulted and advised by the northern leadership on all major issues.”

In 1996, Mr Conroy was serving as the head of the Garda's critical Crime and Security branch. He later served as Garda Commissioner.

Mr Kelly has previously appeared in several declassified files.

One document from 1996, held by the National Archives in London, claimed Mr Kelly had been put in charge of the IRA reorganisation to ensure centralised control for the peace process. Mr Kelly said the allegation was “not true”.

Mr Kelly had served a prison sentence for the 1973 Old Bailey bombing before escaping from prison. He became a Sinn Fein politician and played a central role in the peace process and Good Friday Agreement.

He has been an MLA since being elected to the Assembly in 1998.

In a separate incident last month, the Cabinet Office in London blamed an “administrative error” for mistakenly sharing official papers referring to Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor in declassified files.

A No 10 file from 2004 and 2005 relating to royal visits was briefly made available to journalists before being withdrawn. The information was later redacted from the file before it was made public at the National Archives in Kew, west London.

The Cabinet Office said the documents were never intended for public disclosure.

IS STORMONT DOING WHAT MATTERS MOST?

JOHN MANLEY, POLITICAL CORRESPONDENT, Irish News, January 12th, 2026

AT the end of next month, it will be two years since the Stormont institutions were restored. The reasons for the devolved administration’s prolonged suspension, its second in a decade, are largely forgotten, as is the drama that immediately preceded the ending of the DUP’s boycott.

It took the executive a further year to finalise its programme for government, which covers the remainder of the mandate up to May next year.

The ‘Our Plan: Doing What Matters Most’ document was accompanied by a commitment to ensure “every person and every place benefits”.

The First Minister Michelle O’Neill and Deputy First Minister Emma Little-Pengelly said the programme for government was about tackling “big issues” and that the executive had “agreed a set of ambitious priorities which will make real improvements across society both today and in the years ahead”.

More than 16 months after O’Neill and Pengelly posed with a picture of the draft plan, against a background of fractious relations around the executive table and a forecast overspend for the current financial year that’ll have negative implications for 2026/27 budgets, we look at how Stormont’s nine priorities are progressing.

At the launch of the draft plan in September 2025, the Irish News’s front page headline read: “It’s detail and action we need … not more waffle.”

Commenting on the draft report, The Irish News View said “In too many sections it squeezes a lack of clarity and meaning into the maximum number of words and jargon.”

And it concluded: “If there has been a historical lack of money at Stormont, there has also been a lack of gumption in how to spend it properly. If this new programme for government is to amount to anything, that needs to change and we need to see real delivery, fast.”

So, how did they do with their nine areas of “immediate priority”?

Grow a Globally Competitive and Sustainable Economy

THE north’s productivity levels remain embarrassingly low and economic inactivity stubbornly high. Economy Minister Caoimhe Archibald, like predecessor Conor Murphy, has made much of her so-called Good Jobs Bill, but elements of the proposed legislation, which largely mirrors what has been brought in Britain by Labour, are unpopular with the north’s relatively large SME sector, which sees it as bureaucratically burdensome.

If the bill is to become legislation in this mandate, it would need to be introduced to the assembly very soon. Addressing the regional balance is also a long-term project but failure to build the infrastructure necessary for economic growth, such as the A5, is not a good way to begin.

Cut Health Waiting Times

NOTHING illustrates the failings of the regional health service more starkly than lengthy waiting times, with 10 times more people per capita waiting for treatment than in England.

Irish News columnist and Ulster University professor of social policy, Deirdre Heenan, says ostensibly waiting times have reduced following last year’s appointment of Professor Mark Taylor, the north’s first regional clinical director for elective care.

However, she says the evidence from the Department of Health is superficial and fails to reflect the number of people who may have gone private, been removed from multiple lists, or even passed away while waiting for a procedure.

“It would be much more helpful if we knew the extent to which the number of procedures has actually increased and that something is being done to address systemic inefficiencies in elective care,” she said.

“Despite being repeatedly told that the waiting list initiative required over £200m, some £80m of the original allocation was diverted late last year to help tackle budget difficulties. This seems to suggest that slow pace of change is related to the absence of a detailed recovery plan, limited capacity, competing priorities, and management rather than a lack of funding.”

Deliver More Affordable, Accessible, High-Quality Early Learning and Childcare

Justice Minister has introduced a package of legislative and strategic reforms to criminalise stalking, upskirting/downblousing, non-fatal strangulation and spiking

EDUCATION Minister Paul Givan introduced the childcare subsidy scheme six months after the institutions’ restoration and last month published the executive’s draft early learning and childcare strategy, claiming some working families could potentially see their childcare costs halved.

On paper, the latter’s aims are ambitious though it’s worth noting that it’s a strategy rather than a policy, which means it’s less prescriptive and can be designed around available funds.

The strategy includes plans to provide a year of full-time pre-school for every child in the long-term and to subsidise 50% of all childcare costs for working families by April 2032. According to Mr Givan, it will cost up to £500m, which with ministers fighting over funding seems excessive. Nonetheless, it’s one of the few areas where genuine progress has been made.

Ending Violence Against Women and Girls

WITH some catching up to do on their counterparts across these islands due to Stormont’s previous suspensions, the first and deputy first ministers have adopted this issue with justifiable enthusiasm.

It gets name-checked more often than other programme for government priorities, though a cynic might say that’s because assessing its success or otherwise is difficult.

FactCheck NI commissioned research into violence against women and girls data last year and concluded that many incidents of domestic abuse and sexual violence are “hidden” and go unreported to police.

Statistically, the north does have a relatively high incidence of femicide and a prevalence of domestic abuse, though only time will tell whether Stormont’s tried and tested approach of giving funding to community groups for educational programmes will result in the desired change in attitude.

Arguably more effective in the immediate term is Justice Minister Naomi Long’s package of legislative and strategic reforms which criminalised stalking, upskirting/downblousing, non-fatal strangulation and spiking.

Better Support for Children and Young People with Special Educational Needs

AGAINST a background of funding cuts in the schools sector, the number of children presenting with special educational needs (SEN) has rocketed in the past decade, with a 17% increase in the last five years alone.

While very much aware of the problems this creates and endeavouring to address the increase through a series of measures, including building new schools and expanding specialist classes in mainstream schools, the failure of the system to keep up with the increased numbers was laid bare in August when it emerged that up to 100 SEN pupils had yet to secure a permanent school place.

The effectiveness of the executive’s response will be tested again in a matter of months. Commentator and primary school principal Chris Donnelly said the Department and Education Authority are continually in “firefighting mode” and struggling to meet the ever increasing demand for SEN provision.

Provide More Social, Affordable and Sustainable Housing

WHILE not as acute as the Republic, Northern Ireland is in the midst of a housing crisis, with an entire generation seemingly priced out of the property market. The executive initially showed ambition, with the aim of at least 5,850 starts on new social homes by 2027. However, a lack of funding meant the actual number of starts was just a fraction of the target.

There were 1,504 starts in 2024/25 and Communities Minister Gordon Lyons expects another 1,750 by the end of March. This leaves 2,596 need-ed in the final year of the programme – an annual amount not reached since 1989. It is argued that social housing shortfall could be further exacerbated by Mr Lyons’ reduction in the amount his department contributes to building new homes, even though he argues his initiative will secure “the maximum possible number of new social homes” from his department’s budget.

Justin Cartwright, director of CIH Northern Ireland, said the widening gap between social housing need and actual delivery was a “stark reminder of the mounting pressure on our housing system”. Crumbling wastewater infrastructure is also hindering many private housing developments.

“The Executive’s ambition is welcome, but targets must be backed by sustainable investment, and infrastructure,” said Mr Cartwright.

“The critical lack of wastewater infrastructure continues to stall new starts across the region. We are now relying on a record-breaking final year to meet the programme for government goal – a level of delivery we haven’t seen since the 1980s.”

Safer Communities

THE latest figures from the PSNI indicate that crime is falling – or at least the number of reported offences. One of the long-identified problems with crime statistics is the more police you have, the more crimes you’re likely to record. The converse is also true.

PSNI officer numbers have fallen from around 7,000 in 2022 to 6,200 according to latest figures, and coincidently last year saw a reduction in crimes of just over 4%. The largest percentage decrease was in violence with injury, while higher crime levels were seen in sexual offences, robbery and possession of weapons offences.

There is also a major issue with the speed our justice system operates, which is especially frustrating for the victims of crime and means more than four-in-10 of the prison population is a remand prisoner. To date, there’s no indication that this is changing.

Protecting Lough Neagh and the Environment

MUCH of the blame for the deteriorating state of Lough Neagh and the rest of our waterways can be laid at the door of Stormont Executive, who were cheerleaders for agricultural intensification, while failing to invest in wastewater infrastructure. In Andrew Muir, we have a minister who has sought to redress the pollution through an action plan.

Stormont has failed to meet social housing targets, while the condition of Lough Neagh, below, has continued to deteriorate

Yet despite the solution to curb-ing agricultural pollution being glaringly obvious, the DUP continues to veto measures proposed by the minister. Last week, when Mr Muir said there was a “deliberate attempt by some to undermine the science and evidence around this” it was clear who he was referring to.

The DUP also looks likely to block an independent environmental protection agency, meaning the programme for government pledges on protecting the environment are empty.

Reform and Transformation of Public Services

THE programme for government itself concedes that funding that is 24% per head greater than in England is not sufficient alone to fix the north’s ailing public services. It highlights the need to transform public services in order to make them efficient and sustainable, against a backdrop of an ageing population and increasingly scarce resources.

When the institutions were restored, the British government allocated £235 million in ring-fenced transformation funding to cover a five-year period. A Public Sector Transformation Board was established soon afterwards, chaired by regional civil service head Jayne Brady.

In March last year, a total of £129m was earmarked for six proposals, with the main beneficiaries being a Department of Health proposal to focus on prevention and management of conditions away from hospital settings and a Department of Education’s initiative to support children with special educational needs. Critics, however, argue that transformation is too piecemeal and that to have any meaningful effect, it needs to be broader and faster.

Ann Watt, director of think-tank Pivotal said repeated annual budget crises proved public services are unaffordable in their current configuration. She told The Irish News that reform and transformation “must be at the heart of everything the Executive does”.

“The £245 million Transformation Fund has supported individual projects, for example, multi-disciplinary teams in health, SEN reform, and electronic monitoring in the criminal justice system. However, these are specific projects with ringfenced funding – transformation needs to be a constant endeavour for ministers right across the public sector, to both improve people’s experiences of services and help stabilise NI’s finances,” Ms Watt said.

£1.6 billion repair bill for health buildings

ALLAN PRESTON, Irish News, January 12th, 2026

FIRE safety concerns have been raised over the Northern Ireland health service’s “crumbling” estate as the repair bill swells to £1.6bn.

The astronomical figure includes £251m for repair work classed as “high-risk” of which £12m alone is needed to address serious fire safety issues.

In addition, over £600,000 a year is still being spent to maintain around 91 vacant properties across the health service – mostly located in older hospital sites like Muckamore, Knockbracken, Forster Green, Gransha and Downshire.

The SDLP’s Opposition health spokesperson, Colin McGrath, raised the issue in a written question to the Health Minister Mike Nesbitt, noting a £5.5m funding bid in the December monitoring round.

Mr Nesbitt said this would pay for just 0.34% of the total repairs needed, but the figure reflected the limited time left in the current financial year.

Speaking to The Irish News, Mr McGrath said: “Our health service is not only under severe strain, but the physical estate itself is quite literally crumbling.

“Around 40% of the health estate is failing to comply with health and safety and other regulatory standards, yet the minister has confirmed that only a very limited pot of funding is available, which will make little meaningful difference in addressing these risks.”

He added: “The issues involved range from asbestos management and fire safety to the control of substances hazardous to health.

“£12m is needed to repair fire doors and compartmentation to reduce the risk of fire spreading. It’s clear the minister doesn’t have this money and this raises serious questions about patient and staff safety.

“While the minister has pointed to mitigations and the age of the estate, these problems are not going away. Delaying action will only increase the eventual cost to the public purse and prolong unacceptable risks for those working in and relying on our health service.

“This is yet another example of an Executive and minister with no plan to address the crisis within our health service.”

Fire Safety risks at Royal Victoria

Mr McGrath’s comments follow a fire safety inspection in June which had found a “substantial risk” at two wards in Belfast’s Royal Victoria Hospital.

According to the Department’s most recent “state of the estate” report in 2024, the health estate is spread across 1,500 buildings with a value of around £3.7bn.

£251m of repairs classed as ‘high risk’

Regarding the repairs, it stated that “no significant in-roads are being made to address the estimated £1.6bn backlog maintenance liability, £251m of which has been classified as high risk”.

Belfast Trust accounts for the vast majority of the backlog at £474m, with the Southern Trust having the lowest figure at £185m.

In a further written answer to Mr McGrath, the health minister said it was important to remember that nearly half (46%) of the health estate was over 50 years old.

“When constructed, these facilities complied with the relevant standards at the time of installation, however as building codes and safety regulations evolve over time, these buildings no longer comply when assessed against current legislation.”

He added that it was important to note that despite the “corporate risk” identified, all buildings had been assessed as remaining in “a safe state” to deliver services.

“Legislative authorities generally do not require existing buildings to be updated to meet new legislative standards, unless significant renovations are planned or the building’s use changes,” he said.

Mitigations against the risks, he said, included regular inspections and fire risk assessments for all facilities.

A Department of Health spokesman said: “The severe financial challenges facing the NI Health & Social Care sector, as well as the competing demands on the capital budget, is impacting the Department’s ability to issue sufficient capital to positively impact on the backlog maintenance.

“The Department welcomes the efforts made by the Trusts on a daily basis to allow the provision of service delivery despite the backlog maintenance liability.”

Almost 5,000 homes in Belfast and Derry vacant

LIAM TUNNEY, Belfast Telegraph, January 12th, 2026

UNUSED PROPERTIES COULD HELP ALLEVIATE CURRENT HOUSING CRISIS IN NI, SAYS MLA CARROLL

Almost 5,000 vacant homes across Northern Ireland's two main cities could be used to help alleviate the “worst of the housing crisis”, it has been claimed.

Latest figures from the NI Statistics and Research Agency (NISRA) have revealed some 62,314 people are homeless within the region, with 49,588 applicants on the NI Housing Executive (NIHE) waiting list as of last September.

Communities Minister Gordon Lyons has also revealed there are a combined 4,935 vacant homes in the Belfast and Londonderry areas.

He was responding to an Assembly Question from West Belfast MLA Gerry Carroll.

Belfast has 3,367 vacant homes, with a further 1,568 recorded in the Derry City and Strabane area.

Broken down by District Electoral Ward (DEA), the numbers indicate the Central area of Belfast has the highest number of vacant homes (250), followed by Windsor (233) and Beechmount (165).

In Derry City and Strabane, the highest concentration of vacant homes is in Glenelly Valley (108), with Northland (107) and City Walls (102) completing the top three.

Mr Carroll said the Executive needed to come up with a way of using the vacant homes to help deal with the housing crisis.

“It is a disgrace that so many properties lie empty across the Derry and Strabane Council area, while thousands of families in this council area are languishing on social housing waiting lists and paying extortionate private rents,” he said.

“The longer these homes sit derelict, the more difficult it will be to bring them back into use. Empty homes have huge untapped potential for helping alleviate the worst pressures of the housing crisis.

“The Executive has shown a complete unwillingness to tackle homelessness by banning evictions, reducing rent or building social housing; converting empty houses into secure, affordable homes is a no-brainer.”

A spokesperson for the Department for Communities said buildings become vacant for a variety of reasons.

“The Housing Supply Strategy contains a range of measures to address the wider issue of housing provision and need. This includes building more houses, funding more affordable homes and improving protections for tenants,” they said.

“It also targets the best use of existing assets through actions around housing-led regeneration and adaptive reuse of existing buildings for additional homes.

“As part of the strategy, the department is taking forward some preliminary work to examine empty homes approaches in other jurisdictions and explore ways in which vacant properties can be brought back into use.

“Gathering accurate data is a challenge faced by every jurisdiction examining this issue. Buildings can be empty for various reasons, including undergoing renovation or redevelopment, in probate, or due to residents being in healthcare facilities such as care homes.

“Land & Property Services (LPS) routinely advises caution when using rating data as a measure of empty homes. As rates are payable in full on all domestic properties, whether occupied or not, property owners may not always inform LPS of changes in occupancy.”

Northern Ireland flag to be dropped from Commonwealth Games 

By David Thompson, Belfast News Letter, January 12th, 2026

Gymnast Rhys McClenaghan with the Ulster Banner after winning gold at the 2018 Commonwealth Games on the Gold Coast, Australia

A decision not to use the Ulster Banner flag at this summer’s Commonwealth Games in Glasgow has been slammed by unionist politicians – after the head of the sporting body in Northern Ireland said it was not an “inclusive emblem”.

Conal Heatley said that the flag – used for decades to represent local athletes at the games – does not represent both communities and his organisation wants a flag that is “welcoming to everybody”.

The Team NI chief has also hit out at Stormont, claiming that the Executive Office has not given it guidance on what flag it should use.

The official flag of Northern Ireland is the Union Flag, with the Ulster Banner having no official status. However, it has been used to represent the province in various sports, most notably for international football.

Jim Allister has hit out at the decision by the Northern Ireland Commonwealth Games Council – accusing the organisation of “politicking”. The TUV leader said that the organisation had no business in changing the flag, which is a matter for government.

However, while Mr Heatley has agreed that it is a matter for Stormont, he defended the decision to remove the flag in the absence of direction from local ministers.

The UUP says the decision is “deeply regrettable” – and that as matters relating to flags and anthems are long established by convention, “no change should have been made without clear guidance from the Northern Ireland Executive”.

Nationalist political parties do not support the use of the Ulster Banner for such sporting events – while all of the unionist parties do. It is unlikely that Sinn Fein would accept a new flag to represent Northern Ireland.

Mr Heatley made the comments in an interview on the BBC’s Nolan Show on Monday morning.

“The fact of the matter is that the official flag, the only official flag for Northern Ireland is the union flag. That doesn't work at Commonwealth Games, simply because that flag is also shared by other nations and territories. So it doesn't uniquely represent Northern Ireland, so unfortunately, it can't be used.

No flag ‘with official status’

“So looking at a flag – we don't have one. There is no flag with official status. So we have asked Stormont on numerous occasions over the last number of years, ‘can you please tell us what flag to use?’ And… we haven't had a response”, he said.

Asked by presenter Stephen Watson why the organisation is changing the flag now, Mr Heatley said the Ulster banner holds cultural significance for “a large section of one side of community” – adding “I think we need to be honest about this and say that there are people on the other side of community who don't feel the same about that”.

“Not long before Christmas, there was the a lot of comment around boxing and creating that welcoming environment. That's what we've been trying to do, is to come up with something, hopefully approved by Stormont, that is welcoming to everybody in society in Northern Ireland. And I think… with all honesty, the Ulster banner hasn't done that”, he said.

Asked why not keep the Ulster Banner until there is guidance from Stormont, Mr Heatley said: “You know we need honesty if we're going to progress as a society, we need honesty. And if anybody believes that the Ulster banner is inclusive across all sections of the community – I would love to take them for a walk through certain parts of you, know Belfast or Cookstown or wherever in Northern Ireland.

“It does hold massive cultural significance, we recognize that – for a section of community. But it is not an inclusive emblem”.

Asked if there is demand from athletes for the flag to change, the Commonwealth Games chief said: “I’ve been in this job for 15 years, and this has been a regular thing. It comes up all the time.

“Athletes want to get on and do what they do, and we want to support athletes to get on and perform in that Commonwealth Games… come July. We're 192 days out. And what we want is our politicians to actually tell us what to do”, the sports chief said.

North Antrim MP Jim Allister rejected the sporting body’s arguments. He told the Nolan Show: “Who are they to say it shall not happen? They are not the government. They are no part of the government. They are funded by government. And yet they set themselves up to say this is not going to happen.

“The way this works, it's a matter for government to change the flag, if that is the desire. If government doesn't, then it's up to the Commonwealth Games Association to get on with it and to stop their politicking”.

Mr Heatley said his organisation was funded by the National Lottery.

Ulster Unionist Party, and its new leader, have big decisions to make

​​By Owen Polley, Belfast News Letter, January 12th, 2026

We still do not know whether the next Ulster Unionist leader will be decided by a contest or a coronation.

Jon Burrows MLA announces his bid for the leadership of the Ulster Unionist Party alongside his running mate Diana Armstrong MLA at Stormont last week. It is unclear if Robbie Butler MLA will also go for the post

Understandably, that question has preoccupied the media since Mike Nesbitt announced his decision to step down.

Since then, the North Antrim MLA, Jon Burrows, has become the favourite to win any leadership election. UUP members are thought to favour him as their next leader and their voice is decisive.

To strengthen the former policeman’s chances, the Fermanagh and South Tyrone MLA, Diana Armstrong, who is likely to become deputy leader, has reportedly backed Mr Burrows rather than his potential rival, Robbie Butler.

It is certainly important that the UUP eventually chooses the right personality. The new leader will have to persuade voters to stick with the party, come back to it if they have drifted away or support it for the first time.

United Unionist front needed

Even more important than his identity, though, as he takes on that task, will be the message he puts across.

When the future of unionism is discussed, the conversation often turns to the prospects of forming a single unionist party or realigning the existing parties. That is a valid debate, but, for now, the health of the UUP is critical to the overall unionist vote.

This newspaper’s editor, Ben Lowry, has argued persuasively that there is a significant part of the pro-Union electorate that will never vote for the DUP. Some of those voters might consider the TUV, but others do not like that option either.

If the UUP does not provide them with an electoral home, those votes will be lost to unionism.

For this reason, a good deal of the party’s internal debate, over the past 10-15 years, has centred on what these people want.

Are they basically Alliance-style liberals with pro-UK leanings, or do these voters crave a strong unionist message, without some of the baggage associated with other parties?

This may be the wrong question. It might be more relevant to ask, if the UUP is not certain what it stands for any more, why would voters bother to find out?

Confused

If a party describes itself as ‘unionist’, it should certainly not be seen to be confused on basic matters concerning the Union.

The last two UUP leaders were without question sincere and committed to public service. They also faced hugely complicated challenges. At the same time, they sometimes projected confusion on basic issues.

Doug Beattie clearly recognised that the Irish Sea border was a problem, but he believed that opposing it too vehemently could become counter-productive and might eventually undermine support for the Union.

He wasn’t necessarily wrong.

But it meant he was inclined to play down the sea border’s significance or even portray it as a potential benefit. He also had a habit of philosophising about British identity in a way that implied Northern Ireland’s Britishness would not be affected by diluting our economic and political links with the rest of the UK.

Some of those arguments were rather like the claims Alliance or nationalists made about the Windsor Framework and they had the effect of legitimising it, even if that was not the intention.

Meanwhile, Mike Nesbitt made some of his worst interventions during the period between his two spells as leader.

He told The Australian newspaper, in the aftermath of the Brexit vote, that Northern Ireland would not be worse off as part of an all-Ireland republic, later claiming his comments were taken out of context. He supported the De Souzas’ legal case against automatic British citizenship in Northern Ireland. And he co-sponsored an event at Stormont asking whether Irish citizens here (i.e. almost anybody who wants to claim that citizenship) should be entitled to a vote in European parliamentary elections.

None of these were difficult or complicated calls for a unionist. Nesbitt either aired un-unionist opinions (in the The Australian interview), or boosted campaigns that tried to put this province more at odds with the rest of the UK.

Closer Union?

It may sound like a simplistic test, but if the new UUP leader asks himself whether any proposed policy a) helps Northern Ireland play a greater role in national life, or b) makes us more of an exception to the British mainstream, he could sidestep some obvious mistakes.

Meanwhile, at Stormont, none of the unionist parties have as yet properly made the case for implementing long overdue public sector reforms. Nor have they refuted the nationalist-friendly idea that our problems are mostly caused by neglect and underfunding by Westminster, rather than the executive avoiding difficult decisions.

There is an idea, even from representatives who believe we are too reliant on the public sector, that you cannot get elected making these kinds of arguments.

Yet, people in Northern Ireland are not stupid, and increasingly they are reaching the same conclusions themselves. They know that politicians are not telling the truth about public money and that makes them more cynical.

As it selects its new leader, the UUP could have a debate about whether it needs to be liberal or traditional, in order to best reflect potential voters’ views. Alternatively, it could concentrate on why it exists and what it wants to achieve.

I hope that includes Northern Ireland playing as full a role as possible in the UK and it does not involve portraying more public money as the solution to all our problems.

Alliance accuses Butler of 'Trumpian' tactics in UUP leadership race

By David Thompson, Belfast News Letter, January 12th, 2026

Published 12th Jan 2026, 11:18 GMT

An Alliance MLA has accused DUP’s Robbie Butler of “trying to elbow himself into the headlines” during the UUP leadership race with “Trumpian” comments about the approach of Stormont’s agriculture minister to the farming industry.

John Blair’s comments come after Mr Butler questioned the science behind DAERA minister Andrew Muir’s policies – and said his “warm words” do little to restore confidence among Northern Ireland’s hard-working farming families.

​The UUP deputy leader was responding to a speech by the Alliance politician at the Oxford Farming Conference last week – in which he set out his vision for a “thriving, resilient and environmentally sustainable future for Northern Ireland agriculture”.

Mr Butler criticised the minister’s handling of Bovine TB – arguing that farmers are “weary of pilots, blueprints and timelines that always seem to sit just beyond the horizon”. He also said farmers feel “lectured, not listened to” over environmental issues such as Lough Neagh.

The UUP MLA, who chairs Stormont’s agriculture, environment and rural affairs (AERA) committee, said the Alliance minister’s “repeated invocation of ‘science’ speaks volumes about his Department’s thinking”.

Environmental disaster

“Science only carries authority when it is trusted. That trust has been badly damaged by the handling of the Lough Neagh environmental disaster, where farming was too readily blamed while wider systemic failures were downplayed”, he said.

The comments have faced criticism from the minister’s Alliance colleague John Blair, who told the News Letter: “It’s most disappointing to see Robbie Butler resort to a long rant against the Minister, trying to elbow himself into the headlines as a Trumpian sceptic while the internal power struggle in the UUP continues.

“I would expect better from an AERA Committee Chair, who should be championing science and evidence, and offering more constructive scrutiny, rather than trying to drive a wedge between farmers and the environment and leading farmers on a journey of denial and rejection of science.

“The AERA Committee Chair knows fine well the Minister's work opposing the family farm tax, as well as the significant action being taken on a wide range of issues, including Bovine TB and Ammonia”.

There is currently speculation about whether Mr Butler will enter the race to become the next UUP leader, with fellow MLA Jon Burrows having thrown his hat in the ring last week.

The UUP has previously said that farmers should not be blamed for the “institutional failures” of NI Water over Lough Neagh, and that it won’t allow the industry to be “scapegoated”

DAERA officials cite pollution, climate change and zebra mussels as the three major contributing factors to blooms of toxic blue-green algae in the Lough Neagh. The pollution is caused by excess phosphorus and nitrogen from agriculture, wastewater treatment works, domestic systems and industry entering waterways in the lough’s catchment area.

The Executive’s Lough Neagh action plan cites a 2020 report attributing high phosphorus levels in NI waterbodies as coming from agriculture – 62%, wastewater treatment works – 24% and septic tanks – 12%. It says provisional studies on Lough Neagh follow “a similar pattern”. The Lough Neagh strategy also says it is “widely recognised that the intensification of agricultural production” has had negative impacts on the environment.

In his Oxford speech, minister Muir said eradicating bovine TB remains a top priority for his department.

“In April last year, I endorsed the TB Partnership Steering Group’s blueprint for eradication and work is underway on five key areas. In October 2025, (Irish) Minister Martin Heydon and I launched a new cross-border pilot under the Shared Island Initiative to support reduction of bovine TB incidence and transmission”, he said.