Who is history meant to serve – the living or the dead?
Irish Times, June 23rd, 2025
JOE HUMPHREYS UNTHINKABLE COLUMN
Too much remembering can have negative effects on a population
There is no comparison between the Provisional IRA and the Irish Volunteers who staged the Easter Rising in 1916. Patrick Pearse’s generation of republicans never set off bombs in crowded pubs or on shopping streets, indiscriminately murdering civilians. They never pulled people out of vehicles and shot them dead because they were Protestants.
But there is one parallel that Gerry Adams was able to point to at his successful defamation case against the BBC: the Rising had no democratic legitimacy. When the issue of the Provisional movement’s lack of electoral mandate for “atrocities” was mentioned in court, Adams replied: “Pádraig Pearse. James Connolly. The men and women who went out in 1916, they had no mandate for what they were doing.”
Adams has a point, but it doesn’t reflect well on the IRA of which he has always denied being a part. It reflects poorly on an ill-thought-out insurrection that the State now publicly reveres above any other episode in Ireland’s journey to independence.
Twenty years ago, then-taoiseach Bertie Ahern announced the reinstatement of an Easter Monday military parade at the General Post Office in Dublin. He said there was a need to “reclaim” 1916 from hardline nationalists. But two decades on, has the move backfired?
Fr Séamus Murphy, who teaches philosophy at Loyola University Chicago, believes so. “I don’t demand that the State disown the men of 1916. But it has to stop praising them and calling their action the foundation of the State,” Murphy says.
The Jesuit priest explores the question further in a new book Confronting the Irish Past: The 1912-1923 Decade in Light of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. It is an unusual work in that it tries to bring philosophical insights to bear on Irish history. Murphy, who has written extensively on just war theory and Irish neutrality, asks some deep questions about the ethics of commemoration: What duties do we have to our ancestors? How much commemoration is too much? Is there a hierarchy of “emotional hurt” from historical events?
Scars that unpick the Future
Murphy examines the work of the German Jewish political philosopher Hannah Arendt, who believed history “needed not so much to be explained as to be confronted”. This meant, among other things, acknowledging the “ongoing impact” of events – and how political violence leaves a scar on society that can be unpicked in the future. Too much remembering can have negative effects on a population. In Northern Ireland, people were horrified at the recent clashes with police officers during street protests. But the thuggery was not entirely surprising in a province where two communities have been glorifying acts of violence for decades.
Elsewhere in the world, commemoration of historical victimhood can be weaponised to commit crimes against humanity. “It’s a human thing. We remember our people’s sufferings, while being indifferent to those of others, including the sufferings our tribe or nation inflict on the others. In the latter case, we can be inclined to say: they had it coming, they deserved it,” says Murphy.
Ultimately, the question arises: who is history meant to serve – the living or the dead? “It is bad for us to behave in the present as if our ancestors, dead grandparents, etc, no longer mattered in any sense. It would be treating them with contempt. Same goes for how we behave in the present with respect to how it would likely affect future generations,” says Murphy. But we should not be afraid to adapt history “for the needs of the living”. That includes foregrounding the celebration of those events that pave the way for the future we wish to see. “The nationalist side – our people – has to acknowledge that, just as Sinn Féin/IRA’s political enemy in Northern Ireland from the 1970s to today was the SDLP – or any other party with a significant nationalist following – so the political target of the 1916 Rising was not the British government or the Ulster unionists but the Home Rule party,” says Murphy.
“John Redmond and the Home Rule party were moving, slowly, to doing a Bertie Ahern and signing a Good Friday agreement, recognising that unionists couldn’t be compelled into a united Ireland. The Rising is the scream of rage against that. We can’t – without engaging in massive pretence – claim to endorse the Rising and the Good Friday agreement with no qualification: they contradict each other at several points.”
Here lies a test for all of us. To create a shared future on this island, and internationally, we must move beyond uncritically celebrating the actions of any particular tribe. Standing in our way is an imagined moral duty to people who are long dead and who had their own flaws. Surely our overriding moral duty is for the living?
WB Yeats’s line “Was it for this . . . that all that blood was shed?” has an emotional force in debates on Ireland’s future. But, says Murphy, “just as you shouldn’t feel compelled by your dead parents’ wish that you should become a neurosurgeon – or a priest – so a political agenda of a previous generation cannot compel today’s political action. Your parents have no right to say – adapting Yeats – to you, if you choose to be a journalist rather than what they wanted: was it for this that we made all those sacrifices?”
Disgust over ‘all taigs will be crucified’ pyre message
Clodagh Traynor, Irish News, June 23rd, 2025
ALLIANCE councillors say they are “appalled” after a sectarian slur calling for Catholics to be ‘crucified’ appeared on a loyalist bonfire.
A threat reading ‘All taigs will be crucified’ was displayed on a mattress placed at the foot of a bonfire structure in east Belfast.
The sectarian signage was visible from the roadside in the Ballybeen estate area.
It remained there for several days before being removed and appears to have been replaced with new messages, including the statement ‘No single foreign men’.
A Scotland and Northern Ireland flag were also draped behind the display.
Castlereagh East Councillor Martin Gregg (Alliance) condemned the inscription, stating that those responsible “think they can do and say what they like”.
‘This isn’t culture’
“ Bonfires are part of our culture in Northern Ireland, but this isn’t culture. This is pure and unadulterated hate.
“This is disgusting. Bonfires are part of our culture in Northern Ireland, but this isn’t culture. This is pure and unadulterated hate, and it is not acceptable.
He added: “This should never, ever have happened in our country, and it certainly should have stopped with the Good Friday Agreement.
“But for it to still be simmering away a generation later is a sad, sad statement about those who think it is acceptable.”
Alliance councillor Sharon Lowry also commented that “this sort of display is disgraceful and should be condemned by all”.
She said that the statement doesn’t represent the views of the “vast majority” of people in the area.
“Everyone has a right to celebrate their culture, but it must be done in a safe and respectful manner.
“This does not represent the vast majority of people in Ballybeen, who will be just as appalled by it as I am.”
PSNI Catholic recruitment at new low of 17 per cent
Conor Sheils, Irish News, June 23rd, 2025
CATHOLIC recruitment to the PSNI fell drastically last year, with 2024 marking a record low for the force which replaced the RUC.
Catholic representation among new recruits has been declining in recent years but it can now be revealed that the pattern is getting worse.
A Freedom of Information request obtained by The Irish News shows that Catholics made up 26.8% of new recruits in 2021 and 21.8% of recruits in 2022.
This was followed by an increase in 2023 to 25.6% of new recruits.
However, the figure dipped by 8.5 percentage points in 2024 with Catholics making up just 17.1% of new hires.
In 1999, the Patten Report found that just 8.3% of the RUC was made up of Catholics.
This figure increased after the former police force was disbanded and replaced by the PSNI in 2001 and a 50:50 hiring policy was introduced.
The initiative meant that the PSNI had to recruit a Catholic officer for every Protestant that they recruited – and led to a surge in Catholic recruitment.
Scheme abandoned
However, the 50:50 scheme was disbanded in 2011 following calls from unionist politicians.
The high levels of Catholic recruitment during this era are now reflected on the streets as the PSNI is currently made up of around 32% Catholic officers.
However, the current decline in Catholic recruitment will bring concerns that this percentage will fall as the initial PSNI joiners start to retire.
The recruitment trend is mirrored by those openly identifying as nationalist within the force.
Just 3.8% of new recruits in 2024 openly identified at nationalist – the lowest number since 2020.
Last month, The Irish News revealed that just over one in every five police officers recruited in Northern Ireland in the past five years is from a Catholic background with just 6.8% openly nationalist.
The PSNI recruited 1,377 officers in total between 2020 and the end of March 2025.
Of the officers recruited during that period, 76.3% came from a Protestant background, while just 21.6% came from a Catholic background.
The PSNI has been contacted for comment.
Court case may expose MI5 tries to protect violent thugs recruited as agents
Allison Morris, Belfast Telegraph, June 23rd, 2025
What happens when someone accused of domestic abuse is also a police or MI5 agent, and does the legal duty to protect that agent come before the protection of those around him?
We could be about to find out.
For decades Northern Ireland was policed primarily on a security footing. This meant that dealing with the threat to the state was prioritised above all else.
Covert human intelligence sources were a huge part of that policing machine.
The use of informers in murder gangs has been well explored and aired in numerous legacy-related court cases.
The immunity from prosecution for informants is documented in reports ranging from Operation Ballast by the Police Ombudsman into the activities of the Mount Vernon UVF, to the Kenova Report into the IRA informer known as Stakeknife.
All have made for uncomfortable reading.
However, until now the courts locally have not touched on the domestic situation of those agents.
We have a serious problem with violence against women and girls.
High rates of femicide
We have one of the highest rates of domestic violence in Europe and one of the worst rates of femicide.
Only in the last few years has the government and police started to take this issue seriously.
Both Stormont and the PSNI now have strategies in place for ending the epidemic.
The PSNI's strategy saw all officers re-vetted and stricter policies put in place to root out abusers in the organisation.
But what counts as an employee? And what about the other intelligence agencies operating in this jurisdiction?
What are they doing to ensure the informers they recruit are not abusing their position to terrorise their partners and children?
Agents are recruited for their knowledge of criminal and terrorist gangs. They are people of bad character recruited to spy on others from that shadowy world.
And while better regulated than before, huge questions remain over how they are managed and how far the immunity provided for information stretches.
Violent people do violent things, and why would anyone think that would be different at home than on the streets?
MI5 protecting violent abusers
What we do know beyond doubt is that MI5 has been protecting domestic abusers.
We know this because of the recent case of the neo-Nazi agent which it tried to prevent the BBC reporting on. It even supplied false evidence to conceal its dealings with the far-right thug on its payroll.
Earlier this month one of England's most senior judges said he had “no confidence” in the security service's account of how and why a senior officer gave false evidence.
At a hearing to decide the next steps, Mr Justice Chamberlain ordered MI5 to hand over secret documents about the case.
Earlier this year the BBC reported that MI5 lied to three courts about its agent known as X. It is alleged the agent used his MI5 role to coerce and terrorise his girlfriend, attacking her with a machete.
The most senior judge in England and Wales, Lady Chief Justice Baroness Sue Carr, and the president of the King's Bench Division, Dame Victoria Sharp, will now join Mr Justice Chamberlain to consider what, if any, action should be taken.
MI5 supplied the evidence in 2022 after Attorney General Suella Braverman sought an injunction to stop a BBC investigation about X.
While Ms Braverman won him legal anonymity, she failed to prevent the story being published.
The latest developments in the case should be watched closely. The ramifications will be huge.
Closer to home, a case involving the intelligence agency is to come before the courts.
Victim raped by MI5 agent who operated on both sides of Border
The case of 'Gliona' involves a criminal who operated on both sides of the border while also working as an agent.
Gliona says she was beaten, terrorised and on two occasions raped by Agent C, with whom she has a child.
She believes he was able to openly abuse her because he believed he had immunity from prosecution due to his MI5 role.
The case, while bearing similarities to the neo-Nazi case, also has huge ramifications, both current and historic, raising more uncomfortable questions around the managing of agents and where the line is crossed.
Every law enforcement agency in the world uses covert agents. That in itself is not the issue. But protecting domestic and sexual abusers cannot and should not be tolerated.
Megan Burns of Phoenix Law, which is representing Gliona, said her case “highlights a disturbing gap in oversight and accountability in the UK's intelligence and policing frameworks”.
She added: “Covert operations cannot — and must not — come at the expense of the rights and safety of innocent civilians.”
I fear we've not even scratched the surface when it comes to the role of domestic abusers who have also been agents of the state here. But with this case, we are one step closer to uncovering the truth.
Almost 100 dual language sign bids are put on hold
Mark Robinson, Irish News, June 23rd, 2025
ALMOST 100 dual language street sign applications were put on pause in the Derry City and Strabane area as it took the council two years to revise its policy for implementing the signs.
In March 2025, the council approved a new policy relating to dual language street signage, bringing the threshold of residents needed to support an application down from 66% to 15%.
However, Derry City and Strabane District Council (DCSDC) passed a notice of motion to revise the council’s policy two years prior in March 2023.
Figures obtained by The Irish News revealed that 93 applications received during a two-year period were paused pending the approval of a revised policy. A Derry City and Strabane District Council spokesperson said while they were now being processed, none of the 93 applications had yet been approved or rejected
Figures obtained by The Irish News via freedom of information request revealed that 93 applications received during this two-year period were paused pending the approval of a revised policy.
In the wake of the new policy being approved, a further six applications have been received by council to date.
A council spokesperson said that the applications are now being processed under the new policy and that they were committed to “progressing all applications” as “promptly as possible and in accordance with the process involved”.
Cuisle Nic Thom, language rights coordinator with Conradh na Gaeilge told The Irish News that such delays have a “detrimental impact”.
“It completely disempowers people because they feel like their voices don’t matter, that they’re, in some way, not being listened to by the council – that their rights and their needs aren’t then respected,” she said.
“As a leading public institution, it’s supposed to represent people.”
Ms Nic Thom added that “there would be no expectation as to such a delay for any other council service”.
“Just for the point of principle, if your bin hasn’t been collected or it was missed or whatever, it’s dealt with in a timely manner and I think it’s a reasonable and legitimate expectation that the time frames that are set forth for applications for dual language street signs are what we would say are reasonable,” she said.
Dual language signs are becoming more commonplace across the north
Conradh na Gaeilge currently outlines a period of six months from initial application to the sign being erected as a reasonably timeframe.
A DCSDC spokesperson said that while they were now being processed, none of the 93 applications had yet been approved or rejected.
Ms Nic Thom said that they welcomed the updated policy and the move towards the 15% threshold, which she said is outlined in international minority language best practice guidance.
She also acknowledged the council as being only one of a few that had a “bespoke Irish language policy” and highlighted their provision for initiatives such as Seachtain na Gaeilge.
However, she added that there was more to be done in the district and that some aspects of the new policy, including a “worrying clause” which dictates that policy can be paused at any moment depending on available resources.
A council spokesperson said: “While no additional resources have been allocated following the introduction of the policy, council continually reviews its resources and budgets.”
Derry City and Strabane District Council approved its new dual language street sign policy in March.
'Grossly unfair...' campaign group slams planned welfare system cuts
Liam Tunney, Belfast Telegraph, June 23rd, 2025
IT SAYS THE CHANGES WILL HAVE A BIGGER IMPACT ON NI DUE TO POVERTY LEVELS
UK Government reforms to the benefits system are “grossly unfair” and will have a “disproportionate” effect on Northern Ireland, a welfare advocacy group has said.
Westminster first announced its planned reforms to the welfare system in March, with planned consultation events taking place online and throughout the UK, including an in-person event in Belfast which took place last Monday.
Under the plans announced by Secretary of State for Work and Pensions Liz Kendall, eligibility criteria for the Personal Independence Payment (PIP) — which cover the additional costs of a disability — will be narrowed, with recipients required to score a minimum of four points in one category to qualify for the daily living element.
Previously, claimants were able to combine points from several different categories to meet the required threshold.
The Cliff Edge Coalition (CEC) — a campaign group representing more than 100 organisations in Northern Ireland — has now published a response to the planned changes.
The document branded the changes “grossly unfair” and raised concerns over a number of changes that fall outside the scope of consultation.
CEC also said the proposals risk undermining the NI Executive's priorities in tackling poverty in Northern Ireland, where continuing to mitigate against the Westminster plans may prove unaffordable. The organisation said the changes to PIPs could force thousands of people in NI into poverty, leave them no longer able to work and affect carer's allowance.
The group also said housing may also be impacted, with the changes increasing the risk of homelessness.
“The loss of the daily living element of PIP would make it increasingly difficult for those people in the private rented sector to afford their rent,” said the document. “In the middle of a housing crisis, when rent prices are rapidly inflating, loss of rented accommodation remains one of the top three reasons for homelessness presentations.”
NI has higher number of people on disability
CEC also argued that the proposals would have a greater impact on Northern Ireland than the rest of the UK, given the higher number of people claiming disability benefits.
“The sheer scale of the proposed cuts expose a significant gap in the Government's understanding of what it is like to be sick and disabled,” they said.
“They will have a disproportionate impact on our people and will change the fabric of our society as our most deprived communities are plunged deeper into poverty and despair.
“It will further negate social progress and undermine the NI Executive's commitment to foster peace and prosperity. The proposals should be scrapped immediately.”
Holly Knox, Policy and Community Engagement officer at Law Centre NI, which is the convener of the CEC, said the organisation was “acutely aware” of the impact the proposals will have.
“The Coalition's response highlights the disproportionate impact which these proposals will specifically have upon people in Northern Ireland, and we have made clear evidenced and researched based recommendations to highlight this,” she said.
“It is crucial that as a society we advocate to protect those who are most in need, and we strongly welcome engagement with our elected representatives and officials on these matters.”
The Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) said the “vast majority” of those in receipt of PIP would continue to receive it under the new plans.
“We're creating a sustainable welfare system that genuinely supports sick and disabled people while always protecting those who need it most,” said a spokesperson.
“At the heart of this is our review of the PIP assessment to ensure it is fit for the future. We will work with disabled people and a range of experts on this as we deliver our Plan for Change.”
A consultation on the Green Paper will remain open until June 30.
Perception matters when it comes to the ICRIR
Tom Kelly, Irish News, June 23rd, 2025
THERE’S no doubt that Sir Declan Morgan is a distinguished jurist and a sincere, caring and thoughtful individual.
That said, his recent op-ed in this newspaper suggests he doesn’t quite grasp the importance of perception in a heavily-divided society still haunted by conflict.
It’s never a good idea to use statistics as a means of defence.
The ridiculously named Independent Commission for Reconciliation and Information Recovery (ICRIR) was created by an ill- thoughtout, shameful and rushed piece of legislation by the former Conservative government.
In ways, the process which gave birth to the ICRIR sums up the shabbiness and self-serving nature of that administration.
The only thing they succeeded in doing was unique – unifying the entire NI political spectrum against the legislation.
Sadly they also marginalised, disappointed and alienated many victims and their families.
The Tory government, in terminal decay and on the way out of office, left a trail of destruction with crash-and-burn tactics such as emptying the Treasury, crashing the economy, abandoning Casement Park and prioritising the protection of former soldiers facing allegations of illegality whilst in uniform.
It was unsurprising that in their clumsiness and cruelty, the Tories dug in and trampled on those victims, survivors and their families who sought truth and justice for murdered loved ones.
The infrastructure around the proposed new ICRIR should have been postponed until after the elections and the formation a new government.
Regrettably this didn’t happen and, from a rushed birth, a body which could have been a vehicle to carry the hopes and hurts of those who suffered the most was mired in controversy and division from day one.
The legislation was drafted in such a way that the ICRIR could not now or ever deliver the kind of justice or truth recovery expected of it by victims, their families or human rights campaigners.
Too much power resides elsewhere within the darker corners of Whitehall, the NIO and securocrats.
Cover-up, concealment, censorship, the convenient loss of documents and suppression of information on the questionable grounds of ‘national’ security are the stock and trade of those agents of the deep state.
Will Benn make meaningful changes needed to Act?
It remains to be seen if the well-intentioned current secretary of state, Hilary Benn, and his Labour colleagues can make significant and meaningful legislative changes to make the process of truth recovery acceptable to all – including the Irish government.
One thing is for certain: tinkering around the edges won’t work.
Back to Sir Declan’s defence of the ICRIR’s recruitment policies, with particular regard to former RUC officers and military personnel as investigators.
With echoes of David Trimble’s mantra “Just because you have a past, doesn’t mean you can’t have a future”, Sir Declan draws on inclusivity as a theme.
And there’s some truth therein. The op-ed suggests that if former IRA men can appoint a chief constable, then former RUC officers could be re-employed within an institutional investigative body.
The peace process and Good Friday Agreement were born on the premise of inclusivity. But it was also predicated on wholesale reform of the RUC, the creation of a new police service and disbandment of the UDR.
Policing and the administration of justice didn’t enjoy widespread public confidence. Inclusivity wasn’t the benchmark – credibility was.
The players from the peace process who were one-time protagonists now have a mandate to sit on the Policing Board. The Patten reforms included very generous settlements for many former RUC officers and many have gone on to other roles/ employment.
“ The peace process and Good Friday Agreement were born on the premise of inclusivity. But it was also predicated on wholesale reform of the RUC, the creation of a new police service and disbandment of the UDR
Tom Kelly was a member of the first Policing Board
But let’s remember there are some 1,300 unsolved murders arising from the Troubles. The RUC were primarily responsible for those investigations.
Elements of the RUC colluded with loyalist paramilitaries and ran agents to infiltrate the IRA, resulting in some preventable murders.
If the ICRIR is to succeed, like Caesar’s wife, it needs to be beyond suspicion.
Unfortunately the perception of marking one’s own homework doesn’t pass that threshold.
Attack on Islamic Centre condemned as anti-racism protest held
Abdullah Sabri, Belfast Telegraph, June 23rd, 2025
A man is due to appear in court today after an attack on the Islamic Centre in Belfast that was described by Justice Minister Naomi Long as “abhorrent”.
A viable device was thrown through a window of the centre during evening prayer on Friday.
A 34-year-old man was arrested under the Terrorism Act. Police said later he had been charged to appear in Belfast Magistrates' Court today in relation to a a number of offences, including attempted arson with intent to endanger life, attempt to cause an explosion, making explosives with intent to endanger life and criminal damage.
Mrs Long said it was “despicable” that people were afraid to go to their place of worship. I think it was an abhorrent attack on people who were at worship, and I think that for any of us, we would accept that that is just not acceptable,” she told the BBC's Sunday Politics programme.
“This is not who we want to be as a society. It's not what we want to be known for around the world.”
Yesterday police appealed for a passer-by who intervened and tried to stop the suspect to contact them.
Detective Chief Inspector McCallum said: “I am keen to speak to a passer-by, believed to be a young man, possibly in his 20s, who bravely intervened on the night and assisted in apprehending the suspect until police arrived.”
Stand up to Racism demo
He said detectives are “exploring a number of potential motivating factors including the possibility that this is a hate crime. At this time, no other persons are being sought in connection”.
Kashif Akram from the Islamic Centre strongly condemned the “vile attack”.
“We have had incidents in the past but nothing of this kind,” he said.
Separately on Saturday, a large crowd gathered in Belfast city centre for an anti-racism demonstration.
The Stand Up To Racism rally was held at Belfast City Hall and was separated by police — using barriers and four Land Rovers — from an anti-immigration group. The group were seen with signs that said “we are being invaded” and “Belfast says no”.
The anti-racism crowd chanted “refugees are welcome here” and held handmade signs declaring the region “anti-fascist” and “stronger together”. Say Nothing actor Lola Petticrew hosted the event. “There's so much of us that we've spilled on the other side of the street,” she told the crowd.
The rally was held after racially-motivated disorder and rioting across several nights in Northern Ireland recently.
Fair play, Edwin – the standard of debate in the assembly does matter
Deirdre Heenan, Irish News, June23rd, 2025
NOT content with giving our MLAs a dressing down over their unsuitable clothes and their “extremely discourteous” behaviour, the speaker of the Northern Ireland Assembly has launched another salvo on the standard of debate in the chamber.
In a letter to all MLAs, Edwin Poots set out a range of concerns. He stressed that having a strong culture of parliamentary debate is “vital”.
Mr Poots, who has been in frontline politics for almost three decades, lamented the absence of proper debate where politicians could passionately articulate their case and were well equipped for the cut and thrust of political life.
According to his assessment, some MLAs were only interested in reading out pre-prepared scripts which could be clipped for social media.
He concludes that if this is what constitutes political “debate”, we could just shut up shop and politicians could correspond by email.
Is he right? And does it matter? Yes, he is, and yes, it does matter.
Upholding a robust parliamentary culture plays a major part in building and ensuring confidence in government.
It is deeply dispiriting to watch our politicians struggle to read from a pre-prepared script which one suspects they had no hand in writing.
Those who do attend often appear detached, distracted, going through the motions, checking their phones, sending emails. Flummoxed by a question or a challenge, unable to think on their feet, dreading any pushback.
Often speeches or interactions consist of the exchange of meaningless statistics, bogus assertions, predictable commentary and pandering to base instincts at every possible opportunity.
Lack of meaninful debate
Political commentators repeatedly refer disparagingly to the lack of meaningful debate, the dullness of the contributions, the monotony, the absence of passion and emotion. Stormont is a dull, turgid affair.
If other people are expected to perform to a certain level in their jobs, why should it be different for politicians?
In our divided society, it is fair to say that politicians are not often judged impartially, and it can be difficult to separate their political capabilities from their politics.
Notwithstanding this context, there are a number of elected representatives who can dissect with forensic skill, impress with the vividness of their language, the passion and authority of their delivery.
Unfortunately, they are few and far between.
Politicians are not entertainers or stand-up comedians but there is an expectation that they can engage an audience and foster participation.
They are charged with presenting issues that affect every member of society – we need to understand what is happening and why.
Citizens need an effective parliament, a body to ensure government answers for their actions and the actions of civil servants. An arena to justify their priorities, ensure that the public voice is heard, grievances can be aired and reassurance that issues are understood.
Collective amnesia
MLAs lacking the capacity and ability to speak with authority and conviction inevitably has a knockon effect to other aspects of government, most notably scrutiny and accountability.
Effective scrutiny of government is underpinned by a complex web of procedure, culture and resources – among both ministers and parliamentarians.
“ If we don’t demand better, this will be as good as it gets.
To suggest that the performance of our assembly scrutiny committees leaves a lot to be desired is being generous. They are hardly a shining example of holding government to account.
Whilst some members are well briefed and understand their roles, others look completely bewildered, as though they have inadvertently wandered into the wrong room.
Frequently, there are stunning displays of collective amnesia, people only hearing what they want to hear. In quick succession the same point is repeated with the same scripted response. Heads nod in approval and the farce continues. Senior officials and ministers deflecting and filibustering with impunity.
The health committee is not short of work. You might have thought that the first thing that it would want to ask is how exactly are we dealing with the scandalous waiting lists. Where is the plan of action? But apparently not.
Instead, it appears content to allow a string of health ‘officials’ to gripe about underfunding.
Scathing Report
One might hope that this committee could cast light on the debacle over the beleaguered new maternity hospital. Why is it already 10 years behind schedule and double the original cost? Why did the trust accept the handover from the contractor? Who is responsible for this debacle? So many questions, so few answers.
Parliamentary scrutiny should be viewed as a benefit, not a threat. A healthy, vibrant government can justify their actions and welcome feedback.
Riding roughshod over the population brings no benefits and can often result in ineffective and counterproductive legislation and policies.
Rigorous debate and robust probing of proposals and decisions in the public gaze is central to ensuring confidence in our system of governance.
This week a scathing report from the think tank Pivotal highlighted the level of inadequacies in how the north is governed. It identified “major shortcomings” in leadership, skills, culture, structures, data and targets and evaluation and review.
MLAs are unlikely to demand change and why would they? Our unique system of government means they are unlikely to be judged on ability, capacity and delivery.
If we don’t demand better, this will be as good as it gets. Fair play to Edwin, he deserves credit for bringing this into the public domain.
Good governance is critical for driving innovation, efficiency and effectiveness. Without it we are condemned to this doom loop.
Murdered teenager's family settles alleged collusion case
BBC Northern Ireland,June 23rd, 2025
The family of a teenager murdered by loyalist paramilitaries more than 50 years ago is to receive undisclosed damages in a settlement reached over alleged security force collusion with the killers.
Henry Cunningham, 16, from Carndonagh, County Donegal, was killed on 9 August 1973 when Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) gunmen ambushed the van he was in.
His brothers, Robert and Herbert, who were also in the vehicle, sued the Ministry of Defence (MoD) after it emerged that a weapon used in the killing had been stolen from an Army barracks the previous year.
At the High Court in Belfast on Monday it was announced the action had been settled on confidential terms.
Solicitor Kevin Winters (right) speaking outside Belfast High Court with Robbie Cunningham
Speaking outside court, Robert Cunningham said the family's case had never been about money.
"This was never about the money, it was about achieving closure. I started this so long ago, but I can sit back now that I have finally seen it through," he said.
The resolution includes an agreement to pay an undisclosed sum in damages without any admission of liability, the family's solicitor said.
UVF fired on van
Henry had been travelling home from labouring work in Belfast when UVF gunmen opened fire on the van from a motorway bridge, near Randalstown, County Antrim.
His older brother Herbert, who was driving, was injured, while brother Robert, was unhurt.
No-one has ever been prosecuted for his murder.
In 2008, an Historical Enquiries Team (HET) report said one of the guns used was stolen from a Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) base.
'Long overdue closure'
Herbert, who died last year, and Robert Cunningham sued the MoD for alleged misfeasance in public office and negligence, both as survivors of the attack and on behalf of his estate.
They claimed military chiefs were aware that guns under their control were being lost or stolen but failed to take any action.
Papers lodged in the case further allege the MoD knew or suspected UDR personnel were involved in taking the weapons which could be used by loyalist terror groups.
Mr Justice McLaughlin, who previously represented the MoD before his judicial appointment, told the family he was pleased that they had been able to achieve a resolution.
Robert Cunningham's solicitor Kevin Winters said it was "disappointing" the MoD had not apologised for the killing.
"I am immensely pleased for him that he's got some long overdue closure now," he added.
