Hilary Benn is repeating a failed approach to The Troubles

By Philip Barden, The Critic, October 13th,  2025

The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Hilary Benn, has set out his proposals to deal with legacy issues. His laudable objective is to get to the truth. Easily said, but after 30 years of failure we can safely say in the court and coroner’s system that it is hard to achieve, and I can explain why.

First, we should reflect on those killed. 3,600 people died in nearly 30 years. Over 1,800 were civilians, 1,719 were British military and RUC so approximately the same number as civilians. Less than 100 were terrorists on active service. Some civilians may have been engaged in terror, but over 90 per cent of those killed were at the hands of terrorists. 10 per cent were killed by the military and police.

Second, we should consider how we get to the truth of 90 per cent of terrorist killings. In the search for the truth the terrorists rarely make an appearance. They slipped into the shadows years ago and their paymasters and associated political parties do not tell what they know. So getting to the truth in 90 per cent of cases is near impossible.

There is an interesting legal dilemma in this. The MoD, as part of the Government, has to hand over records and trace and make witnesses available. Sinn Fein as the political wing of the IRA, and in Government as the lead party in NI, does no such thing. Instead, whatever secrets Sinn Fein has it keeps and the same applies to loyalist parties connected to paramilitaries. This cannot be morally right. If these entities won’t co-operate then the process will always be biased against the army and RUC. That breeds resentment which, in turn, leads to a lack of co-operation.

The shame of the peace process is that this silence and non-co-operation has been allowed to continue, whilst these same entities demand investigations and answers. Until this issue is addressed, the truth in most cases won’t come out. There either is a level investigative field or not, and those frustrating the process should not be permitted to participate in it. You are either in the process or not.

Otherwise, the perception is that the target of inquests is the military and RUC killings, as they kept records and co-operate with the process. Hence the anger of veterans.

There are many individuals who are known to have been associated with terrorism and they refuse to say what they know. There is no incentive for them to tell the truth, such as a truth and justice reconciliation process.

Open Up The Security Files

The security services have files on many people that could be opened up, including covert recordings a plenty. But these also remain secret and so the truth does not come out.

If we want the truth, really want it, then compel co-operation and make all records available. But it seems no one wants this. So what do they want? In my view the search for the truth is too often driven by people with an agenda well beyond what the actual truth is. They want their truth, not the truth.

The new process is really the same old tried and tested process that has failed over 30 years because the court system is adversarial and not about a search for the truth — that is more the territory of public enquiries with their extended powers. The court system apportions blame.

Hilary Benn has made it clear there will be no more public inquiries. He stated that the purpose was to provide answers for families who have waited too long and deliver fairness including protections for veterans to whom the Government owes a duty of care. He rightly expressed concern at the passage of time and so the age of many witnesses now. He didn’t mention, however, that many witnesses are now deceased and evidence has been lost. Which again inhibits the search for the truth.

So what are we returning to? The 30 or so outstanding inquests will continue and I would estimate they will take three to five years to conclude. The new legacy body will investigate other cases. One legal right that will apply is that those who are subject to investigation will have a right not to answer any questions which may incriminate them. This privilege applies not only where the person believes an answer will incriminate them, but where someone else may assert the answer is incriminatory. It is a very wide privilege. For example, where a person has fired a weapon, they may be accused by someone of murder, so they can refuse to answer questions relating to the weapon and the shooting.

Why would you refuse to answer questions? Because you don’t want to spend the next five or more years of your life involved in litigation, which takes over your life, which is what has happened to people who have cooperated in the search for the truth.

Why create admissible evidence?

Defence lawyers will ensure their clients don’t engage in the process so as not to create any admissible evidence

They were prosecuted. We advised the prosecution service that such an act breached the law. Nevertheless the case was brought and run to trial where the soldiers were acquitted and the case thrown out on the same basis that we had said the case should not be brought. This took up over five years of their lives and deeply affected them and their families. Dennis Hutchings faced a process that lasted seven years and he died in trial just before he would have been acquitted.

The recent coroner’s inquest of Mr Bradley, where the family denied he was an IRA gun runner, is another important example. After a lengthy process involving undercover agents risking all to tell what they knew, it was proven that Mr Bradley was lawfully killed when he swung a rifle toward the soldier who had shouted a warning to him. The family appealed the coroner’s decision. It doesn’t just end. It is about more than the truth.

The finding in Coagh is another good example. In 1991, three terrorists in a car, two armed with Armalite rifles, were carrying out a planned drive by murder of a civilian waiting to go to work. They were shot and killed by the military. The Inquest started in 2021, evidence was heard in 2023 and the decision issued in 2024 upholding that the terrorists were lawfully killed. The soldier who shot the driver was offered the privilege not to answer questions and he declined that offer and gave a full account of how the driver was an integral part of the terrorist unit as he was driving a mobile fire platform.

The family of the driver challenged the decision by judicial review and on 8 October 2025 that was dismissed. This encapsulates the time this all takes and the impact on lives is considerable.

Hutchings Precedent

The protections for veterans are a statement of what is available already. Anonymity and screening can be applied for and there are clear grounds on which they are granted and, in every case after Dennis Hutchings’ naming by the PSNI on his arrest, soldiers have had anonymity. Evidence can usually be given remotely.

The health of veterans is one area that could be dramatically improved. Take the case of the soldier who had very bad PTSD. He had hallucinations. Agoraphobia. Anger outbursts and no coping mechanisms. Two of the country’s leading forensic psychiatrists also stated he was not fit to give evidence. These reports were passed to the families of the next of kin who obtained a report from a psychiatrist, who is less qualified and would never even have seen the patient. Yet he advised the veteran was fit to give evidence.

There was then a hearing with the medical practitioners being cross examined and the coroner (who is not medically qualified) finding the veteran was well enough to give evidence. He chose not to because of the clear medical advice that his health would be damaged if he did. He was then pursued, initially sentenced to a term of imprisonment before a £5,000 fine. Civilians in Northern Ireland who have not answered subpoenas are not treated as harshly, despite being medically well.

If the government is serious in wishing to protect veterans then where veterans have medical conditions those must be respected, upheld, and the evidence they give must be in accordance with the medical advice. Lawyers should not judge medical advice, they should follow it.

Adversarial law’s flaws

Further, the entire legal system is adversarial. Defence lawyers will ensure their clients don’t engage in the process so as not to create any admissible evidence as, in many of these cases, if you do not participate there is no admissible evidence.

So whilst I fully support the search for truth I would like it to be done in a fair and open way, ensuring those in Northern Ireland who know the secrets tell them and until then the process will continue to be focused on the military and one eyed. The political parties in Northern Ireland who are associated with the paramilitaries are allowed to avoid telling what they know, and that is wrong. There is at the heart of this matter a lack of candour and that is the real problem.

Until that is resolved, there is no reason to expect any more of this new framework than its predecessors. It will lead to Inquests and Investigations which will target the military and police, and damage lives already impacted by service in NI. Unless the government takes a different approach, the truth will lie buried with the paramilitaries, and the secret files and recordings of the security services.

Anglo-Irish Agreement won’t address needs of vast majority affected by Troubles

Belfast News Letter, October 17th, 2025

The main advantage of the joint framework agreement between the British and Irish governments on the legacy of the Northern Ireland Troubles is that both commit to reciprocal co-operation on legacy investigations.

This follows the ill-conceived 2023 Legacy Act of the last British administration that was rejected by every political party on this island and led to the Irish government taking a case to the European Court of Human Rights.

The new approach commits both governments to the ‘shared goal’ of ‘securing truth, accountability and, as far as possible, justice for victims, families and survivors and for society’.

That said, two glaring defects continue to dog any possibility of achieving these objectives.

It only addresses the needs of those affected by the 3,500 plus deaths that occurred, not to mention the estimated 47,000-plus other victims directly affected by bombs and shootings.

Also, where there are ‘no evidential leads capable of leading to a possible prosecution’ all that is being offered is a family report based on a ‘balance of probability threshold’.

This means that the vast majority of people directly affected by the Troubles, not to mention many others whose lives were affected in significant ways, will not find their needs addressed.

The absence of alternative structures to the courts and reliance on a prosecutorial approach leave little scope for including the needs of wider society and precludes the possibility of effective mediation between individuals and communities when it comes to finding a resolution to their problems.

Unless a process is developed through which people can reach agreement on the facts of what happened there can be little hope of resolving anything else. To reach such a point will, in most instances require some degree of immunity, protected disclosure and, or, amnesty that establishes a ‘safe space’ in which the truth can be told.

The Joint Framework Agreement does not provide for such an alternative. The dominant theme remains that of the past 27-plus years, ‘I will see you in court’. That may meet the needs of some - and we are not suggesting it should be removed - but with the passage of time other routes are urgently required as most of those with information on the earliest and bloodiest years are now in their 70s or 80s.

Of course there are significant reforms to UK legislation in the new framework that meet key concerns of victims campaigners, such as lifting the prohibition on inquests and the ban on Troubles-related civil cases.

A new Legacy Commission will replace the existing Independent Commission on Reconciliation and Information Retrieval (ICRIR).

It will can carry out investigations leading to prosecutions; overhaul of the governance of the ICRIR, with a statutory Independent Oversight Board, a Victims and Survivors Advisory Group, and an independent appointments panel advising on senior appointments.

A new judge-led mechanism will allow for public hearings with effective participation by bereaved families.

There is also the promise of a separate Information Commission similar to the Independent Commission for the Location of Victims’ Remains.

Allowing people to come forward with information

This will allow people to come forward with information on past killings, confident that such information cannot be used for prosecutions. It will be modelled on the 2014 Stormont House Agreement.

However, this is only a 'framework'. It needs to be implemented in both jurisdictions, something that cannot happen before 2026 at the earliest. Department of Foreign Affairs sources say “a lot of work” remains to be done before it appears on the statute books.

Confidence in the framework has not been helped by the British prime minister, Sir Keir Starmer, insisting that proposals include protections for British Army veterans, but not former paramilitaries.

Simon Harris stressed that any new joint approach to legacy needs to meet two tests: “compliance with the European Convention on Human Rights” and ability to secure the support of those most affected, especially the families of those killed, before the Irish government's case to the European Court of Human Rights will be dropped.

The Truth Recovery Process group acknowledges the efforts being made to offer a new inter-governmental framework. However, we believe our proposals provide for greater disclosure and, most importantly, the possibility of reconciliation between perpetrators and victims.

In a divided society such as Northern Ireland, the danger is that litigation can, as in the past, trap individuals and society in a traumatic past instead of looking towards a reconciled future. We believe that reconciliation and the use of the courts are mutually contradictory.

All the evidence is that legal proceedings aggravate conflict, which is why the British government in 1922 and the Irish government in 1924 went the total amnesty route. Otherwise we might have been dealing with the detritus of those conflicts for decades more as well.

Padraig Yeates, Secretary, Truth Recovery Process

Gerry Carroll MLA: 'We must reject DUP's sectarianism on the Irish language'

Gerry Carroll MLA, Belfast Media.com, October 17, 2025 10:51

IT was pathetic but not surprising to see the DUP launch yet another attack on the Irish language at Stormont this week.

A week after loyalist paramilitaries threatened an arson campaign against bilingual signage, the DUP brought a cynical motion against Belfast City Council’s new dual-language policy.

The Irish language community is a central part of our city. Thousands of young people attend Irish-medium schools. Parents throughout the city, like me, are raising their children through the medium of Irish. It is right and just that the Irish language should be visible in Belfast. It is right and just that it be used by the council and by the state.

When People Before Profit spoke out against the DUP’s bigoted proposal, we pointed out that their approach to the Irish language is not only despicable but is part of a familiar tactic: When unionism is in crisis, it seeks to sectarianise things.

Working class communities are hurting, and the DUP knows it. As members of the Executive they are hands-on contributors to Stormont’s destruction of the health service, education, and housing systems. In that context, the DUP is only too happy to join loyalist paramilitaries in holding the Irish language as a bogeyman to the communities they claim to represent.

The DUP’s attacks on the Irish language are designed to keep working class people angry at the wrong things. This is classic distraction politics, but the facts tell us that the majority should see through it this time.

Across 536 streets in Belfast where there is approved bilingual street signage, only three percent of residents opposed the use of Irish.

 Despite the facts, the DUP will continue to beat the sectarian drum, particularly when it comes to appeasing paramilitaries who have threatened to burn public buildings bearing Irish to the ground. A back-and-forth argument between the DUP and TUV in the chamber shows that competition for the hardline loyalist vote still figures in discussions on the Irish language.

Demanding better from Executive mired in failure

But the entire charade lets the whole of the Stormont establishment off the hook for its failings.

 Firstly, it distracts the public from Stormont’s litany of failings including the decimation of public services and the economic hardships felt across the North. These problems are felt by the working class Gaeilgeoirí as much as anyone else.

Secondly, it distracts from the fact that Executive parties – unionist, nationalist, and other – have overseen years of cuts to Irish language services.

And thirdly, Stormont continues to oversee the scandal which sees a majority of young Gaeilgeoirí educated in schools which are not fit for purpose, with meagre Irish language learning resources. This includes Coláiste Feirste where overworked and underpaid workers manage to educate over 1,000 pupils in a school built for 600.

 We must reject the DUP's sectarianism. The rights of Irish speakers should be respected and resourced, but it is clear Stormont has not served the needs of working-class Gaeilgeoirí in Belfast or anywhere else. Certainly, the failure to appoint an Irish Language Commissioner or to adopt an Irish language strategy has shown us where the Executive’s wrangling has got us in recent years.

The rights and material needs of the Irish language community require urgent attention – they have waited for action and have been scapegoated for too long. But we cannot allow the political establishment to set the terms of the debate. As forces like the DUP continue their “war on wokeness” – on Gaeilgeoirí, ethnic minorities, and the LGBTQ+ community – we need to look beyond such distractions and demand better from those in power.

Gerry Carroll is a People Before Profit MLA for West

Heather Humphreys says Stormont could be retained in a United Ireland

By David Young, PA, Belfast News Letter, October 17th, 2025

The Fine Gael contender insisted that people in Northern Ireland who have a British identity had "nothing to fear" from constitutional change, as the Presbyterian from Co Monaghan highlighted her own experience as part of a "minority community" in the Republic of Ireland

The issue of reunification and accommodating unionists within any new Ireland was debated between Ms Humphreys and rival independent candidate Catherine Connolly on a debate on RTE Radio One on Friday morning.

"You could be talking about devolved government in Northern Ireland as part of an overall Irish solution," Ms Humphreys said when asked how a British identity would be reflected within a united Ireland .

"Those are all conversations that we have to have. And there's no point in pre-empting anything before you go in, you talk to people.

The issue of reunification and accommodating unionists within any new Ireland was debated between Ms Humphreys and rival independent candidate Catherine Connolly on a debate on RTE Radio One on Friday morning

The issue of reunification and accommodating unionists within any new Ireland was debated between Ms Humphreys and rival independent candidate Catherine Connolly on a debate on RTE Radio One on Friday morning.

Trust

"The first thing we have to do is build trust. If we don't have trust, we have nothing. So we have to build trust. We have to deepen understanding.

"And I can see that very clearly - there's still a lot of misunderstanding out there, so we have to deepen that understanding, build trust and work together, because I believe that we must unite people first, as John Hume (former SDLP leader) said, and that is so, so important.

"And I feel I'm very well placed to bring that conversation forward and to bring and work on it, to work towards a united Ireland ."

Ms Humphreys said that if elected, she would make sure the president's residence at Aras an Uachtarain in Dublin would be a "safe place for unionists to come and outline their concerns".

She said she would also seek to facilitate conversations between unionists and nationalists.

Galway TD Ms Connolly said a reunified Ireland would have to "respect and value differences".

"I will do that as president in as much as I can," she added.

Ms Connolly said the Irish government was not doing enough to examine the issues around unification as she claimed a report on constitutional change compiled by a parliamentary committee in Dublin had been left "sitting on a shelf".

"My vision as president will be to reach out to communities on all sides," she said.

"I've visited Northern Ireland repeatedly, I visited different communities.

"I will facilitate open forums in relation to listening and building on the work that's ongoing. It's really important, the meticulous, methodical work that is ongoing by civic organisations on the ground.

"What's lacking is a government response. There was a cross-party committee that reported last year. That report is sitting on a shelf.

"That committee asked the government to prepare a green paper to outline the issues and outline the direction for a united Ireland .

"That hasn't happened unfortunately."

Stormont offers 50% of union pay demands to ward off public service strikes

DAVID YOUNG, Belfast Telegraph, October 17th, 2025

Stormont yesterday allocated £150m to ministers who were facing shortfalls in meeting public sector pay demands — with each minister getting half of what they had demanded.

The largest share was £100m for the Health Minister to pay nurses, who had been warning of imminent strike action if a 3.6% increase recommended by the independent Pay Review Body is not met.

However, the First Minister sparked anger after she suggested that Health Minister Mike Nesbitt had already “found” the additional £100m needed.

Ulster Unionist MLA Alan Chambers said: “It is deeply regrettable, and incredibly unhelpful, that the First Minister later went on to cause such confusion in her remarks at the press conference following the Executive.”

Education received £37m for teachers, while Justice and Infrastructure got £6.7m each to go to police and prison officers and Translink transport workers respectively.

Nurses' pay row after O'Neill claims Health Minister has 'found' another £100m to plug gap

A claim by the First Minister that the Health Minister had “found £100m” to match yesterday's £100m allocation from the Executive to pay nurses has been described as “deeply regrettable, and incredibly unhelpful”.

Stormont yesterday allocated £150m to ministers who were facing shortfalls in meeting public sector pay demands.

Each minister got half of what they had asked for, and are expected to find the remainder from within their own budget.

The largest allocation was £100m to Health Minister Mike Nesbitt who had asked fellow ministers for £200m to enable him to deliver a recommended uplift to healthcare workers.

Nurses strike threat

Nurses have been warning of imminent strike action if a 3.6% increase recommended by the independent Pay Review Body was not met.

Announcing the move, First Minister Michelle O'Neill said the Executive had agreed to provide an additional £100m to Mr Nesbitt, with the Health Minister pledging to source the remaining £100m from within his own existing departmental budget.

The devolved administration has taken the same approach with other ministers who had asked for additional money to deliver pay awards.

Education Minister Paul Givan will receive £37m, which is again half of what he had asked for.

Justice Minister Naomi Long and Infrastructure Minister Liz Kimmins will get £6.7m each, which is 50% of what they had requested to fund pay awards for police and prison officers and Translink transport workers respectively.

Ms O'Neill expressed hope the announcement would lead to a quick resolution of the pay dispute with nursing staff.

She added: “The Health Minister said he needed £200m to deliver pay parity (matching awards recommended elsewhere in the UK). He's found £100m and we have found £100m, so there is the pot in which he's dealing with.

“But obviously I'm sensitive to the fact that he needs to speak to the unions now in terms of how that will be delivered. So it's over to him … but he has the pathway now and he has the money to back it up.”

After the Executive met, Mr Nesbitt “clarified” that his department was exploring “every angle” to meet the £100m shortfall.

Additional funding over 50% of what’s needed

“The £100m agreed today by the Executive is to be very much welcomed,” he said. “However, that amount is around half of the total amount required.

“My department is exploring every angle to try and meet the deficit and discussions with health unions and professional bodies are at a sensitive stage with work continuing at pace to try and find a workable solution.”

His Ulster Unionist colleague Alan Chambers MLA criticised the First Minister for suggesting Mr Nesbitt had already “found” another £100m.

“It is deeply regrettable, and incredibly unhelpful, that the First Minister later went on to cause such confusion in her remarks at the press conference following the Executive,” he said.

“The Minister has still been left in a very difficult position of having to work closely with the unions and professional bodies to try to chart a way forward.

“Whilst the Executive allocation does mark important progress in responding to the issue, it is important to be clear on exactly what has and hasn't been agreed. The Minister of Health will continue to work for the delivery of this year's pay award.”

Alliance health spokesperson Nuala McAllister MLA said: “Whilst it is positive that steps have been taken towards avoiding industrial action this year, the Health Minister must now play his part. He should have had money set aside to meet pay awards from the start of the financial year. Healthcare workers are still facing uncertainty around if the pay award they have earned will be delivered. It should be no surprise to anyone that pay awards will need to be paid - we may not know the exact amount in advance, but this process happens every year.

“Health workers should not have to threaten a return to the picket lines year-on-year to ensure they receive the pay they are owed.”

Deputy First Minister Emma Little-Pengelly said the Executive was determined to “have the back” of “hard-working health staff”.

“We are acutely aware of the pressures on budgets and the significant challenges that departments face.

“But today's decision about funding for health service pay, support for education, in terms of teachers' pay, but also across other departments as well, in relation to prison, police officer and Translink pay pressures is a clear signal from the Executive that we are standing there with those departments, with ministers, in recognition that this is something that we need to get resolved.”

Police, prisons and transport

Police Federation of Northern Ireland chairman Liam Kelly welcomed the pay award for rank and file officers, but noted it still has to go through a lengthy process before being signed off.

Mr Kelly said: “This is progress, even though it's torturously slow and cumbersome. The hope now is that the pay increase can be fast-tracked with the minimum of bureaucracy and that officers will receive their entitlement in their December payslips.

“There is a caveat. Police pay has steadily been eroded over the past ten years and while the pay increase will help, it won't be enough to address the decade-long decline.”

Verdict in Soldier F Bloody Sunday trial due next week

REBECCA BLACK, Irish News, October 17th, 2025

THE verdict in the trial of a former paratrooper accused of the murder of two civilians in the Bloody Sunday shootings in Derry 50 years ago is expected to be delivered next week.

The ex-soldier, referred to as Soldier F for legal reasons, is accused of the murders of James Wray and William McKinney during disorder after a civil rights parade in the city on January 30 1972.

Some 13 people were shot dead by the Parachute Regiment on the day.

Soldier F is also accused of attempting to murder Michael Quinn, Patrick O’Donnell, Joseph Friel, Joe Mahon and an unknown person.

He has pleaded not guilty to the seven counts.

Judge Patrick Lynch thanked the prosecution and defence for their submissions in a trial that lasted just more than a month at Belfast Crown Court.

Verdict next Thursday

He said he planned to deliver his verdict on Thursday.

Key evidence in the trial were previous statements made by two other paratroopers, referred to as G and H, who were present in Glenfada Park North along with F.

The prosecution have argued they provide direct evidence that Soldier F had opened fire in the area.

But the defence described them as unreliable witnesses and the statements as inconsistent with each other, as well as with the accounts of eye witnesses who gave evidence during the trial.

Soldier F did not give evidence on his own behalf either before the trial or during it.

The court previously heard that Soldier F was interviewed voluntarily under caution across two days from March 8-9 2016 by officers from the PSNI over the offences he has been charged with.

At the start of those interviews, the ex-soldier’s solicitor read a statement indicating he no longer had any reliable recollection of those events, and would not answer any questions. He made no comments to all questions put to him.

The trial also heard medical and forensic evidence that Mr McKinney died after being hit by a single bullet which entered the right side of his back, and that Mr Wray was struck by two bullets, most likely from the same gun.

Neither man tested positive for lead or explosives residue on their hands or clothes, which would have indicated they had been using a firearm.

Making his closing arguments, Louis Mably KC for the prosecution said the court was open to draw an “adverse inference” from Soldier F’s failure to give evidence.

He went on that even allowing for the passage of time, it was “implausible he does not have a memory” of whether he had opened fire during the incident.

Mr Mably argued that there was consistency across the witness statements.

Fleeing civilians killed without justification

He described a scene of an illegal shooting by the British Army in Glenfada Park North as unarmed civilians ran away. He said they had been carried out without justification and with the intention to kill, adding: “That’s the ingredients of murder.”

“The only question in this case is whether F was one of the soldiers who participated in that shooting, either as a principal or a secondary participant,” he said.

In his closing statements, Mark Mulholland KC, for the defence, said the prosecution’s case relied on the statements by Soldier G and Soldier H, who he said in their own submission, were “liars and fabricators”.

He queried inconsistencies both in the statements of the former soldiers from those they had given to the Royal Military Police on the night of the shootings in 1972, to those they gave to the Widgery Inquiry later this year, and evidence from H to the Saville Inquiry.

Neither were available to give evidence to the trial because Soldier G has since died, while Soldier H has indicated he will exercise his right against self-incrimination if summoned.

Mr Mulholland said the case was “fundamentally flawed” and failed on all seven counts.

At the start of yesterday’s hearing, Judge Lynch dismissed a no-case-to-answer application by defence on the basis of unreliable evidence being relied on by the prosecution.

He said the statements of the two former paratroopers known as Soldiers G and H would be admitted.

Soldier F sat in the courtroom at Belfast Crown Court behind a curtain during each day of the non-jury trial, which began last month.

Relatives of Mr Wray and Mr McKinney, along with supporters, watched on from the public gallery.

Ex-soldiers Commissioner for Northern Ireland David Johnstone and Paul Young from the Northern Ireland Ex-soldiers Movement were also among those who observed proceedings.

'Deep concern' as child sex offences increase by 14% but number of charges still low

ANDREW MADDEN, Belfast Telegraph, October 17th, 2025

RISE IN REPORTS A STARK REMINDER THAT MORE MUST BE DONE, SAYS POLICING BOARD

Concerns have been raised after the number of sex offences against children increased by 14% in the past five years.

However, only around 11% of these cases result in a charge to court.

Figures reveal that 1,938 sex offences against children were recorded in the 2020/21 financial year. This increased to 2,219 in 2024/25 — a rise of just over 14%.

In 2020/21, some 245 child sex crimes resulted in a charge or summons to court.

In the most recent year (2024/25), this figure was 230.

The annual figures for crimes recorded and crimes charged are not directly comparable, as a crime recorded in one year may not result in a charge until several years later, or not at all.

That said, the figures show a general trend that only between 10% and 12% of recorded child sx offences resulted in a charge or summons to court in the past five years.

Dr Kate Laverty, who is an independent member of the Policing Board, said: “Crimes against children remain among the most distressing and deeply troubling offences faced by our society.

“The continuing rise in reports of sexual offences against children is a stark reminder of the vulnerability of young people and the profound harm caused when systems fail to protect them.

Few recorded offences lead to prosecutions

“While improved awareness and willingness to report are positive developments, it's concerning that so few of these recorded offences ultimately result in a charge.

“This reflects not only the complexity of investigating such cases, but also highlights a wider challenge for the entire justice system — to ensure that children are better protected, supported, and that perpetrators are held to account.”

Dr Laverty said the Policing Board recognises that more “must be done collectively” to improve outcomes for victims, adding: “Every unprosecuted offence represents not just a missed opportunity for justice, but a potential failure to prevent further harm.

“These concerns continue to inform the board's scrutiny work.”

Dr Laverty said the Policing Board “remains resolute that protecting children from abuse” and exploitation “must remain a central priority for policing and the justice system as a whole”.

PSNI DCI Claire Gilbert said child sexual abuse and exploitation are “horrendous crimes”, adding that, with more offences happening in online spaces, “it is sadly becoming a fast-growing crime type”.

She said: “We have dedicated detectives in our Public Protection Branch, whose work to prevent and protect children never stands still. We're also working hard with partners to develop campaigns to raise awareness, as we believe prevention is key.

“Charge rates remain variable due to a number of factors, including limitations in evidence, with the need to meet a high legal threshold, and many victims of sexual crimes feeling unable to continue with the criminal justice process and withdrawing.

“It remains a priority for us to give confidence to victims to come forward. And we are pleased to see a rise in the numbers of non-recent offences being reported to us because of our ongoing work in this space. We are here to support victims every step of the way.”

Stormont leaders at odds over Casement shortfall

DAVID YOUNG, Irish News, October 17th, 2025

STORMONT’S leaders appear at odds over the scale of the funding gap currently preventing the redevelopment of Casement Park.

Deputy First Minister Emma Little-Pengelly said the shortfall between the money already secured and the cost of realising the GAA’s ambitions for a revamped venue was “well in excess of £100 million”.

However, speaking alongside her DUP counterpart at an executive press conference in Belfast, Sinn Fein First Minister Michelle O’Neill said she did not recognise £100 million as being the size of the gap.

Ms O’Neill also told reporters that Communities Minister Gordon Lyons is due to meet the Casement Park programme board today to discuss the ongoing impasse.

Plans for a 34,000-capacity stadium have been mired in uncertainty because of the major funding shortfall.

In the summer the UK Government allocated £50 million to support the redevelopment of the currently derelict west Belfast venue.

While that added to around £120 million that has been pledged by the Stormont Executive, Irish government and GAA, it was not enough to bridge the gap to cover the cost of the rebuild.

Stormont ministers committed £62.5 million to Casement in 2011, as part of a strategy to revamp it along with football’s Windsor Park and the rugby ground at Ravenhill.

Casement delayed by local residents legal challenges

While the two other Belfast-based projects went ahead, the redevelopment of Casement was delayed for several years because of planning-based legal challenges by local residents.

The estimated build cost spiralled in the interim. While planning permission has since been secured, the money committed to the rebuild is not currently enough to deliver it.

As well as the Stormont contribution of £62.5 million and the UK government’s £50 million, the Irish government has offered around £42 million and the GAA has pledged to contribute at least £15 million.

Loyalist faces jail for intimidation at 'show of strength' in east Belfast

JOHN CASSIDY, Belfast Telegraph, October 17th, 2025

MURDER VICTIM'S DAUGHTER TERRIFIED AFTER MASKED MEN GATHERED AT CENTRE

A 60-year-old was remanded in custody yesterday for being part of a group of masked men involved in a 'show of strength' in east Belfast.

Derek George Lammey will be sentenced next week after he was found guilty of intimidation earlier this year.

Lammey, of Spring Place in east Belfast, was acquitted on charges of unlawful assembly and affray.

Co-accused Stephen Matthews was cleared on charges of unlawful assembly, affray and intimidation dating back to February 2021.

Judge Gordon Kerr KC delivered his judgment in May following a non-jury trial which was held at Belfast Crown Court the previous month.

During the hearing, the Crown made the case that both men were involved in an incident in the Pitt Park/Fraser Pass area of east Belfast.

Both Matthews and Lammey denied all the charges against them.

As well as refusing to answer questions during police interviews following their arrests, both men also declined to give evidence at their trial.

It was the Crown's case that both Matthews and Lammey were part of a “threatening and intimidating group” of masked and hooded men who gathered in Pitt Park and then walked to the Ballymac Centre, which was occupied by women and children.

Those inside the centre included the wife and daughter of murdered local man Ian Ogle.

The crowd gathered outside for a short period and some comments were directed to those inside before the group dispersed.

When she was called to give evidence, Mr Ogle's daughter, Toni Johnston, described the scene inside the centre as “absolute chaos” and said the incident left her “terrified”.

Several police officers who were in the area on the afternoon of February 2, 2021 were called to give evidence.

From the witness box, one constable confirmed that he knew both men well and that despite them both wearing masks, he said he was able to identify them.

Concerning Matthews, the officer said he had known him for “many years” and identified him from his height and build and that some of his face was visible.

When asked about Lammey, the constable said the accused spoke to him and said “watch that coronavirus” as he passed him as part of the group and that he recognised his voice.

The policeman was also asked by the defence if, that afternoon, he identified a crime or criminal offence and he replied: “No.”

During legal arguments, a senior prosecution KC said the incident at Pitt Park involving up to 60 masked men “was on behalf of and for the benefit of a terrorist organisation'' as specified in the Terrorism Act 2000.

He said the court did not have to identify which proscribed terrorist organisation was involved and “it could be inferred as the loyalist side of the house”.

Demonstration was intended to enforce power in area

The senior prosecutor said the “benefit'' for a proscribed terrorist organisation was to “intimidate members of the public through their enforcement of power in that area”.

He told Judge Kerr that it was a “high culpability case given the number of men involved, which was quite sinister, and also the defiance of the police presence at the time”.

The barrister said it was the prosecution view that the sentencing range for the offence was one of two to three years to act as a deterrence to the defendant and to the wider public.

Defence counsel Joseph O'Keefe KC said Lammey “played no organisational role” in the 'show of strength' and there was “no concrete benefit to any proscribed terrorist organisation”.

He said there was a “walk through to the community centre, a short pause and then a walk back”.

“Just because there is a crowd in that area does not mean it was a proscribed organisation,” submitted Mr O'Keefe.

“Someone from the crowd shouts up at the centre but that was not Mr Lammey. He was not involved in the planning and he just simply walked with the crowd which was of short duration.”

Mr O'Keefe said in his view the sentencing range was one of one to two years and added the defendant had already spent two months on remand after his initial charging over the incident.

Following legal submissions, Judge Kerr said: “I wished for the assistance of counsels today to determine the terrorist sentencing regime issue.

“I have considered the papers at length and the submissions that have been made.

“One view I have no doubt about is that no matter what I decide this is a case for an immediate custodial sentence.

“Accordingly, the defendant will be remanded in custody and I will sentence next Wednesday.''

Our crumbling schools are a symptom of political neglect

Pro Fide et Patria, Irish News, October 17th, 2025

THE Public Accounts Committee’s warning over the crumbling state of Northern Ireland’s schools should trouble every parent, teacher and politician in the north.

When the repair bill for our education estate is estimated to be as high as £800 million, we are no longer talking about cracked plaster or leaky roofs — we are talking about a systemic failure that threatens both the safety and the future of our children.

The committee’s report paints a picture that is depressingly familiar: poor governance, reactive maintenance, and a complete absence of long-term strategy. Ten years after the creation of the Education Authority, the same patterns persist — bureaucratic overlap, unclear accountability, and a lack of collaboration with the Department of Education.

“What we have witnessed is a decade of drift. Buildings have been allowed to decay, not because anyone wished it so, but because responsibility was endlessly deferred and budgets endlessly squeezed

The result is a school system where emergency repairs are prioritised only when danger looms, and where preventative maintenance is treated as a luxury rather than a necessity.

Chair Daniel McCrossan’s assessment was blunt but accurate. What we have witnessed is a decade of drift. Buildings have been allowed to decay, not because anyone wished it so, but because responsibility was endlessly deferred and budgets endlessly squeezed.

In the absence of robust data, decisions have been made in the dark. Schools, meanwhile, have been forced to cope with leaking ceilings, failing heating systems, and classrooms that are plainly unfit for purpose.

It is right to highlight the funding crisis that underpins this mess. Chronic underinvestment over many years has left the department of education firefighting rather than planning. Yet money alone will not mend a culture of neglect. Reform must be structural as well as financial. A coherent, joined-up strategy — one that treats school buildings as essential infrastructure, not expendable overheads — is the only way forward.

As we have pointed out on a number of occasions, the situation in special educational needs provision is particularly alarming. An 850% rise in emergency SEN placements since 2019 speaks not just to fiscal strain but to moral failure. Vulnerable children are being failed twice over — first by the lack of suitable facilities, and again by the system’s inability to plan for their needs.

Northern Ireland’s young people deserve more than apologies and ad hoc repairs. They deserve safe, modern, inspiring places to learn — places that reflect the value we place on education itself. The time for reactive fixes has long passed.

What is required now is political will, transparency, and a genuine commitment to rebuilding our schools.. and confidence in those who manage them.

Murder charges against burglars over death of children's nurse downgraded to manslaughter

NIAMH CAMPBELL, Belfast Telegraph, October 17th, 2025

CO DOWN MOTHER KAREN CUMMINGS FOUND AT HOME WITH SERIOUS HEAD INJURY

Two men originally charged with the murder of a mother-of-two have had their charges downgraded to manslaughter.

Karen Cummings was killed at her home in Banbridge shortly before Christmas last year.

Glenn King (33) and Kevin McGuigan Jnr (43) are now charged with manslaughter, having originally faced murder charges.

Both are also charged with possessing a firearm in suspicious circumstances.

Ms Cummings (40), a children's nurse, was found unconscious with a serious head injury in Laurel Heights on the night of December 14, 2024.

It is understood she died from gunshot wounds to the head.

McGuigan additionally faces charges of handling stolen goods, possessing a firearm with intent to cause fear of violence, and possessing a firearm without a certificate.

The previous murder charges before the court were police holding charges.

The Belfast Telegraph understands the court has been updated and the victim's family have also been informed of the prosecution decisions.

The case is next listed on Thursday, October 23.

A spokesperson for the Public Prosecution Service said that due to proceedings being live they are unable to comment.

The key difference between murder and manslaughter lies in the intent and circumstances surrounding a killing.

Murder is the unlawful killing of someone with intent to kill or cause serious harm, while manslaughter is the unlawful killing without intent, or where there are mitigating circumstances reducing blame.

A murder conviction in Northern Ireland usually carries a life sentence, with minimum tariffs typically of at least 15 years in prison, while manslaughter is often punishable by a shorter sentence.

Ms Cummings worked as a children's nurse at Daisy Hill Hospital in Newry.

At her funeral, which took place on December 23, Father Aidan McGrath said Ms Cummings had “been taken from her loved ones suddenly and brutally”.

“We no longer see her constant presence. We no longer hear her voice. We are no longer comforted or challenged by what she had to say. And yet, in this time of utter grief, in Christ, we believe that she is still present to us.”

At the Church of St Therese, the priest said Ms Cummings had “been taken from this world in the prime of her life”.

Mourners also heard how Ms Cummings “showed kindness and patience to everyone she met”, and that she was “one of a kind”.

“In her life and in her nursing career, Karen sought to respond with love and care, to the needs of others,” the priest said.

Speaking to UTV last month, Ms Cummings' cousin Kelly Malcolmson described her as “more like a sister” to her.

“Our lives have been completely flipped upside down. The hardest part is knowing she was taken from us,” she said.

“It's trying to live without her. There's pain every day. It's the wee things. Her daughter just went back to school. She just got her GCSE results. It was her birthday. It's those moments you really notice her absence.”

Councillor quits the SDLP over abortion position

CONNLA YOUNG, Irish News, October 17th, 2025

A WELL-KNOWN SDLP councillor has resigned from the party amid claims representatives ‘celebrated the loss of unborn life’ at its recent party conference.

Causeway Coast and Glens councillor Margaret Anne McKillop said she reconsidered her membership of the nationalist party after a recent conference debate.

The Cushendall-based councillor was initially elected to sit on the old Moyle council as a Sinn Féin representative but left them in 2013 over its support for abortion.

She later joined the SDLP and has represented the party at Causeway Coast and Glens, which replaced the old Moyle authority.

In 2020, Causeway Coast and Glens councillor Stephanie Quigley also resigned from the party over its stance on abortion.

Ms McKillop’s resignation comes weeks after Fermanagh and Omagh SDLP councillor Garbhán McPhillips left the party after raising concerns about its direction.

‘The party is no longer recognisable from the one I joined’

Prominent SDLP figures have previously signalled support for abortion, which was introduced in the north after a Westminster vote in 2019.

Figures published by the Department of Health earlier this year show that between 2020-2024 more than 8,000 abortions were carried out in the north.

SDLP youth motion

It is understood an SDLP youth motion promoting abortion in a ‘New Ireland’ was discussed at a closed meeting during the recent conference.

An amendment opposing the practice, and seconded by Ms McKillop, failed to pass.

Ms McKillop said she has “taken time to reflect deeply on my journey and the values that brought me into politics”.

“When I joined the SDLP in 2013, I was proud to stand for a pro-life party,” she said.

“When the party voted to change its position to be pro-choice, I believed differing views could be respected and held in good conscience.

“Over the years, I tried to hold onto that hope.

“But today, the party is no longer recognisable from the one I joined.

“The space for pro-life voices has all but disappeared.”

Ms McKillop said the defence of the unborn is important to her.

“My commitment to defending those who cannot speak for themselves – particularly the unborn – is something I cannot and will not set aside,” she said.

“I’ve always placed the right to life at the heart of my political work.

“It has shaped my beliefs, guided my decisions, and grounded my public service.”

The long-standing councillor said she was troubled by the conduct of some party representatives during the recent conference debate.

“This has not been an easy decision, nor one made lightly,” she said.

“I’ve wrestled with it for some time.

“But the events at this year’s party conference marked a turning point for me.

“I watched as some representatives used the platform to promote a pro-abortion agenda – clapping, fist-pumping, and, in my view, celebrating the loss of unborn life.

“It was a moment that made clear to me that the party I once believed in had changed beyond recognition.”

Ms McKillop said she was “grateful for the opportunity to speak at that conference…. about the thousands of babies already lost to abortion”.

“That moment reaffirmed my belief that principle must come before populism,” she added.

Ms McKillop wished her former colleagues “all the best for the future”.

“However, I can no longer, in good faith, continue as a member of the SDLP,” she said.

“I will continue to serve my constituents as an independent councillor, staying true to the values that brought me into politics – and that I still hold dear.”

A spokesman for the SDLP said: “As part of SDLP conference we hear motions from across the party on a wide range of issues and encourage democratic debate.

“We acknowledge Councillor McKillop’s decision and wish her well in the future.”

Historic house owned by EA was uninsured at time of arson

ANDREW MADDEN, Belfast Telegraph, October 17th, 2025

MLAS CALL FOR ANSWERS ON WHY SITE WAS ALLOWED TO 'FALL INTO DERELICTION'

The childhood home of a famous hymn writer, which is owned by the Education Authority, was not insured when it was targeted in an arson attack.

Milltown House near Strabane was the former home of Cecil Frances Alexander, whose works include All Things Bright and Beautiful and Once in Royal David's City.

It is set on a 22-acre site on the Liskey Road which was most recently home to Strabane Grammar School, but it has been derelict since 2011.

Plans had been afoot for the site to be potentially purchased from the Education Authority (EA) by Strabane Rugby Club, with Milltown House to be used as a clubhouse and a portion of the land turned into pitches.

In August, Milltown House was severely damaged in a fire which police said was deliberate.

Education Minister Paul Givan was asked if the building was insured at the time.

He said: “The EA operates as a self-insuring body and will only insure its properties for damage, where required under the terms of a legal agreement. Milltown House, located on Liskey Road, Strabane, was not insured at the time of the recent fire.”

DUP West Tyrone MLA Tom Buchanan said he was surprised at the news.

“Whenever the school pupils moved out of the site one would have thought the Education Authority should have insured it, especially given its background as the childhood home of Cecil Frances Alexander,” he said.

“Whether or not it will be restored, who knows? I would appeal to the Education Authority to ensure that any properties it owns that become vacant are insured so that, if anything happens, there is at least the money there to help restore them.”

A duty of care

SDLP west Tyrone MLA Daniel McCrossan said it is “absolutely shocking” that a building of such “cultural and historical importance” was left uninsured.

“The EA has a duty of care not just to maintain its assets, but to protect sites of heritage value that belong to the public. The fact that this property wasn't insured raises serious questions about oversight, governance and respect for our local history.”

“This is not just a local loss — it's a national disgrace. Generations of people across these islands know Cecil Frances Alexander's work, from Once in Royal David's City to All Things Bright and Beautiful. To see her childhood home destroyed through neglect is heartbreaking.

“I will be writing to the EA and the Department of Education to demand a full explanation of how this was allowed to happen and what steps are now being taken to protect any remaining parts of the site.”

The EA said: “As a large public body managing many hundreds of properties, the Education Authority operates as a self-insuring organisation, meaning potential losses and costs are covered from our own funds. Self insurance is not uncommon for Government bodies. We take out commercial insurance cover only where this is specifically required under legal agreements.”

The EA added: “The Education Authority operates within significant budget constraints, and we must prioritise our resources to support operational schools and prevent school closures.”

Shankill shared space wins prestigious EU award

JOHN BRESLIN, Irish News, October 17th, 2025

A RECENTLY opened shared space close to one of Belfast’s most notable peace walls has been recognised as among the top EU-funded projects in Europe.

The £7.8m Shankill Shared Women’s Centre, in the shadow of the Lanark Way peace line and which opened last year, was honoured for “promoting inclusion and delivering lifechanging impact within the local community”.

It won under ‘A Europe Closer to Citizens’ category of the RE-GIOSTARS awards, with the announcement made at a ceremony in Brussels on Wednesday evening. Only five projects in total were honoured.

The centre was funded through the EU PEACE programme, along with partners, Department for Communities, Dublin’s Department of Rural and Community Development and Belfast City Council.

Gina McIntyre, chief executive of the Special EU Programmes Body (SEUPB), said the “centre was rightly named a shining example of promoting inclusion and delivering lifechanging impact within the local community”.

“This is a monumental achievement and one that belongs to everyone who believed in and helped deliver this vision.”

Ms McIntyre added: This recognition underscores the power of collaboration, courage and community, and through PEACEPLUS, we will continue to build, grow and strengthen spaces that bring people together.”

Centre chief executive Dr Betty Carlisle described the win as “an incredible honour and a deeply emotional moment for everyone connected” to the facility.

“It’s a tribute to the tireless efforts of our staff, volunteers and partners, as well as the many women who have walked through our doors seeking support, connection and opportunity,” Dr Carlisle said.

“From the early campaigners who dreamed of a shared space, to those delivering and participating in programmes every day, this award belongs to you.

“We are proud to stand as a beacon of hope and progress, showing what can be achieved when communities come together to build a better, more inclusive future.”

Kids being forced 'against wishes' to go to English medium schools

ANDREW MADDEN, Belfast Telegraph, October 17th, 2025

CAMPAIGNERS SLAM FAILURE TO IMPLEMENT IRISH LANGUAGE STRATEGY

Children educated from an early age in Irish are being forced “against their wishes” to turn to English medium learning aged 12 because of a lack of Irish provision, a Stormont committee has heard.

The Communities Committee also heard that failure to implement an Irish language strategy — which is almost 20 years late — is a “disgrace” and an “attack” on the Irish language community that is being “ostracised”.

An Irish language strategy was a commitment in the 2006 St Andrews Agreement and was reaffirmed in the 2020 New Decade, New Approach deal.

Over the years, there have been two High Court rulings, in 2017 and 2022, that found the Executive was in breach of its legal duty to introduce such a strategy.

Campaign group Conradh na Gaeilge has secured a third High Court date seeking to judicially review the Executive and Communities Minister Gordon Lyons' alleged failure in this area. It will be heard later this month.

Members of a co-design group formed to provide input on the development of Stormont's long-awaited Irish language strategy briefed members of the Communities Committee yesterday.

Maria Thomasson of Comhairle na Gaelscolaíochta, the representative body for Irish-medium education in Northern Ireland, said there has never been an overarching strategy for Irish medium education here.

“The reason the Irish medium sector is what it is, is because of the practitioners, the governors, the volunteers, the community groups on the ground, and the teachers,” she said.

Teachers working over contracted hours to keep up with demand

​Ms Thomasson said Irish medium teachers are working 46% above their contracted hours to keep up with demand, adding “we can't continue to rely on the goodwill and the passion of individuals to give more and do more than their English medium peers”.

Giving one “extreme” example, Ms Thomasson said there are children “having to turn to English medium education at the age of 12 against their wishes, against the wishes of their families, because schools can't accommodate them and we don't have the capacity to grow in line with demand”.

Pádraig Ó Tiarnaigh of Irish language campaign group Conradh na Gaeilge outlined how the co-design group has produced a draft strategy action plan containing 200 actions it hopes will inform the finalised strategy, which is to cover the next 20 years.

Mr Ó Tiarnaigh said Mr Lyons has failed to give a commitment that an Irish language strategy will be finalised within this Assembly mandate and called on the committee to request that a clear timeline be set out.

“For any new Irish language strategy to have a meaningful impact and for the action plan to be implemented over the next 20 years, there will need to be accompanying financial resources to spread out over the next 20 years,” he said.

“Actions and resources should be in addition to current departmental actions and not simply repackaged.”

The Irish language campaigner said the co-design group would rather have no strategy than one that is not effective.

He added: “I don't think anyone could question the hard work and time that we've invested in [this strategy] very faithfully, in engaging with the minister and other people right across the board, to make sure we get a strategy that is as robust as possible and that over 20 years will make a significant difference to our community.”

LETTERS: IRISH NEWS

New Ireland must not be a mirror image of the old Northern Ireland

AS someone who grew up in an extremely unionist area during the 1970s and 80s, I don’t need anyone to remind me what discrimination felt like. It wasn’t abstract or theoretical – it was lived, daily and often quiet but ever-present. The Ballymena that my siblings and I inhabited was more than a cold house for us, it was a place where we should never raise our heads.

For Catholics in those times opportunities were limited, voices were silenced and belonging was conditional. The message – spoken and unspoken – was that we were outsiders in the place we called home.

That experience shapes how I see the world, how I understand fairness, and why I still believe in the promise of a better, shared future on this island.

I have always believed I am Irish. I want to see a unified and reconciled Ireland – one that draws from the best of both traditions and builds something genuinely new. But lately, I’ve found myself asking uncomfortable questions.

When we talk about unity, what exactly are we uniting around? Are we imagining a country that truly welcomes everyone – Protestant, Catholic, or neither – as equals? Or are some among us, perhaps unconsciously, seeking to replace one form of dominance with another?

I’ve seen enough of what supremacy looks like to know what it feels like on the receiving end. Over the years, I’ve witnessed gatherings that quietly celebrated that dominance, where the unspoken message was that one community held the power, the privilege and the right to decide who mattered. That was how “they” marked their supremacy – in symbols, in silence and in social exclusion.

If we, in our vision of a “new Ireland”, even hint at replicating that same dynamic – if we imagine a future where it’s somehow “our turn now” – then we are doing a profound disservice to the very ideals we claim to champion.

True equality cannot be built on triumphalism. True unity cannot be achieved through vengeance.

The new Ireland we need must not be a mirror image of the old Northern Ireland, where one side ruled and the other endured. It must be something entirely different – something better.

That means honesty about our past, humility in our ambitions, and empathy for those who fear change.

For many within the Protestant, unionist and loyalist communities, Irish unity feels like an existential threat.

We can dismiss that as irrational – or we can listen, engage and show that a shared Ireland need not mean surrender, loss, or erasure.

Reconciliation requires generosity. It requires us – those of us who know what it’s like to be excluded – to ensure that no-one else ever feels that way again. Because if our ‘new Ireland’ isn’t safe, welcoming and equal for our Protestant neighbours, then it won’t be worthy of the name.

 I’ve lived long enough to know what oppression feels like – and I never want to see it repeated, against anyone.

 The ‘new Ireland’ I believe in isn’t about who’s in charge; it’s about who belongs. And the answer must be: everyone.

EUGENE REID Ballymena, Co Antrim