Bloody Sunday - Soldier F hearings conclude -Judgement due next Thursday
Conor Macauley, BBC, October 16th, 2025
The judge in the Bloody Sunday murder trial has decided the case can continue.
It follows a two-day defence submission that the former paratrooper had no case to answer.
Soldier F is accused of two counts of murder and five of attempted murder.
The charges relate to the events of 30 January 1972 when civil rights protesters were fired on by the military in Derry.
Thirteen people were shot dead and another died later.
Soldier F is charged with the murders of 22-year-old Jim Wray and 26-year-old William McKinney in Glenfada Park.
The former British paratrooper denies all of the charges.
The prosecution had concluded its case.
The defence then made an application that the evidence was insufficient to convict Soldier F.
It said the statements of two other soldiers who were with him in Glenfada Park and which say he opened fire, were full of inconsistencies and could not be relied on.
The prosecution had countered saying that while there were variances in the statements it could be explained by the soldiers getting their stories straight after the shooting.
Judge Patrick Lynch ruled on the defence application this morning.
He said he had "listened very carefully" to the arguments but had decided that the case should continue to run.
He said he had reviewed his decision that the soldiers' statements were admissible as evidence and it stood.
"I decline to direct a verdict of not guilty on this basis."
The defence has been invited to present its case.
The defence said it would not be inviting Soldier F to give evidence on his own behalf.
Judge Lynch said the defendant should be aware that the court was entitled to draw an "adverse inference" from his decision.
"He has been so advised," defence barrister Mark Mulholland KC said, indicating that he would not be introducing any other evidence.
Louis Mably KC for the prosecution said it would "open to the and appropriate for the court" to draw an adverse inference from Soldier F's failure to take the stand.
He said even allowing for the passage of time and the defendant's suggestion that he no longer had any recollection of the events of the day, it was "implausible" to suggest he had no memory of whether he had opened fire and tried to kill someone.
Closing the prosecution case, Mr Mably said the shooting in Glenfada Park North had been carried out without justification and with the intention to kill.
"That's the ingredients of murder," he said.
Mr Mably said there was "an aspect of cover-up" in both how the soldiers' statements were taken and the content of them.
He claimed having opened fire on unarmed civilians, the soldiers had concocted the stories to justify their firing.
Soldier F not called to give evidence by his Defence Counsel
By Rebecca Black, PA, Belfast News Letter, October 16th, 2025
Delivering his ruling at the start of the day's hearing on Thursday, Judge Lynch said the statements of two former paratroopers known as Soldiers G and H will be admitted.
"I decline to direct a verdict of not guilty on this basis," he said, before inviting the defence to open their case.
Mark Mulholland KC for the defence said he would not be calling his client to give evidence.
Soldier F, who cannot be named for legal reasons, is charged with the murders of James Wray and William McKinney during disorder after a civil rights parade in Londonderry on January 30 1972.
Some 13 people were shot dead by the Parachute Regiment on the day.
Soldier F is also accused of attempting to murder Michael Quinn , Patrick O'Donnell , Joseph Friel , Joe Mahon and an unknown person.
He has pleaded not guilty to the seven counts.
Soldier F sits in the courtroom at Belfast Crown Court behind a curtain during each day of the non-jury trial, which began last month.
Relatives of Mr Wray and Mr McKinney, along with supporters are watching on from the public gallery.
Veterans Commissioner for Northern Ireland David Johnstone and Paul Young from the Northern Ireland Veterans Movement are also among those observing proceedings.
The Troubles - Bloody Sunday: Judge to deliver verdict in trial of Soldier F next week
The former paratrooper is accused of murdering James Wray and William McKinney on 30 January 1972.
The Journal October 16th, 2025
THE VERDICT IN the trial of a former paratrooper accused of the murder of two men during the events of Bloody Sunday in 1972 is expected to be delivered next week.
Soldier F is charged with the murders of James Wray and William McKinney on 30 January 1972 – the day when members of the Parachute Regiment shot dead 13 civil rights protesters on the streets of Derry.
He is also accused of five attempted murders during the incident in Derry’s Bogside area, namely of Joseph Friel, Michael Quinn, Joe Mahon, Patrick O’Donnell and a person unknown.
He has pleaded not guilty to the seven counts.
Judge Patrick Lynch today thanked the prosecution and defence for their submissions in a trial that lasted just more than a month at Belfast Crown Court.
He said he planned to deliver his verdict next Thursday.
Key evidence in the trial were previous statements made by two other paratroopers, referred to as G and H, who were present in Glenfada Park North along with F.
The prosecution have argued they provide direct evidence that Soldier F had opened fire in the area.
But the defence described them as unreliable witnesses and the statements as inconsistent with each other, as well as with the accounts of eye witnesses who gave evidence during the trial.
Soldier F did not give evidence on his own behalf either before the trial or during it.
PSNI Interviews
The court previously heard that Soldier F was interviewed voluntarily under caution across two days from 8 and 9 March 2016 by officers from the PSNI over the offences he has been charged with.
At the start of those interviews, his solicitor read a statement indicating he no longer had any reliable recollection of those events, and would not answer any questions. He made no comments to all questions put to him.
The trial also heard medical and forensic evidence that William McKinney died after being hit by a single bullet which entered the right side of his back, and that James Wray was struck by two bullets, most likely from the same gun.
Neither man tested positive for lead or explosives residue on their hands or clothes, which would have indicated they had been using a firearm.
Making his closing arguments, Louis Mably KC for the prosecution said the court was open to draw an “adverse inference” from Soldier F’s failure to give evidence.
He went on that even allowing for the passage of time, it was “implausible he does not have a memory” of whether he had opened fire during the incident.
Mably argued that there was consistency across the witness statements.
‘Ingredients of murder’
He described a scene of an illegal shooting by the British Army in Glenfada Park North as unarmed civilians ran away. He said they had been carried out without justification and with the intention to kill, adding: “That’s the ingredients of murder.”
“The only question in this case is whether F was one of the soldiers who participated in that shooting, either as a principal or a secondary participant,” he said.
In his closing statements, Mark Mulholland KC, for the defence, said the prosecution’s case relied on the statements by Soldier G and Soldier H, who he said in their own submission, were “liars and fabricators”.
No, the Irish language does not ‘belong to us all’. Stop insisting that it does
Newton Emerson, Irish Times, October 16th, 2025
A policy so bad it causes a sectarian argument in Shandon Park has achieved a whole new level of failure in Northern Ireland.
The tree-lined east Belfast street is the epitome of an affluent, liberal neighbourhood. Its larger houses sell for more than £600,000 (€689,000), putting them in the top 2 per cent of the northern property market. Yet it has suffered the indignity of appearing on front pages and news bulletins because someone has attacked its new bilingual street sign with an angle grinder, removing the Irish half. This is an activity akin to painting kerbstones or flying flags at inner-city interfaces – and indeed British flags appeared on lamp-posts in Shandon Park earlier this year, as part of the street sign row.
The culprits in both cases are presumably from elsewhere. Few people in Shandon Park will know how to use an angle grinder, or know anyone socially who can.
This bizarre situation has arisen due to Belfast City Council’s bilingual street sign policy. Previously, it required a third of all residents to petition for a sign, with two-thirds then having to approve it.
In 2022, this was changed to enable any one resident or councillor to apply for a sign, with 15 per cent of residents who respond having to approve it.
The justification for this threshold is a 2017 report from the UN special rapporteur on minority issues, who made the apparently reasonable point that majority support should not be required for a minority language.
Of course, Irish is not just a language in Belfast: it is a nationalist cultural symbol. Nor are nationalists a minority – they are a plurality, or a majority by some measures, which is why they had the numbers to change the street-sign policy, with the support of Alliance.
This combination of majoritarianism with minority special pleading has caused unionists great annoyance, not to mention some confusion. But the policy itself did not cause any problems for its first year or so of operation, for two reasons. First, much of Belfast is so segregated that 15 per cent is an unusually large minority. Figures publicised this week by Conradh na Gaeilge show that across all 244 streets with a sign approved under the new policy, only 3.9 per cent of residents objected. This is actually a measure of division, not of consensus, as Conradh na Gaeilge bravely tried to imply.
Second, the policy promised flexibility for the small number of streets where votes are more finely balanced. Final decisions rest with a council committee, which can block a sign or an initial survey based on the views of residents, advice from officials, “local context” and potential impact on community relations.
This quickly evolved into a convention where signs would be deferred indefinitely if more residents were opposed than in favour, creating a de-facto majority requirement for mixed streets. This was important for Alliance, as mixed streets are its territory. But following an election in 2023, nationalists gained a majority on the committee and all flexibility ceased. This first became an issue last summer on four middle-class streets in north Belfast. Shandon Park, where 17 per cent of residents were in favour of a sign and 50 per cent against, has brought the scenario to east Belfast. The committee has just approved more surveys for east Belfast, against official advice.
Few parties emerge from this fiasco with any credit. Nationalists have been cynical, Alliance naive and unionists belligerent. All that is necessary to restore good sense is to return to the flexibility promised and shown until recently. All unionists need to do to achieve this is to make common cause with Alliance, which clearly realises its mistake. But unionists are too busy raging at Alliance and fighting with each other. The DUP held an assembly debate on the signage policy on Monday, where it squabbled with the Traditional Unionist Voice (TUV), overshadowing a significant statement from north Belfast Alliance MLA Nuala McAllister.
She accused Sinn Féin of “ignoring the wishes” of residents, “igniting flames and tensions within communities” and of placing “getting your own way” above protecting and promoting the language.
Ideally, unionists could join Alliance to set a formal 50 per cent threshold, as adopted by other councils in Northern Ireland. However, that would require more acceptance of Irish than they seem capable of swallowing.
It might help if others would stop lecturing unionists that Irish “belongs to us all”. Sarah Bunting, the DUP leader on Belfast City Council, made an appeal for this last week. While the lectures may be well intentioned, to those who are not Irish, they can sound condescending at best and duplicitous at worst.
Unionists do not have to like Irish, but sometimes they have to live with it anyway. Belfast’s aggressive signage policy does not foster that realisation.
COMMENT
Where should " others" including wet Liberals stand on this?
In as much as culture wars are part of the Legacy, this is the best simple analysis of its kind Ive read. I've no personal objection to dual signage everywhere. But seeking local consent inflames the issue and a 15% threshold is madness. Is there an alternative or is opinion becoming so entrenched that this has become another insoluble issue? (On a local detail Shandon Park is directly adjacent to the Braniel estate in my time dominated / oppressed by the UDA, and Clara Park just across the dual carriageway . Not hard to find the technique and instrument of defacement there- but with apologies if I defame the good people of the Braniel and Clara Park ).
Brian Walker
I'm not sure Brian,
The culture wars seem to be providing a distraction to very real issues such as institutional paralysis which most NI politicians clearly are incapable of dealing with.
I agree that in most politically mature societies a simply 50% plus vote would determine such matters. I think it is, or was 55% in Dublin but it's so long since it happened that I can't remember.
Alliance seem to have walked themselves into a political cul de sac and don't know how to get out of it.
Padraig Yeates
One person's " distraction" is another's political weapon.; a term for anything outside a particular often arbitrary definition. The handling of the language issue whether involving council or local voting is an example of two things: the difficulty of achieving reconciliation and the lack of an equivalent popular issue on the unionist/ loyalist side where Ullans and Orange bands are no match for Irish and English is the basis of the common culture.
Brian Walker
I think it is more the consequence of an absence of reconciliation in any meaningful sense, whether in the courts, education, street signage or most other places.
Padraig Yeates.
Alliance Minister Muir 'losing patience' over water pollution
REBECCA BLACK, Belfast Telegraph and Irish News, October 16th, 2025
DEPARTMENT FOR INFRASTRUCTURE CHIEF HAS QUESTIONS TO ANSWER, SAYS MUIR
Northern Ireland's Agriculture and Environment Minister has said he is “fast losing patience” with the Department for Infrastructure over water pollution.
Andrew Muir also expressed his concern that Belfast Lough could potentially become “the next Lough Neagh” in terms of pollution.
The minister was speaking at the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee during a special meeting on the environmental situation at Lough Neagh.
The lough, which is the UK's largest freshwater lake by surface area, was this year blighted by noxious blooms of blue-green algae for the third summer in a row.
It saw the eel-fishing season cut short this summer, as well as advice against bathing at several north coast beaches because of the blue-green algae having been detected moving along Lower Bann River to the area.
Mr Muir told MPs the cause is down to an excess of nutrients from a number of sources, including waste water, septic tanks and agriculture, exasperated by climate change and the invasive species Zebra Mussels.
He said that implementation of the Lough Neagh Recovery Plan is progressing well, with 14 of the 37 actions delivered, with 22 underway, while one remains dependant on another action that is being taken forward.
DUP MP Gavin Robinson highlighted the assessment that one of the “culprits” is NI Water, and noted the body is not responsible to Mr Muir's department, but to the Department for Infrastructure, and questioned whether Infrastructure Minister Liz Kimmins has “questions to answer”.
Mr Muir responded saying he is “losing patience with Infrastructure”.
He told MPs: “The issue of sewage pollution is an issue of great concern for me, not just in relation to Loch Neagh, but also in other water bodies, such as, for example, Belfast Lough — Belfast Lough is fast becoming the potential to become the next Lough Neagh in Northern Ireland.
“We also have other water bodies, such as, for example, in relation to Lough Erne, and sewage pollution is playing a role in regards to those and that is a concern for me.
“My role sits in terms of regulation and enforcement around pollution, and I've been clear that I don't think it's acceptable that we have a separate regulatory regime for Northern Ireland Water. I don't think that's fair.
“I'm fast losing patience with the Department for Infrastructure in regards to this issue of sewage pollution. We need to be brave, and if people bring forward to me proposals to turn the situation around, I'm not going to be found wanting in regards to that.
“But it's important everyone plays their role, and yes, I think it would be useful if the Minister for Infrastructure would come in front of your committee and engage with you with regards to these issues.
“I'll come forward and I'll take responsibility for the stuff that sits on my shoulders but others need to do the same as well. I think it's important we do that.”
Mr Muir said he has been “very clear that we need to have stronger legislation and enforcement around sewage pollution”, adding that the situation at the moment is “not tenable”.
“I'll be bringing a paper to Executive colleagues in the time ahead in relation to this,” he said.
Nesbitt: A ‘watershed year’ in tackling ‘unmanageable’ £600m health deficit
ALLAN PRESTON, Irish News, October 16th, 2025
REFORM NOT AN OPTION BUT A NECESSITY SAYS HEALTH MINISTER
THE Health Minister Mike Nesbitt has said there is no other choice but to reform services as he navigates an “unmanageable” budget shortfall of £600m.
Addressing a large crowd of health leaders at the annual NICON conference in the La Mon Hotel yesterday morning, Mr Nesbitt repeated his desire to set change in motion for his successor and some of the latest improvements to waiting lists.
With 18 months left in the current Stormont mandate, he said despite the “unprecedented” budgetary pressures there remained opportunities.
Calling 2025 “a watershed year,” he said the health service had reached a turning point.
“Let me speak frankly, the financial context is stark,” stating the “modest” budget increase for 2025/26 was struggling under the weight of growing demand, inflation, increased pay and national insurance.
Calling the £600m shortfall “unmanageable,” he said “simply, we cannot continue doing what we have always done.”
“Without reform, health and social care will consume an ever-growing share of public finances which is
“We’re resetting not just our systems, but our culture…together we can build a worldleading health and social care system.”
He said his health reset plan published in July was not a “wish list,” but a blueprint to redirect services closer to home at lower costs.
Mr Nesbitt selling the changes to the public was a crucial part of the plan, where families were able to feel the benefits.
Listing several improvements to waiting lists this year, he said that from April to August over 100,000 red flag or time-critical patients had been seen, diagnosed or treated.
This was done by utilising waiting lists across the health trusts and the private sector.
24% fall in four year waiting list
A 24% reduction from April to September was reported in the number of people waiting over four years for outpatient appointments, accounting for 24,811 patients.
In the same period, there was a 33% reduction in those waiting over four years for treatment, a total of 6,683 patients.
Other improvements were in services like the regional endoscopy centres, which in August showed a 58% reduction in waits since June 2022, a total of 23,362 patients.
Mr Nesbitt said GPs had also seen 4,258 patients over five pathways – vasectomy, dermatology gynae, minor injuries and MSK – within the primary care elective service.
“That is real progress, but we also need to work to stop the waiting lists growing again when the money is spent…if we haven’t reformed, the list goes straight back up,” he said.
He said the “shift left” model he has often discussed could be summed up as “local where possible, central where necessary.”
The “enormous” benefits of shifting towards a community model, he said. included better preventative health care and taking pressure off acute hospitals.
While calling mental health a personal and strategic priority, with no extra funding he said the focus would be to “maximise the impact of every existing resource” and addressing wider factors like poverty, employment and housing.
“Let me close with this thought, reform is not optional – it’s essential,” he said.
“We’re resetting not just our systems, but our culture…together we can build a world-leading health and social care system.”
NI schools faced with £800m bill for repairs
REBECCA BLACK, Irish News and Belfast Telegraph, October 16th, 2025
CONCERN has been voiced around the maintenance of schools across Northern Ireland with a repairs bill which “could be up to £800 million”.
The Stormont Assembly’s Public Accounts Committee has called for an “urgent, system-wide reform of the schools’ estate management and maintenance”.
The committee published a report yesterday following their inquiry into managing the schools estate.
It received evidence from officials from the Department of Education and Education Authority (EA), as well as written evidence from the Health and Safety Executive NI.
The report found that schools are in a state of disrepair and that the current situation is “unsafe”, with significant maintenance backlogs that could pose a health and safety risk and jeopardise educational outcomes for young people.
The committee made 11 recommendations as well as calling for urgent reform.
Committee chair Daniel McCrossan criticised the department and EA for relying on a “reactive, short-term approach” and “poor governance”.
“In the course of our inquiry, the committee heard that, 10 years on from the formation of EA, poor collaboration between it and the Department of Education has continued to undermine the effectiveness of estate management,” the SDLP representative said.
“During this time, these two organisations have operated without a clear plan and relied instead on a reactive, short-term approach.
“This is an alarming example of poor governance that has failed to deliver value for money, meet the needs of school users and has likely contributed to the deterioration of safety and quality across the estate.
“To compound problems further, there is a lack of reliable, up-to-date data. Without robust information systems, effective strategic planning is impossible, and performance cannot be measured or improved.”
A safe and inclusive school estate ‘a fundamental right’
Mr McCrossan said there is currently no preventative maintenance plan and also backlogs relating to statutory remedial works, which he said are estimated to cost around £29 million.
No comprehensive estate management plan
The committee’s recommendations include that by early 2026, the department develops and publishes a comprehensive estate management strategy, together with an associated annual delivery plan.
They also called for the department and EA to review the roles and responsibilities of all oversight mechanisms and put in place appropriate governance structures to ensure that estate performance is regularly monitored.
Additionally, the committee recommended clear plans are developed within 18 months by the department and EA to ensure current special educational needs (SEN) provision is fit for purpose in advance of a targeted capital investment plan to expand the SEN provision across the schools’ estate.
“The department’s current approach to estate management is unsustainable, ineffective and economically wasteful
Mr McCrossan added: “A modern, safe and inclusive school estate is not a luxury – it is the fundamental right of every child in Northern Ireland.
“The department’s current approach to estate management is unsustainable, ineffective and economically wasteful.
“There must be a new, collaborative working relationship between the department, the EA and schools.
“Listening to schools and involving them earlier could lead to faster, more informed responses to problems. A new estate management strategy must be developed and implemented without delay.
“The school estate must be seen as a valued asset and a key enabler of educational success – not just a collection of buildings to be maintained.”
Givan welcomes ruling on integrated schooling
ALAN ERWIN, Belfast Telegraph, October 16th, 2025
MINISTER HAILS 'CLEAR' JUDGMENT IN CASE BROUGHT BY PUPILS OF PRIMARY AND BANGOR ACADEMY
Education Minister Paul Givan has welcomed a “comprehensive” court ruling that said he was legally entitled to reject attempts by two north Down schools to become integrated.
A judge dismissed claims that Mr Givan breached a legislative obligation and “cherry-picked” plans to make a case against the proposed transformation of Bangor Academy and Rathmore Primary.
Mr Justice McAlinden held that the minister had clearly indicated a problem around obtaining reasonable numbers of both Protestant and Catholic children.
“There is absolutely no evidence to suggest that such a demand (for integrated education) exists within the local Catholic community,” he said.
Mr Givan said it was “a clear and comprehensive ruling” by the court.
“It confirms that my decisions were made lawfully, carefully and in line with the statutory duties governing integrated education,” he said.
“I remain committed to encouraging, facilitating and supporting integrated education as defined in the law.”
However, Alliance MLA Nick Mathison, who chairs the Stormont education committee, said it was an “extremely disappointing development”.
“Time and time again, polling demonstrates the demand that exists for integrated education and the extreme lack of supply that exists to match it,” he said.
The verdict came in a legal challenge mounted on behalf of pupils at the two schools. Bangor Academy, with nearly 1,900 pupils and Northern Ireland's largest school, held a ballot on the proposal to move to integrated status which reportedly drew almost 80% support from parents and guardians. Rathmore Primary School's plans to make the switch received similar backing.
According to documents published by the Department of Education, officials also recommended both Bangor-based schools being allowed to become integrated.
Earlier this year, however, Mr Givan decided not to approve the plans. The DUP minister said there was insufficient evidence that enough Catholic pupils would attend the schools for the provision of integrated education.
Citing legislation about having reasonable numbers of both Protestant and Catholic children in integrated schools, those targets were assessed as highly unlikely to be met.
Judge says Minister’s assessment more realistic
Catholic enrolment levels at both Bangor Academy and Rathmore Primary in recent years was said to be around 3%. Applications for leave to seek a judicial review contend that Mr Givan made an error of law and acted irrationally.
Lawyers representing the two pupils claimed he breached Article 64 of the Education Reform (Northern Ireland) Order 1989 which imposes a duty to encourage and facilitate the development of integrated education.
The minister ignored the reality that much work to meet the 'reasonable numbers' requirement can only be done once a school is approved for the change in status, the court was told.
It was also alleged Mr Givan failed to take into account a number of factors, including: the opinion/advice of the Education Authority and officials and the demographic realities facing schools seeking to transform.
Ruling on the two applications for judicial review, Mr Justice McAlinden rejected all grounds of challenge, describing the case as a bid by some advocates of integrated education to reverse the minister's realistic stance.
DUP leader hits out at 'mirage' protections for veterans in new legacy proposals
ANDREW MADDEN, Belfast Telegraph, October 16th, 2025
MECHANISMS ENVISAGED BY LAW COULD ALSO APPLY TO FORMER PARAMILITARIES, ROBINSON TELLS COMMONS
Supposed protections for veterans in new Troubles legacy legislation are a “mirage”, Gavin Robinson has claimed.
Speaking during Northern Ireland Questions in the House of Commons yesterday, the DUP leader noted the word 'veteran' did not appear in the legislation.
Secretary of State Hilary Benn rejected claims that any protections he said would apply to veterans would, in fact, apply to everyone, potentially including former paramilitaries.
A new bill to replace the controversial Legacy Act brought in by the previous Conservative Government, which included a ban on Troubles inquests and civil actions, was published on Tuesday.
The previous act included a conditional amnesty for people who agreed to give information to the Independent Commission for Reconciliation and Information Recovery (ICRIR).
Under Labour's legislation, a new Legacy Commission would be set up to replace the ICRIR, as well as a dedicated legacy unit being established within An Garda Siochana.
When the new arrangements for dealing with legacy issues were announced at Hillsborough last month, six new protections for veterans were mentioned.
These included the right to stay at home and not be forced to give evidence in person to the new Legacy Commission or to an inquest, and protection from repeated investigations.
Veterans are also to have a right to seek anonymity and protection in old age, as well as protections from cold-calling or unexpected letters.
Veterans protection a ‘mirage’
The final protection built into the law is for veterans' representatives to be part of a new Victims and Survivors Advisory Group.
In the House of Commons yesterday, Mr Robinson asked the Secretary of State if he could say where the word 'veteran' appeared in the legislation.
Mr Benn mentioned several clauses which would “implement the protections in relation to veterans”.
But the DUP leader claimed that “not one” of those clauses referred specifically to former members of the Armed Forces. He continued: “These aren't protections for veterans, these are protections for everyone.
“You have to look at the explanatory notes [of the legislation], in paragraph 20, to see that what I am saying is true, and many of them are available already within the criminal justice system. It's a mirage, Mr Speaker.”
In the 116-page bill, the word 'veteran' is not used once.
Paragraph 20 of the accompanying explanatory notes referred to by Mr Robinson makes clear the protections are not exclusively for veterans.
“Included within this Bill are new protections that will apply to individuals who engage with legacy processes, including veterans who served in Northern Ireland during the Troubles,” the notes say.
TUV leader Jim Allister also questioned Mr Benn about protections for veterans.
He said: “The Secretary of State has done much to talk up the alleged special provisions in relation to ex-servicemen, but, legally, isn't it the case that any such provisions would have to apply across the board?
“If I'm wrong about that, would the Secretary of State tell this House which special provisions apply exclusively and only to servicemen?”
Ban on ‘cold calling’
Mr Benn replied: “The provisions which apply exclusively and only to service personnel are, first of all, the arrangements to prevent cold-calling. A protocol will be agreed with the commission in relation to that.
“The second relates to not being required to rehearse the history when the Ministry of Defence would be perfectly capable of providing that information, as the Honourable Gentleman will know, being a distinguished lawyer.
“In respect of other arrangements for witnesses, the law requires that they are available to all witnesses.”
SDLP MP Colum Eastwood asked the Secretary of State about the disclosure of information to the new Legacy Commission.
He said MI5 had previously admitted it had not passed all files it held to Operation Kenova, which investigated the activities of the Army agent within the IRA known as Stakeknife.
The Foyle MP added there were many Ministry of Defence and Northern Ireland Office files that had not gone through the Freedom of Information process and, therefore, were not available to the National Archive.
“Will the Secretary of State commit today to making sure those files are available to the new Legacy Commission?” Mr Eastwood asked.
Mr Benn replied: “The Legacy Commission has the right to receive all information — all information that it requires for its job.”
He said the new legislation would amend previous disclosure arrangements to require the Secretary of State to conduct a balancing exercise when deciding whether or not to release information and to give reasons for any such decision.
Mr Benn added any decision by a Secretary of State would also be open to judicial review.
He continued: “Those are important changes that I hope will give people in Northern Ireland greater confidence.”
'Let's get on with it': Bryson plea to minister on dual language hearing
LIAM TUNNEY, Belfast Telegraph, October 16th, 2025
KIMMINS URGED TO WRITE TO JUDGE AND END 'DELAY' IN CASE OVER STATION SIGNS
Loyalist activist Jamie Bryson has written to the Infrastructure Minister urging her to bring forward a court hearing on signage that includes Irish at Belfast's main transport hub.
The Department and its minister Liz Kimmins is facing a legal challenge from Mr Bryson over a £150,000 decision to install dual language signage featuring English and Irish at the state-of-the-art Grand Central Station.
Mr Bryson is seeking a judicial review of the decision, arguing that Ms Kimmins should have brought the matter to the wider Executive for discussion as, under Stormont rules, matters deemed significant and controversial must be considered by all ministers.
The minister has previously stated that she stands by her original decision.
A previous hearing granted Communities Minister Gordon Lyons permission to intervene, while Irish language advocacy group Conradh na Gaeilge and TUV MLA Timothy Gaston have also applied for participation status.
The case led Justice McAlinden to brand the Executive a “laughing stock”, suggesting they engage in further dialogue over the decision rather than resorting to the courts.
He had adjourned the case for eight weeks at a hearing on September 11.
No alternative says Bryson
Now Mr Bryson has written to the minister urging her to ask the judge to bring forward the hearing, saying an alternative resolution was unlikely.
“It appears clear there is no resolution possible to this case, and the respondent continues to resolutely defend her position,” he said. “In those circumstances the continued delay in listing the matter for hearing is, put simply, a waste of time, and creates further temporal pressures and potential injunctive relief issues due to the time scales involved.
“Accordingly, I would propose writing to the court and making clear there is no resolution, nor is there going to be any in respect of this matter and ask that the case be brought forward for mention in order to fix a full hearing date.
“It seems unproductive to waste another four weeks when it is pretty clear to all parties there will be no resolution of this case.
“I would be grateful for the parties views in respect of that proposed approach, which is rooted in a desire to have this case resolved in a timely manner which, I think, is in everyone's interest.”
Mr Bryson also accused Ms Kimmins of seeking “dialogue in which everyone will agree with her”.
“That's not happening. This is a straightforward legal question and there is no compromise to be had on that. The law is what it is, it can't be fudged,” he added.
“The minister also refuses to seek the advice of the Attorney General, as was suggested by Mr Justice McAlinden, plainly in my view because she doesn't want to hear the answer.
“Sinn Fein are trying to drag this case out until such times as they can calm their base. It's time to face up to the legal consequences of the Minister's actions.”
A Department for Infrastructure (DfI) spokesperson said: “The minister has stated previously that she remains committed to dialogue and avoiding the unnecessary use of public funds in litigation.
“As this is subject to ongoing legal proceedings, it would not be appropriate to comment further at this time.”
To win the war on dereliction, councils must be up for the fight
NEWTON EMERSON, Irish News, October 16th, 2025
NEARLY 5,000 – or almost a quarter – of Northern Ireland’s non-domestic buildings are empty, according to the latest figures from the Department for Communities.
Many are contributing to the dereliction in our town and city centres.
Great hope to deal with this is being placed in the Dilapidation Bill, begun by the SDLP a decade ago and now being put though its final stages by Alliance environment minister Andrew Muir.
It will give councils broad new powers to order repairs, or to perform repairs and charge the owner.
However, councils have always had these powers in serious cases of dereliction and they have generally been reluctant to use them.
Elected representatives are usually keen to act; the resistance tends to come from officials.
The bill is unlikely to change anything unless it is accompanied by a change in that attitude.
The extent of official reluctance was illustrated by an exchange at Belfast City Council last year.
Councillors were discussing the bill, which has cross-party support.
When they proposed a survey to establish how many dilapidated buildings there are across the city, a council officer warned that would have “significant resource implications”.
A DUP councillor pointed out a full survey had been conducted in 2007.
Officials cited the work involved and suggested resources should be focused on particularly run-down areas.
If it is too much trouble just to count the dilapidated buildings, what chance is there is of chasing up large numbers of repairs?
The scale of the problem does appear to justify official scepticism.
Although there is no proper register of dilapidated buildings, a report was conducted in 2018 by Ulster University on behalf of the Department for Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs.
Over 1,600 premises affected
It found there were between 1,600 and 1,700 business premises that could be subject to repair under the bill.
The report estimated councils could undertake 550 enforcement actions a year, equivalent to one per council per week.
The value of these repairs would be £4 million per year, averaging £7,300 per property, with a total cost of £12.2m to repair everything.
The low average value per property reveals that much of the necessary work is trivial, yet every enforcement action risks turning into an expensive saga for councils.
If the owner appeals or refuses to cooperate, legal and administrative costs will escalate.
If the council has to perform the repairs itself, it has to pay up front and then try to recover the money.
Merely identifying the owner of a commercial building can be difficult and this is especially true of buildings that have been left to rot.
While the bill contains solutions to all these issues, it does not make them disappear.
Were it not for the moral hazard of rewarding neglectful owners, it would be far simpler and possibly cheaper for Stormont to just give councils £12.2m, or its present equivalent, to fund all the repairs directly or through grants.
The countervailing argument is that most owners will comply without a fuss.
Experience of similar laws in England shows one-fifth of notices approved by councils do not even have to be served: just the threat of action is enough.
Of the notices that are served, 80% are complied with, 6% are successfully appealed and just 6 to 8% end up with the council having to perform the work.
Alas, even straightforward compliance can strain the resources of Northern Ireland’s councils.
As an example, they have easyto-use powers to make landowners and businesses keep their sites and surrounding areas free of litter, enforced through fixed penalty notices and simple court orders.
Stormont enhanced these powers significantly in 2011, yet they are scarcely used because councils do not want to allocate staff to the task.
Setting up a dedicated team of inspectors and administrators is more of an overhead than may be appreciated.
The Dilapidation Bill expects councils to meet all such costs: they will receive no extra Stormont funding.
Supporters of the bill are aware of its limitations. It is more about treating a symptom of declining town centres that the underlying economic and social causes.
Any overall solution must include new approaches to landlords, developers, the planning system and business rates.
But treating the dereliction symptom remains essential and a matter of priorities.
If councillors want these new powers, they need to make their officials set aside the resources to use them.
No charges brought one year on from damage to DUP mayor’s portrait
A second request for additional lines of enquiry to be investigated was made to the PSNI by the PPS
CONOR COYLE, Irish News, October 16th, 2025
NO charges have yet been brought against any individual in connection with thousands of pounds worth of damage to a portrait of a former DUP lord mayor at Belfast City Hall last year.
A second request for additional lines of enquiry to be investigated was made to the PSNI by the Public Prosecution Service last week regarding the case.
A Sinn Féin party member and assembly employee, understood to be the son of a current MLA, resigned from his role last October after admitting involvement in the incident.
Damage was caused to the portrait of former first citizen of Belfast, Lord Wallace Browne on the night of Saturday October 19, where an event was being held to celebrate an anniversary of Irish language organisation Glór na Móna.
A police investigation into the incident had concluded in March of this year, as the PSNI submitted a file to the PPS.
The PPS has now asked the PSNI for a second time over the space of a number of months to pursue “additional lines of enquiry” before it makes a decision on whether it will bring forward charges against any individual.
A PPS spokeswoman said: “An investigation file reporting one suspect for the alleged offence of criminal damage was received by the PPS on 18th March 2025.
“Following engagement between the PSNI and the PPS, the PSNI were asked to pursue some further lines of enquiry which were essential to establish the full extent of the evidence available.
“Having received a response to these matters, a further request was made on 9th October 2025 to police to pursue some additional lines of enquiry. Once these inquiries are complete and the information is received, a decision will issue as soon as possible.”
A PSNI spokesperson confirmed it had received a request for further information from the PPS regarding its investigation.
£2,500 was spent by Belfast City Council repairing the portrait of Lord Browne, while an Freedom of Information response to the BBC last month showed the council had spent £20,000 on new security measures following the damage to the portrait.
Sinn Féin has been contacted for comment. At the time, a party spokesperson said: “Yesterday, 21st October, a Sinn Féin employee, who worked in the assembly, made the party chief whip aware of their involvement in an incident regarding a portrait in Belfast City Hall which took place on Saturday 19th October.
“The employee was immediately suspended, and we notified the PSNI.
“The employee has now resigned from their employment and their party membership.”
Glór na Móna said at the time the incident was “completely contrary to the ethos and principles” of the west Belfast organisation.
Two men arrested over suspected explosive device discovery last year
MARK ROBINSON, Irish News, October 16th, 2025
TWO men have been arrested by the PSNI’s terrorism investigation unit in connection with the discovery of a suspected improvised explosive device last year.
The men, aged 44 and 49, were arrested in the Fermanagh and Dungannon reas on Tuesday night in relation to the discovery made in the Ravensdale area of Co Louth on June 9, 2024.
The arrests mark the latest update in the investigation, following on from two men, both aged 44, already being charged.
“They have been arrested under Section 41 Terrorism of the Terrorism Act 2000, and have been taken to the Serious Crime Suite at Musgrave Police Station for questioning,” they said.
“To date, detectives have charged two men, both aged 44, in connection with this investigation.
“Officers also continue to work alongside colleagues in An Garda Síochána.”
Post-Brexit deal could prevent introduction of NI smoking ban
WINDSOR FRAMEWORK A MAJOR OBSTACLE FOR PLAN, ADMITS BENN
KATE DEVLIN, Belfast Telegraph, October 16th, 2025
Northern Ireland may escape Keir Starmer's flagship smoking ban because of the Windsor Framework, a minister has admitted.
The Government wants to ban smoking for an entire generation, potentially saving millions of lives by ensuring anyone currently aged 15 or younger will never be able to buy cigarettes legally.
The proposals were forward by Rishi Sunak but abandoned ahead of the 2024 general election. Labour has enthusiastically backed them since gaining power.
But asked for a guarantee that the law would apply in Northern Ireland, a minister could only say that was the Government's “intention”.
It follows warnings the smoking ban risks breaching the Windsor Framework deal with the EU, designed to deal with post-Brexit problems around the border.
In a bid to avoid that, the UK and the EU agreed a system under which Northern Ireland aligns with European laws and standards on goods.
Earlier this year, former justice secretary Sir Robert Buckland raised the alarm over the smoking ban, saying that because it demands goods have to be treated as they would be in the EU, the law therefore requires that tobacco remain legal for adults over 18 in Northern Ireland.
But the Government's bill would criminalise its sale to anyone born after 2009 across the UK, including in Northern Ireland.
Sir Robert said at the time: “The right to buy legal goods like tobacco is protected under the Windsor Framework and the Good Friday Agreement. Strip that away, and the Government is staring down the barrel of a serious legal defeat.
“If the Bill applies in Northern Ireland, we breach EU law. If it doesn't, we fracture the UK's internal market. Either way, we're in breach of the treaty we signed just last year.”
He also warned that if Labour ministers ploughed ahead with the law as it was, “we are heading straight for the courts”.
Is renegotiation with EU a viable option?
“The Government must hit pause. Either negotiate an exemption… or remove Northern Ireland from the scope of the Bill,” he continued.
Asked in the Commons by shadow minister Mike Wood for an assurance that the ban would apply in Northern Ireland and that he has confirmed that with the EU, Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Hilary Benn replied: “It is certainly the Government's intention that the ban will apply in Northern Ireland, because I think it's very important that young people all over the United Kingdom are protected in the way in which the bill seeks to do.”
Shopkeepers found to be selling to anyone under age will receive on-the-spot fines of £200.
The legislation includes a total ban on vape advertising and sponsorship, including displays seen by children and young people such as on buses, in cinemas and in shop windows, bringing these in line with tobacco restrictions.
Health Secretary Wes Streeting has enthusiastically backed the plans to create a “smoke-free generation” by gradually raising the age at which tobacco can be bought, arguing there is “no freedom in addiction”.
Woman who posted video of herself flashing breast at Twelfth march convicted
CHRISTOPHER WOODHOUSE, Belfast Telegraph, October 16th, 2025
JUDGE FINES TYRONE 32-YEAR-OLD OVER ACTIONS AT ORANGE PARADE IN BELFAST
Twelfth flasher Clodagh Byrne has been convicted of charges arising from her behaviour at the main Orange parade in Belfast last year.
The 32-year-old exposed her breast and posted footage of the event online, causing a social media storm.
She also posted videos of herself in a classroom of a grammar school in which she referred to “British d***heads” and “British f***ing w***ers” and can be heard saying: “I'm in your f***ing classroom. Play your f***ing big bass drum. Give us back our six counties.”
Complaints were made to police and Byrne was later charged with a string of offences, including indecent behaviour and improper use of public communications.
She was also accused of hindering a lawful public procession, as well as trespass, relating to an incident at Campbell College in south Belfast the previous day.
Byrne, of Tullycarr Road in Co Tyrone, denied the offences and took the case to a contest hearing at Belfast Magistrates' Court.
Prior to the hearing, her barrister told District Judge Anne Marshall that while Byrne accepted that it was her in the footage, she denied what she did amounted to indecent behaviour.
A lawyer for the prosecution told the court that Byrne had made references to “the British” in a derogatory way in one of the videos taken inside the school, and made remarks such as “give us our six counties back”.
The lawyer said the remarks had aggravated the offences by demonstrating hostility towards Protestants.
The lawyer said that when Byrne exposed herself at the parade, she did so “very deliberately” and “looked back at the camera”, adding that a number of people were present when she did so, including young children.
The lawyer said someone bearing their breasts in public, knowing other people were present, was an obvious act of indecent behaviour.
She told the court the footage of what happened at the parade and of Byrne in Campbell College comprised the sole evidence against her; there were no statements from any witnesses.
Byrne's barrister told the court there was no hostility towards anyone in her client's actions at the school and that she was with her Protestant boyfriend, who is a past pupil, at the time.
Guest of Linfield supporters club
She said Byrne walked peacefully beside the parade and later joined a band for food and drinks at a Linfield supporters club afterwards, at their invitation.
Turning to the charge of obstructing the parade, the barrister said Byrne didn't interrupt it and merely walked alongside it.
She said nobody who was present was offended and that no statements were taken from those who witnessed her behaviour, adding that Byrne claimed she had in fact been cheered on by bands.
The barrister said that “no right-thinking members of the public” would be offended by Byrne's behaviour.
She also said there have been increasing instances of female nudity on the likes of TV, as well as by sunbathers and by public breast feeding.
Men, she said, also regularly engage in such behaviour, while the Human Rights Act provides protection for freedom of expression and for prohibition of discrimination based on sex.
She said Byrne was being penalised for being female, as males might engage in such behaviour without consequences.
The lawyer said the exposure of Byrne's breast “doesn't meet the threshold” for indecent behaviour in modern society, adding that Byrne believes “nudity is her natural state”.
During police interview, Byrne claimed it was “the best day of her life”.
Judge Marshall said in terms of the prosecution claiming the offences were aggravated by religious hatred, the remarks about “six counties” seemed to be more of an expression of political, rather than religious, opinion.
She said the video footage of Clodagh Byrne walking alongside the Belfast parade didn't show her interfering with it — therefore she dismissed the charge of obstructing a lawful public procession.
But Judge Marshall pointed out that a different charge, such as behaviour likely to cause a breach of the peace, may have succeeded.
Turning to the charge of indecency, Judge Marshall said there was a difference between men and women exposing their breasts in the particular context of the case, and therefore convicted her of the offence.
Before the hearing began, Byrne's barrister told the judge her client was pleading guilty to the charges of improper use of a public communications network and trespass.
Charges of committing an act outraging public decency, engaging in behaviour likely to stir up hatred, and distributing a recording likely to stir up hatred were withdrawn with by the prosecution.
Prior to sentencing, Judge Marshall was told Byrne has no criminal record and would be willing to complete a period of community service.
However, Judge Marshall said she had concerns about causing any disruption to the probation service by imposing an order, as Byrne's behaviour was “attention seeking”.
Instead, Judge Marshall fined Byrne £300 and imposed a £15 offender levy, allowing her 28 days to pay.
Aras Race - Connolly stands on threshold of a stunning victory
Pat Leahy, Irish Times, October 16th, 2025
Presidential elections have seen dramatic late swings before.
But it would take an earthquake now for Catherine Connolly to be denied victory in next week’s vote, today’s Irish Times/Ipsos B&A opinion poll suggests.
Today’s poll is the first of the campaign for which the sampling was conducted entirely after the dramatic departure of the Fianna Fáil candidate Jim Gavin from the race.
And it is clear from these numbers that Gavin’s exit from the campaign – though he remains, of course, on the ballot paper – has not delivered for Heather Humphreys in anything like the way that she might have hoped.
In fact, the reduction of the campaign to a two-horse race has worked rather better for Connolly, who now stands on the threshold of a stunning victory that was scarcely imaginable when she entered the campaign, the first in the field, as an Independent back in July.
In 2011, with a 12-point lead going into the last week, businessman Seán Gallagher saw the presidency snatched from him by Michael D Higgins in the final days after false claims on an RTÉ television debate for which the station later apologised and paid damages.
Had the RTÉ programme not aired, or been better managed, or had Gallagher dealt differently with questions about fundraising for Fianna Fáil, he might now be finishing up his second term in Áras an Uachtaráin.
Forewarned by Gallagher’s fate, Connolly will now become the cautious candidate, taking no risks and seeking merely to keep her campaign on an even keel.
Humphreys, by contrast, needs something to change and change big – she can now throw caution to the wind and is likely to become more strident in questions to her opponent.
This is the first and only Irish Times/Ipsos B&A poll of the campaign. There have been others in recent weeks, all of which have shown Connolly with a significant lead – but none as big as today’s.
Gap widens in favour of Connolly
The hope in Humphreys’s campaign was that the withdrawal of Gavin would bring their candidate to within striking distance of Connolly and that a natural narrowing of the race and differential turnout rates could push them ahead.
Instead, the gap has widened. It’s 18 points today, with barely a week to go.
Even by the standards of presidential elections, something extraordinary would have to happen to overturn that lead. If these numbers – or anything like them – are repeated on election day, Connolly will win on the first count.
Strip out the don’t knows, those who won’t vote and the vote spoilers and Connolly hits 60 per cent.
Connolly’s campaign has won support across the board, but she is – unsurprisingly – especially popular among younger voters. Among the under-34s (again excluding undecideds, non-voters and spoilers), she is in the mid-70s. It’s hard to lose with these kinds of numbers.
The one potential concern for Connolly might be the question of turnout. Older voters are more reliable voters and although younger voters declare firm intentions in today’s poll to turn up for Connolly, the record says their turnout rates are lower. In addition, conventional wisdom says that the race should tighten as polling day approaches.
But there is no sign of that today – the opposite, in fact – and the boost to Connolly’s momentum delivered by these numbers could see the gap widen instead of going the other way. Humphreys voters will hardly be encouraged.
Is there any hope for the Fine Gael candidate?
If there is, it rests in a few things: that the poll exaggerates Connolly’s support; that her own supporters are galvanised to come out in greater numbers; that the warnings of a left-wing, anti-American and anti-EU Connolly presidency is enough to scare centrist voters into the polling booths for Humphreys.
All of those things individually are not implausible. But it is very unlikely that they all happen together – and with sufficient intensity to overturn the Connolly lead. It’s not impossible. But it is very unlikely.
As American journalist Damon Runyon said: “The race is not always to the swift nor the battle to the strong. But that’s the way to bet.”
There is one more important thing to be said about today’s results. They show clearly that a sizeable chunk of voters have been alienated from this election. Nearly half of all voters don’t feel that they are represented by any of the candidates; more than half (55 per cent) want it to be easier to get into the race.
These questions are not solely about Maria Steen, but she looms large over them. And 45 per cent of respondents, a large majority of those who expressed a preference, believe she should have been facilitated to run. For sure, it would have been a very different election had she been on the ballot paper.
The first half of this campaign seemed to be about the people who weren’t in it; the second half has sometimes seemed to be all about Catherine Connolly.
Nama happy to keep Cushnahan's £5m fee secret until no longer possible
SAM MCBRIDE, Belfast Telegraph, October 16th, 2025
LAWYER 'UNAWARE' OF BODY GOING TO GARDAÍ OVER CLAIMS OF 'INSIDER INFO' ABOUT £1.1BN DEAL CUSHNAHAN SHAKES HIS HEAD IN THE DOCK AS HIS LAWYER ASKS: 'WHO CALLED MR CUSHNAHAN TO ASK HIM IF IT WAS TRUE?' NAMA'S TOP LAWYER WARNED INTERNALLY THAT NEWS OF WHAT HAD HAPPENED 'COULD GET OUT INTO POLITICAL SYSTEM'
After being told by a massive US fund that it was paying Frank Cushnahan a £5m success fee to buy £1.1bn of Nama loans, a senior figure in the Republic's 'bad bank' assured the fund the issue would be kept quiet, a court has been told.
On the eighth day of the huge Nama fraud trial, Belfast Crown Court was told that the proposed deal fell apart in early 2014 within days of investment fund Pimco telling the National Asset Management Agency (Nama) that it was to pay the huge success fee to Cushnahan — who had until recently been paid by Nama as a member of its Northern Ireland Advisory Committee.
But after that happened Nama wasn't keen to probe further into what had happened, according to handwritten notes taken by a senior Nama lawyer involved in key meetings around that time.
After that deal collapsed, the Crown allege that Cushnahan secretly worked with others to set up a second deal — which ultimately went through — in which another US fund, Cerberus, bought the loans. The Crown allege that Cushnahan was improperly in line for millions of pounds.
Frank Hugh Cushnahan (83), of Alexandra Gate in Holywood, is charged with fraud by failing to disclose information and fraud by false representation.
His co-accused, former solicitor Ian George Coulter (54), of Templepatrick Road in Ballyclare, faces two charges of fraud by false representation, and charges of making or supplying articles for use in fraud, removing criminal property, and transferring criminal property.
Both men deny all the charges.
Nama's head of legal, Alan Stewart, yesterday gave evidence. Mr Stewart, who at the time was a lawyer in Nama's legal department, had a call with Pimco's lawyers on March 10, 2014.
After the call, he set out in an email that there was to be an “acquisition fee” paid to lawyers Brown Rudnick which they would share equally with Tughans and Cushnahan.
Mr Stewart read to the jury his handwritten notes of meetings with Pimco as the jury followed them on screen.
Reading the note of an 11am call with Pimco on March 11, he referred to the “FC issue” being a “major issue for us”.
In a 5pm call that day, he wrote that Pimco were “disappointed disclosures were not made by relevant parties”.
He told the court he understood that to be a reference to Cushnahan and also possibly to Tughans and Brown Rudnick, a US law firm working with them on the deal.
The note went on to record that Pimco said they “don't want to continue in [the] process with any degree of impropriety for Pimco or Nama”.
It then went on to say that either a half or third (the writing is unclear) of the success fee marked for Tughans “would actually go to Ian Coulter” personally.
A day after Nama was told of Cushnahan's role, there was a 20-minute Nama board meeting, which Mr Stewart attended, where this was the only issue.
Minutes of the meeting show there were reservations about going ahead with the deal when Cushnahan had “failed to disclose a beneficial interest” and there could be perception Pimco benefited from “insider information”. Just after 5pm on March 12, Pimco called to confirm they were withdrawing from the process.
Mr Stewart's note of that call said Pimco recognised it was a “serious issue” for both the fund and the Irish state body.
£16 million
A Pimco lawyer was recorded as saying he “would have expected disclosure given that £16m quantum of fees involved… significant fees involved”.
Nama's then head of legal, Aideen O'Reilly, was said to have told Pimco she “can't offer [a] view on anything” because she was “speaking from [a] position of ignorance”.
In a Pimco lawyer's note of a call with Nama, it was said: “Just want to make sure no further embarrassment is caused. If Nama feels need to take further action, could we keep open line to extent we can? Consult with each other before responding to any comment, press, etc.”
Ms O'Reilly was said to have commented: “For our part, no reporting obligations for Nama.”
Mr Stewart said she was saying “Nama isn't going to all of a sudden publish all of this to the whole world”.
The next day, Pimco told Nama they would tell their own advisers they were not proceeding “due to technicalities relating to deal”. Ms O'Reilly was recorded as saying that “regardless of Pimco, message could get out into political system” and so Pimco and Nama put their public relations teams “on alert”.
Under cross-examination by Frank O'Donoghue KC for Cushnahan, it was put to Mr Stewart that after Pimco approached Nama in autumn 2013 the firm was given a head start on potential rivals.
He put it to the witness that it was given access to Nama's 'data room' which gave it access to detailed debtor information, “giving an advantage” to potential competitors by giving Pimco extra time to study the loans. Mr Stewart agreed it had earlier access to commercially significant information.
However, he said this was “testing” how serious Pimco was about a possible bid.
Eventually Nama's board decided that it should bring in other bidders. But Mr O'Donoghue said this wasn't like an estate agent openly marketing a property — rather than putting an advert “in the shop window”, instead a handful of big funds were privately approached.
On February 13, an Irish Times article made public that there was a sales process, leading to expressions of interest from Goldman Sachs and other major institutions.
Mr O'Donoghue said Pimco “kicked back at this” because it wanted a private process but it was now “completely open”.
He questioned why Nama hadn't taken the Cushnahan issue more seriously. He asked: “Who called Mr Cushnahan to ask him if it was true?”
Mr Stewart said their priority was “to ensure the board was made aware of what we had been told”.
Mr O'Donoghue responded: “That's not the question I asked. Surely somebody decided to pick the phone up and ask him if it was true or what were the circumstances?”
In the dock, Mr Cushnahan shook his head as his lawyer asked if anyone had ever phoned him about the issue. Asked about the Nama board meeting discussing possible “insider information”, Mr O'Donoghue questioned how that could be possible when other Nama officials had described the committee Cushnahan sat on as a “talking shop”.
The barrister put it to the witness that it was potentially a criminal offence for Cushnahan to have not made a disclosure, as was alleged.
Did anyone contact the Garda?
He asked: “Did anybody report this matter to An Garda Síochána?”
Mr Stewart responded: “Not that I'm aware.”
Mr O'Donoghue told the jury that in July 2015 Mick Wallace made an allegation “that an unnamed politician had benefited from a share or was in line to benefit from a share of a success fee”.
He said that “in September 2015 a man up in Northern Ireland, called Jamie Bryson, made an allegation…that Peter Robinson stood to share a sum of money from this success fee”.
He stressed that the prosecution have said there wasn't “a shred of evidence to support those allegations”.
It was after those claims, in March 2016, that Nama reported Cushnahan to the Republic's Standards in Public Office Commission, he said.
The trial will continue next week.
Lower wages in Northern Ireland ‘major driving force’ in poverty levels – report
By Rebecca Black, PA, Belfast News Letter, October 16th, 2025
Lower wages in Northern Ireland are a "major driving factor in high poverty levels", a research report has found.
The research from Queen's University Belfast revealed that poverty levels in the region remain high despite low unemployment rates and also economic progress in recent years.
It recommends that Stormont brings forward an anti-poverty strategy with targets.
It highlights Audit Office figures that 18% of children in Northern Ireland are growing up in poverty, with 8% of these children living in persistent poverty.
Lower wages in Northern Ireland are a "major driving factor in high poverty levels", a research report has found
This comes while the region's unemployment rate stands at just 1.6%.
The report attributes the high poverty levels to Northern Ireland's low average annual wages, which are among the lowest across developed countries and the lowest in the UK.
In comparison, the Republic of Ireland ranks one of the highest for average income levels globally.
It also highlighted that disability "exacerbates the risk of living in poverty", with 44% of children living in poverty living in households where someone is disabled. Meanwhile, 31.5% of disabled people live in poverty.
The research, led by Professor Allen Thurston , and PhD researchers Canan Ozkaya and Qurat Ul Ain, reviewed 662 published reports and studies on poverty in Northern Ireland , alongside comparative data from England , Scotland , Wales , the Republic of Ireland and the G12 countries.
Prof Thurston described poverty as "persistent and endemic in Northern Ireland ".
"Living in poverty brings poorer health outcomes, poorer educational outcomes, issues with keeping warm and fed in the winter and a shorter life expectancy," he said.
"It is now essential that politicians act decisively to reduce poverty in Northern Ireland .
"One way the Assembly can do this is by developing a coherent anti-poverty strategy with clear targets that is resourced to lift our population out of poverty."
The report also made a number of recommendations, which include the provision of financial aid packages to ensure all households have monthly income greater than £373 per week - the figure set by the Government as being the threshold for living in poverty or not living in poverty.
It also recommended the reform of welfare policies and addressing health inequalities with significant financial investment into life-changing interventions in the poorest areas of Northern Ireland , where health inequalities are greatest.
It further calls for investment in, and support for, affordable childcare and improving the quality and availability of housing.
Stephen McCloskey , director of the Centre for Global Education , urged that policymakers act on the recommendations.
"The international comparisons in this report show that despite having a very low unemployment rate, average incomes in Northern Ireland are low and many workers struggle to meet everyday needs," he said.
"The report also highlights persistent levels of poverty because of inadequate welfare policies, rising living costs and the lack of a cohesive anti-poverty strategy.
"These findings suggest that poverty is a political choice and Government could and should do much more to support families on welfare and struggling on low incomes.
"This comprehensive report should be closely studied and acted upon by policymakers
