'Brit Card' digital IDs will not undermine Good Friday - Benn
LIAM TUNNEY, Belfast Telegraph, October 1st, 2025
SECRETARY OF STATE ALSO REVEALS PLAN TO MOVE SOON ON REPEALING LEGACY ACT
The introduction of so-called 'Brit Card' digital IDs across the UK will not undermine the Good Friday Agreement, Secretary of State Hilary Benn has said.
Mr Benn was speaking following the delivery of his speech at the annual Labour Party Conference in Liverpool yesterday.
The proposals unveiled by Prime Minister Keir Starmer will see digital IDs rolled out across the UK in an attempt to help tackle illegal immigration.
Mr Benn said the concept of a digital ID was “the way of the future”.
“In the UK at the moment, including in Northern Ireland, if you're going for a new job, you have to demonstrate that you have the right to work,” he said.
“Currently, you would present a British passport, or an Irish passport, or a proof of settled status, or a biometric residence permit. So it's not going to be different in that respect.
“There are particular issues, of course, in Northern Ireland because of the Good Friday Agreement. People could be British or Irish, or both.
“We will do nothing in the way we implement it that in any way undermines the protections and the rights that's retained in the Good Friday Agreement. I promise you that.”
The Secretary of State also said he was unsure where the reported name of the ID — 'Brit Card' — had originated.
“I don't know where that came from, but this is about digital ID that people can use to prove who they are and to be sure that they have got the right to work,” he said.
“That's what we're aiming to implement by the end of this Parliament, but it will apply for that.
“But we have to have a digital ID that works for everybody, all citizens, including all citizens in Northern Ireland.”
Repeal of Legacy Act
During his speech yesterday morning, Mr Benn also revealed that the Government would move forward with legislation to repeal the controversial Legacy Act.
The Act, passed by the previous Conservative administration, shut down all historical Troubles-related inquests and formed the Independent Commission for Reconciliation and Information Recovery (ICRIR) to take over investigations. It was opposed by all of Northern Ireland's political parties.
Mr Benn said legacy marked the “unfinished business” of the Good Friday Agreement.
“Dealing with the legacy of the troubles is hard. The Tories' Legacy Act was roundly rejected by victims and the courts in Northern Ireland,” he said.
“We need to help those families who lost loved ones in Northern Ireland and right across the United Kingdom, including over 200 military families, who are still searching for answers.
“A fortnight ago, the Tánaiste, Simon Harris, and I announced an agreement on a UK-Ireland joint framework.
Irish Govt
“The Irish Government will legislate to ensure full cooperation with the reformed Legacy Commission, and I will soon bring forward legislation to implement our manifesto commitment to repeal and replace the Legacy Act.
“We will also introduce rights and protections never included in the Tories' legislation that will apply to any NI veteran.
“I want also to say this about all the families who have shared with me — before I became the Northern Ireland Secretary and since — their stories of grief and loss and unimaginable pain about what happened to those they loved so much. When we hear those stories, and they remain with us always, we have a responsibility to do everything that we can to help those who have waited so long for the truth.”
Mr Benn credited the Good Friday Agreement as being the mechanism for enabling NI to “move away from the bloody and brutal trauma of the Troubles, towards peace and progress”, as he warned it must be protected.
“It was, without doubt,” he insisted.
“It took courage, it took patient negotiation, and yet, what does Nigel Farage want to do? He actually wants to undermine the Good Friday Agreement by walking away from the European Convention on Human Rights.
“And after all that the people of Northern Ireland have been through, I cannot think of anything more irresponsible.
“It's wrong, it's reckless, and we have got to make sure it never, ever happens.”
Mr Benn delivered his speech before the PM addressed party members yesterday afternoon.
Unionist areas most opposed to introduction of ‘BritCards’
PAUL AINSWORTH, Irish News, October 1st, 2025
OPPOSITION to digital ID cards in Northern Ireland is growing stronger in unionist areas than nationalist ones, according to a petition against their introduction.
The controversial proposal for a mandatory ID system for all people working in the UK was announced last week by Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer, who said its introduction would help tackle illegal immigration.
Dubbed ‘BritCards’, they will, according to the prime minister, make it “tougher to work illegally in this country, making our borders more secure”.
However, a petition calling for the British government to scrap the idea has since garnered almost 2.6 million signatures.
It states their introduction would be a “step towards mass surveillance and digital control” adding: “No one should be forced to register with a state-controlled ID system.”
Breaking Northern Ireland down by Westminster and Stormont constituency area, the data shows opposition as of yesterday was stronger in unionist areas than nationalist ones.
Upper Bann most opposed to Brit Cards
Upper Bann is so far the most against digital IDs, with over 6,300 signatures gathered yesterday.
East Antrim had more than 4,580 signatures, followed by North Down with more than 4,300, and Strangford with almost 4,000.
Alliance controlled Lagan Valley was fifth most opposed with over 4,460.
A nationalist controlled area did not appear on the ranking – which combines total signature numbers and the percentage that figure is of the number of constituents – until eighth out of all 18 constituencies, with South Down having attracted almost 4,100 signatures.
The north’s two SDLP-controlled constituencies both appear at the bottom of the ranking, with South Belfast & Mid Down having over 2,600 signatures making it the least opposed, and Foyle – over 2,200 signatures in second last place.
Based on overall data by yesterday, the average opposition to digital IDs for unionist constituencies was over 4.2%, while in nationalist areas the average was over 2.9%.
Carla Lochart
Upper Bann, where opposition is so far the strongest in the north, is represented by the DUP’s Carla Lockhart.
She said: “We oppose these cards on principle, the principle of freedom, and let’s be honest, this isn’t about immigration or border security – a digital ID won’t stop a single boat.
“What it will do is give the state more power to monitor ordinary people, and that’s wrong.”
The MP added: “I’m proud that in Upper Bann we have led the way with the highest number of signatures in all of Northern Ireland against digital ID cards. Every single name strengthens my hand to oppose Labour’s plans in parliament.”
Following last week’s announcement, UK housing secretary Steve Reed said the British government would have to “work out something that will work for Northern Ireland” in relation to the cards, due to the north being “very often in a different situation because of the agreement with the European Union”.
UK's flags belong to all of us, says Sir Keir as he takes aim at Reform
DAVID HUGHES AND RHIANNON JAMES, Belfast Telegraph, October 1st, 2025
STARMER PUTS PATRIOTISM CENTRE STAGE AS HE TAKES ON REFORM
The UK's flags took centre stage in the Prime Minister's keynote speech as he pledged to renew the country “with the flag in our hands”.
Ministers and delegates alike waved their Welsh, Scottish and English flags with glee as Sir Keir Starmer committed to “fight next year's elections as patriots of our great nations”.
The only official flag for Northern Ireland is the Union flag shared by the four UK nations, and the region wasn't mentioned once by name by Sir Keir in his Labour Party conference speech.
The PM said the flags of the four UK nations “belong to all of us and we will never surrender them”.
“While I'm not going to pretend I'd enjoy it if England lost to Scotland or Wales — the Union does have some limits. I can say, I'm not just proud of the Union Jack and the cross of St George, I'm also proud of the Saltire, proud of the Red Dragon, proud of our Union — this astonishing relationship between four great nations.
“Four different nations, yes, but four nations that time and again have been through the fire together, [and] built so much together.
“A country forged by the solidarity of working people.
“So, let's fly all our flags, because they are our flags.
“They belong to all of us and we will never surrender them.
No time for division
“Let's unite our country behind them, because this is no time for dividers.
“This is the time for bringing the whole country together. That's how we will fight next year's elections, as patriots of our great nations.”
Sir Keir criticised the use of flags in acts of racism.
He said: “This party, this great party, is proud of our flags, yet if they are painted alongside graffiti, telling a Chinese takeaway owner to 'go home', that's not pride, that's racism.
“And if you say or imply that people cannot be English or British because of the colour of their skin, that mixed-heritage families owe you an explanation, that people who have lived here for generations, raised their children here, built lives here, working in our schools, our hospitals, running businesses, our neighbours, if you say they should now be deported, then mark my words, we will fight you with everything we have because you are an enemy of national renewal.”
Sir Keir put controlling immigration, growing the economy and restoring pride in Britain at the heart of his plan to take on Nigel Farage's Reform UK.
The Prime Minister said securing the borders was a “reasonable demand”, but hit out at people, including Mr Farage, who cross a “moral line” on the issue.
He added that he believed in a Britain with “the grit of the Lionesses, the swagger of Oasis, the strength of the Red Roses”.
Trailing Reform
Sir Keir went into the conference with his party trailing Reform in the polls ahead of crunch elections in Scotland, Wales and English counties next year, and with his position in No 10 being questioned.
He used his party conference address in Liverpool to set out his vision for a “new country”, a “land of dignity and respect”.
The speech comes after a turbulent period which has seen unrest outside asylum hotels and the continued flow of migrants across the English Channel in small boats.
The Prime Minister said there is “a moral line, and it isn't just Farage who crosses it”.
He added: “Controlling migration is a reasonable goal, but if you throw bricks and smash up private property that's not legitimate, that's thuggery.”
Sir Keir also said that free speech was a “British value” but did not allow people to “incite racist violence and hatred”.
He noted that the “politics of grievance” — a term he has used repeatedly to attack Mr Farage — was “the biggest threat we face because it attacks who we are”.
Calling for the public to “unite around a common good”, Sir Keir said they were engaged in a “fight for the soul of our country”.
Farage doesn’t believe in Britain
Labour's conference has been dominated by attacks on Reform, with Sir Keir claiming Mr Farage “doesn't like Britain”.
“When was the last time you heard Nigel Farage say anything positive about Britain's future?
“He can't. He doesn't like Britain, doesn't believe in Britain.
“He wants you to doubt it as much as he does.
“And so he resorts to grievance. They all do it.
“They want to turn this country, this proud, self-reliant country, into a competition of victims.”
Mr Farage claimed that Sir Keir's attacks on his party had put the safety of Reform's politicians and activists at risk.
The Prime Minister has previously branded Reform's plans to scrap indefinite leave to remain for immigrants legally in the UK as “racist”.
In his response to Sir Keir's conference speech, Mr Farage said the Prime Minister's language “will incite and encourage the radical left”.
“I'm thinking of Antifa and other organisations like that.
“It directly threatens the safety of our elected officials and our campaigners, and, frankly, in the wake of the Charlie Kirk murder, I think this is an absolute disgrace.”
He said Sir Keir's speech was “a desperate last throw of the dice from a Prime Minister who is in deep trouble”.
Belfast to be ‘blitzed’ with Irish: Crunch vote looms over dual language signs for city
By Iain Gray, Belfast News Letter, September 30th, 2024 (23.00hrs)
Belfast is to be coated with Irish under new plans that would see the language blazed on every council-owned park, playground, leisure centre and sports pitch – even ones in staunchly unionist areas.
The moves include adding Irish to well-known landmarks such as Belfast Castle, City Hall and Belfast Zoo as well as a planned £100m tourist attraction, and would even extend to the city’s bins, plus some public toilets and graveyards.
Under the plans, Belfast Council would junk its current logo in favour of a bilingual one described as being in ‘Irish/English’, which is also to become the local authority’s new ‘corporate identity’.
That’s all in a new policy the council has been debating behind closed doors for months, but is now due to face a final vote on Wednesday night (October 1st).
Belfast City Hall would be one of many major landmarks to get Irish language signs under the suggested council policy.
‘Hot beds’ of Unionism
Seen by the News Letter, the policy states bilingual signs should be plastered on council-owned buildings and facilities to “promote the Irish language and support the growing community of Irish speakers” – starting with the city centre and West Belfast’s Gaeltacht quarter, but eventually covering the breadth of the province’s capital.
That includes hotbeds of unionism, with medium to long term moves to build Irish signs in parts of East Belfast where the language is barely known.
Name and direction signs inside and outside all council-owned buildings are slated to have Irish added to them, as are signs at outdoor facilities such as parks and allotments. The moves also include interactive displays, educational aids, and marketing and information leaflets produced by the local authority,
In the city centre, the most highly visible parts of the plans include putting Irish on signs around City Hall, the 2 Royal Avenue building that currently hosts creative spaces, and the coming £100m Belfast Stories tourist attraction that’s expected to open at the junction of Royal Avenue and North Street in five years time.
Under the policy, the next time the council refurbishes Shankill Leisure Centre, Irish language signs could be built on it.
It will also see the council’s street signposts in the heart of Belfast replaced with dual language versions.
Areas where Irish spoken to be prioritised
Facilities in any other district wards where more than 15% of people can speak Irish to some degree will be made a high priority to alter.
In the medium term, the council plans to add Irish to leisure centres, playgrounds, parks and sports pitches in any wards where between 5% and 15% of people declared they had “some ability” in the language in the last census.
That could include several areas in unionist East Belfast – according to census data, some wards in the Cregagh, Sydenham and Ballyhackamore districts fall within that category.
Belfast City Council's logo would be junked and replaced with a new bilingual one.
Long term, all wards where fewer than 5% of people said they had some ability in Irish will get dual language signs, but only when council-owned facilities are being refurbished.
Under the policy, for example, the next time the council overhauls Shankill Leisure Centre, signs in Irish would be put up. The last census says 98% of people in that area have no knowledge of the language.
The province’s last surviving Victorian public bath, Templemore Baths in East Belfast, was reopened two years ago after a £17m restoration job. The new policy would mean that if it is ever refurbished by the council, its existing signs and details of the history of the much-loved building would have to be torn down and replaced with versions also containing Irish – even though 96% of area residents don’t speak it.
Unionists have been public about wanting the policy stopped, but as a minority on the council won’t be able to unless they convince unaligned parties such as Alliance and the Greens to vote with them at tomorrow night’s meeting.
In policy documents, officials argue the Irish language “is part of the shared cultural wealth and heritage of everyone who lives in Belfast and is the first language of a growing community of our citizens in the city”, put forward as part of the justification for blitzing it across Northern Ireland’s capital, even in areas where barely anyone speaks it.
The new policy has nothing to do with the council’s already-controversial programme of putting dual language street signs up, which is dealt with under different legislation.
A couple of years ago, Belfast Council massively relaxed its conditions for approving dual language signs on city streets. Since then, to the ire of unionists, more Irish signs have been approved than in the 24 years of the previous stricter regime, while no signs in any other language have been given a green light.
'Alliance haven't used their power to help the people of Northern Ireland'
SUZANNE BREEN POLITICAL EDITOR, Belfast Telegraph, October 1st, 2025
Claire SDLP LEADER CLAIRE HANNA TAKES AIM AT NAOMI LONG'S PARTY, INSISTING IT HAS NOT USED ITS MLAS EFFECTIVELY WHILE ALSO CRITICISING MICHEÁL MARTIN AFTER HE RULED OUT A BORDER POLL
Hanna has accused the Alliance Party of failing to use its massively expanded MLA team and two ministries at Stormont to deliver change for people in Northern Ireland.
“Alliance ran a far better election campaign than we did in 2022, and we lost votes to them,” the SDLP leader said. “They went up from eight Assembly seats to 17.
“If my party doubled its MLA team, then I'd like to think we'd deliver more than they have.
“That Alliance result was the most seismic change in Northern Ireland politics in a decade. What difference has it made in atmosphere or outcomes at Stormont? None whatsoever.
“Alliance are living their best lives, yet I don't see them using the power they have to make positive changes in Northern Ireland and to improve people's lives.”
In an interview with the Belfast Telegraph ahead of the SDLP annual conference in Belfast this weekend, Ms Hanna said that Taoiseach Micheál Martin was wrong to say the sole focus should be on fulfilling the potential of the Good Friday as he ruled out a border poll by 2030.
Those who wanted Irish unity could no longer be told to “wait and be patient”. They had a right to work towards constitutional change “and the Irish government has a duty to facilitate that”.
Ms Hanna declined to be drawn on which of the three Irish presidential candidates her party will support in next month's election, and didn't rule deciding not to back any of them.
The SDLP secured just a 9% vote in the 2022 Assembly election and lost four seats, leaving it with only eight MLAs.
“It was the worst day in our electoral history,” Ms Hanna said. “Alliance ran a much better campaign than us. We lost votes to them and I'll be trying to reverse that in 2027.”
The SDLP leader claimed that Naomi Long's party was “incredibly good at articulating the problems we face” but less adept at fixing them.
Lough Neagh
“Agriculture Minister Andrew Muir brought forward an okay plan on the chronic issue of Lough Neagh,” she said.
“He couldn't get it through the Executive. The SDLP developed a robust, centre-left set of proposals.
“We captured arresting images of Lough Neagh which we put before hundreds of thousands of eyes.
“With all its Assembly seats, Alliance couldn't deliver the change that a campaigning, energetic, and focussed SDLP could.”
Ms Hanna said that while Ms Long's party and her own “make very similar criticisms of Northern Ireland and British politics”, Alliance was a party of “the constitutional status quo”.
She said: “I know there are many honourable people here who are undecided on our constitutional future, but it's different for political parties.
“They're supposed to path find, to come up with solutions. The SDLP is ambitious enough to try to create a long-term path to something better in terms of a new Ireland.
“A functional Stormont is the limit of Alliance's ambition, and that's very much not the case for us..”
LucidTalk polls for the Belfast Telegraph show the SDLP has enjoyed a mini-bounce since Ms Hanna became leader last year increasing from 8% to 11% support.
“It's better to be going up than down, but we're not losing our heads over a 3% rise,” she said. “We need to climb further. If we were secured 13-14% in the 2027 Assembly election then we'd be looking at possible seat gains.
“We lost some seats fractionally last time, and the door would be open to us again in various constituencies if we can raise our vote.”
Winning seats
The SDLP leader declined to specify which constituencies she meant but it is understood insiders regard West Belfast and Strangford as among their best chances of new seats.
“I've spent the last year trying to build us as an organisation from the bottom up. I think we're communicating our message and connecting with people much better now. Over coming months, we will be more actively recruiting both in terms of members and election candidates. We want to deepen our pool.”
Asked if her party could ever again be seriously competitive with Sinn Fein or if it was always destined to come second within nationalism, Ms Hanna said: “Others may obsess over this 'big sister, little sister' framework, but I don't.
“I don't start every day thinking where we are in relation to Sinn Fein. The SDLP doesn't exist to orbit around any other party. The votes we have, and the new ones I hope to attract, come from many different places.”
Ruling out a border poll this decade, the Taoiseach earlier this week said there was still more work to be done on fulfilling the potential of the Good Friday Agreement.
Ms Hanna said: “Micheál Martin is a decent man who has a long association with the north, but we're not in the early post-Good Friday Agreement years.
“It's 27 years since the Agreement was reached. What we have here just isn't working. Why should we just wait and be patient?
“Nobody has invested more in trying to make this place work than the SDLP, but we're not conflict actors to be managed. We've a right to work towards constitutional change and the Irish government has a duty to facilitate that.”
In her constituency office in south Belfast, Ms Hanna has posters of Michael D Higgins and former Irish president Mary Robinson on display.
Labour — the SDLP's sister party in the Republic — and the Social Democrats are supporting Independent Catherine Connolly.
Pushed on why the SDLP hadn't already also rowed in behind the independent candidate, Ms Hanna said she was “trying to lead a political party in a strategic direction and not just about getting through the next day, about getting through the next 10 years ... and delivering us safely towards a reconciled new Ireland”.
Seeking meetings with three Presidential candidates
The SDLP leader last week wrote to Fine Gael's Heather Humphreys, Fianna Fail's Jim Gavin, and Ms Connolly asking to meet them to discuss their “vision and ideas” for furthering the conversation on Irish unity.
Ms Hanna described the performance of Keir Starmer's Labour government in London as “desperately disappointing in both politics and tone”.
She stressed that the SDLP doesn't take the Labour whip in the House of Commons, and had “voted against the government on Gaza, the two-child cap and many other issues”.
Asked if Mr Starmer should resign and Labour elect a new leader, she said: “That's a matter for Labour but they need to put forward standard bearers who connect with the public. If Labour keeps going the way it is, the only winner will be Nigel Farage.”
False claims about migration must be directly challenged
Pro Fide Et Patria, Irish News, October 1st, 2025
False claims about migration must be directly challenged
THERE have been persistent attempts by some unionist politicians over recent years to suggest that our society is in danger of being overwhelmed by what they present as a massive wave of migration.
They invariably insist that they are not associating themselves with racist sentiments, but instead simply reflecting legitimate views which are expressed to them by many constituents on a daily basis.
The huge difficulty with this approach is that it allows rumours to be spread by aggressive groups which are not connected to any coherent form of research and usually bear no reality to the real circumstances on the ground.
“ There have been persistent attempts by some unionist politicians to suggest that our society is in danger of being overwhelmed by what they present as a massive wave of migration
We have seen serious disturbances carried out by loyalists in different parts of the north, both in August of last year and earlier this summer, including the widespread destruction of property as well as an appalling range of physical assaults which could easily have resulted in deaths.
The mob violence frequently gave the impression of being entirely out of control, with innocent families suffering terrible ordeals and a lack of resources as well as some questionable strategies leaving police struggling to cope.
During periods of such enormous danger, it is essential that community leaders make their assessments after carefully researching the background and checking the official statistics which are readily available.
Figures from the Office for National Statistics which featured on the front page of The Irish News this week are directly relevant to the overall debate and deserve to be closely studied.
Northern Ireland
They show that while, as has always been accepted, the overall UK population is growing, and rose by just over 1% between 2023 and 2024, the pattern here in the north is very different.
The ONS estimates that the increase in our region was less than 8,000, reflecting a figure of just below 0.4%, which cannot in any way be portrayed as a dramatic change.
It always needs to be accepted that migrants make a crucial contribution to our health service in particular, and many hospitals would simply not be able to function without their involvement at many different levels.
Belfast, as our largest city, added less than 2,000 new residents over the 12 months, with other districts expanding only marginally and the population of Newry, Mourne and Down district council actually declining.
The allegation that streams of outsiders are arriving to take jobs and houses from local people can be seen to be a dangerous fallacy, and, regardless of whether it surfaces in unionist or nationalist neighbourhoods, must be challenged as firmly as possible.
Funding will avert ‘economic and ecological disaster’ on north coast
PAUL AINSWORTH, Irish News, October 1st, 2025
The Barmouth, on the north coast, is located where the River Bann meets the Atlantic
PICTURE: COLERAINE HARBOUR COMMISSION
FEARS of an “ecological and economic disaster” on the north coast that could wipe out entire beaches and destroy golf courses have been allayed thanks to funding for the repair of crumbling sea defence infrastructure.
The Barmouth, located between Portstewart Strand and Castlerock beaches, where the River Bann meets the Atlantic Ocean, has been the focus of recent warnings by experts who say the 18th century construction’s stone and concrete “moles” are degrading.
It was built to allow boats to access the Bann from the sea, but the moles were last repaired in 1929.
In June of this year, the Coleraine Harbour Commission warned that should they break down, the flooding risk to the north coast would increase dramatically as the area around the Barmouth reverts to a delta.
In a presentation to Causeway Coast and Glens Borough Council, the Harbour Commission warned of an “ecological and economic disaster” if the collapse happens, stating “the beaches in Portstewart and Castlerock would not be there as we know them today” and there would be “major damage to Portstewart and Castlerock golf clubs”.
The Barmouth “enables the egress of eight-and-a-half million cubic meters of water” daily, councillors were told.
Yesterday, Stormont’s infrastructure minister Liz Kimmins announced £1.2m funding for the vital repairs.
“The current condition of the Barmouth moles poses a health and safety risk which is why I am allocating £1.2 million in funding to ensure that this work is taken forward as a matter of priority,” she said.
“This significant investment will help protect the surrounding environment and reduce the risk of tidal flooding for these communities. This work is also important for the development of the local economy and the future of Coleraine Harbour.”
Coleraine Harbour Commission chair Robert Skelly said his organisation was “extremely grateful” to the minister for “recognising the importance of this infrastructure and for acting decisively”.
“This investment not only addresses pressing health and safety concerns but also strengthens long term resilience for the entire estuary region,” he said.
O'Dowd wants 'definitive plan' for Casement Park's rebuild
JONATHAN MCCAMBRIDGE, Belfast Telegraph and Irish News, October 1st, 2025
FINANCE MINISTER TELLS MLAS £50M WESTMINSTER PLEDGE HAS NO CLAUSES
It is time to move forward with a “definitive plan” on the rebuild of Casement Park, Stormont Finance Minister John O'Dowd has said.
He told MLAs he met with Communities Minister Gordon Lyons on Monday “to discuss the next steps in the delivery” of the project.
In the summer the UK Government allocated £50 million to support the redevelopment of the derelict GAA stadium in west Belfast.
Plans for a 34,000-capacity venue have been mired in uncertainty because of a significant funding gap.
During ministerial question time at the Assembly, Mr O'Dowd was asked to outline the conditions on the pledge of £50 million of Westminster money.
He told MLAs: “This £50 million was over and above what the Executive's allocation of FTC (financial transactions capital) would have been in this spending review period so it can only be used for Casement Park.
“The profile of funding is also to be agreed with the British Government.
“The additional £50m FTC has been provided on a net basis which means it does not need to be repaid to the Treasury. There are no further conditions attached to the funding.”
Waiting far too long
The minister added: “In my view the GAA community have waited far too long for the reconstruction of Casement Park.
“I met with the Communities Minister yesterday to discuss the next steps in the delivery of this project
“I made it clear I stand ready to offer whatever support I and my officials can to help make this happen.”
DUP MLA Paul Frew asked Mr O'Dowd where any additional money to rebuild Casement would come from and if he thought the departure from usual FTC rules in which the money would be repaid could be explored for other projects.
Mr O'Dowd said: “I support investment regardless of the size or shape of the ball or who does or doesn't play the sport. I will work with whomever to ensure we get investment into sport in this place.
“But it has to be reminded that Casement Park is the outstanding part of the jigsaw in terms of the three stadia that were promised at that time.
“The other two are built, Casement Park has not been built.
“In terms of where the rest of the money comes from, that is a matter between the GAA and the Communities Minister and others.
“You will be aware that the Irish Government have contributed, the Executive have made a commitment as has the GAA. If there is to be increases in those commitments, I stand ready to play my part.”
Mr O'Dowd said the UK Government funding was “another piece of the jigsaw of getting Casement Park up and going”.
He said: “The investment, both from the British Government, the Irish Government, the Executive and the GAA itself is now bringing this project forward. I think it is now time to move forward with a definitive plan.
“As I said to the Communities Minister yesterday, I will play my part in that and offer whatever assistance I can in ensuring this project is delivered.”
Stormont ministers committed £62.5m to Casement in 2011, as part of a strategy to revamp it along with football's Windsor Park and the rugby ground at Ravenhill.
While the two other Belfast-based projects went ahead, Casement was delayed for several years because of legal challenges by local residents and the estimated build cost spiralled.
As well as £62.5m from Stormont, the Irish Government pffered roughly £42m and the GAA at least £15 million.
It has been reported that the cost of the project has fallen to £270 million since it was confirmed the ground would not host 2028 Euros matches.
However, the revised plans still leave a significant funding shortfall.
Legal aid costs hit high of £120m in NI despite drop in case numbers
KURTIS REID, Belfast Telegraph, October 1st, 2025
The number of legal aid cases granted in Northern Ireland has dropped to its lowest level in six years — but total expenditure from the fund has reached a record high.
According to new figures published by the Legal Services Agency Northern Ireland, 61,573 legal aid cases were granted in 2024/25. That is a fall of 3.6% compared to 63,881 in 2023/24, and 17.1% lower than the 74,298 cases approved in 2019/20.
The details also revealed that men received twice the amount of legal aid as women.
Legal aid is public funding that helps people who cannot afford legal representation to access justice.
It can cover the cost of solicitors, barristers and other legal services in both criminal and civil cases, ensuring that individuals who are facing prosecution, or who are pursuing matters such as family disputes, housing issues or claims against public bodies, are not excluded from the legal system because of financial barriers.
Officials said the continued decline reflects tighter checks on applicants' finances, with stricter verification of the capital threshold now applied to civil legal services.
Yet, despite fewer grants, overall spending has soared, with a total of almost £120m authorised from the legal aid fund in 2024/25 — the highest on record.
The figure is up 45.5% from 2019/20, when expenditure stood at £82.4m.
According to figures from the Department of Justice, solicitor firms received £68m of the £120m sum, accounting for 56.6% of the total, while barristers received £51.5m (42.9%), with the remainder paid to third-party providers.
When only profit costs are considered, excluding VAT and disbursements, the gap between solicitors and barristers narrows to a near 50-50 split, with solicitors at 52.1% and barristers at 47.4%.
Among barristers, junior counsel received a greater share of fees (60%) than senior counsel (40%).
Also highlighted was the extent of “taxed expenditure” — costs determined after being assessed by the court. In 2024/25, this accounted for £33.8m of all legal aid spending, with the vast majority (£30.9m) linked to civil proceedings.
Men’s grants higher than women
The figures also revealed differences between men and women in the use of legal aid. The grant rate for men stood at 45.9 per 1,000 population, two and a half times higher than for women (18.5).
While civil cases showed similar grant rates across genders, men were more than four times as likely to be recipients of legal aid in criminal cases (35.6 per 1,000 compared with 8.1 for women).
In terms of provision, 431 solicitor firms were registered on the Legal Aid Management System (LAMS) to deliver services.
The latest release covers the period since 2019/20, the year LAMS was introduced as part of a wider digital transformation.
Prior to that, legal aid was largely paper-based, with more limited electronic records available.
The bulletin follows headline figures released in May and provides a more detailed breakdown of expenditure trends.
Tell him he's a greedy 'fker': jury is shown emails over fee
SAM MCBRIDE, Belfast Telegraph, October 1st, 2025
INVESTMENT FUND HAD CONCERNS THAT THERE WAS A CONFLICT OF INTEREST
A senior figure at a major US investment fund invited to bid for Nama's Northern Ireland loans described top Belfast solicitor Ian Coulter as “a greedy fker” for trying to get an allegedly corrupt €16m success fee changed to £16m, Belfast Crown Court has been told.
As the lengthy prosecution case against Ian Coulter and Frank Cushnahan continued yesterday afternoon, jurors were shown an internal email from the US fund, where the payments allegedly to be made were described as “very odd”.
It is alleged that the two men — who have pleaded not guilty to all charges — tried to interest Baupost and then Pimco, two major US funds, in buying Nama's entire Northern Ireland loan book for more than £1bn.
Crown counsel Jonathan Kinnear KC said that Baupost dropped out in summer 2013, with a senior figure in the fund saying in an email that “we cannot overcome our concerns about how Nama may react to the proposed process” .
The next day, Finance Minister Sammy Wilson sent a letter to his counterpart in the Republic, Michael Noonan, saying it would be “advantageous” to continue discussions with those put forward as possible buyers.
By that time, it seems to just have been another US fund, Pimco.
Mr Kinnear said Cushnahan drafted the letter which Mr Wilson sent in his own name to Noonan.
Yet again and again, the barrister told jurors, at meeting after meeting of Nama's NI Advisory Committee (NIAC), of which Cushnahan was a member, he didn't declare what the Crown say was a clear conflict of interest.
In September 2013, US law firm Brown Rudnick — which was working with the two men on the deal — set out its terms in a document.
£16 million ‘success fee’
It said there would be a “success fee” of up to €16m, with a “split” in the fee “equally three ways between Brown Rudnick and others”.
But days later, key Brown Rudnick figure Tuvi Keinan said in an email: “Ian giving me an earful. It was £16m, not €16m. I did say euro. I told him to take a view. He's not happy. Oh well.”
Senior Pimco figure James Gilbert replied: “Tell him he's a greedy fker from me.”
Around this time an internal Pimco document set out who would get paid: “The sponsors would be entitled to a success fee of €16m, to be paid upon the successful completion of the transaction. For this fee, the sponsors will work with the politicians to bridge any value gap that emerges between the €1.1bn Nama valuation and our pricing.”
In a memo, Mr Gilbert said that “the sponsors of the transaction are Brown Rudnick, Frank Cushnahan CBE… and Tughans [Coulter's then law firm]”.
He added: “Cushnahan will be broker, strategic advisor and political advisor…to be paid 1/3 of the success fee.”
In mid-September 2013, Mr Gilbert said in a detailed email to Pimco colleagues that the “sponsors” had “recommended us to the NI Government and are coordinating the political discussions to secure exclusivity from Nama”.
However, another Pimco employee questioned what was going on, saying it “seems the success fee creates an inherent conflict with our lawyers”.
Mr Gilbert replied: “At this stage, Nama is not aware… however, it has been agreed that if we move forward the success fees need to be fully transparent. This is important particularly in respect of Cushnahan”
Another senior Pimco figure told colleagues it was a “very odd” arrangement. He said: “They are 'advisors' to the Northern Irish government yet they have not disclosed that they are getting a success fee from the buyer (conflict?)” and “they are highly incentivised financially to get the deal done with whatever buyer (conflict?).”
Another senior Pimco figure said it “seems like Cushnahan should tell them ASAP or else it falls on us”.
Gilbert said that the NI Executive “is already aware” that Tughans and Cushnahan were in line for “a significant success fee”. However the Crown say Nama had not been informed — and it was to Nama that Cushnahan knew he owed a responsibility.
The trial continues.
Nama trial told Cushnahan was 'dishonest' and used position to lobby politicians
SAM MCBRIDE, Belfast Telegraph, October 1st, 2025
INVESTMENT FUND FILE SAID ACCUSED TRIED TO IDENTIFY POTENTIAL INVESTOR TO 'INTRODUCE TO... SAMMY WILSON'
Senior businessman Frank Cushnahan used his position with Nama to “get access to politicians” and “gather intelligence” which he wanted to use to improperly enrich himself, a jury has been told.
As the prosecution opening in the Nama trial continued at Belfast Crown Court, the jury of nine men and three women were taken through a series of serious allegations against former solicitor Ian Coulter and former banker Frank Cushnahan, with email after email being put before them.
The Crown alleges those documents show a secret plan which was deliberately concealed from others because it involved a fundamental conflict of interest.
Francis Hugh Cushnahan (83), of Alexandra Gate in Holywood, is charged with fraud by failing to disclose information and fraud by false representation.
Ian George Coulter (54), of Templepatrick Road in Ballyclare, faces two charges of fraud by false representation, one of making or supplying articles use in fraud, one of removing criminal property, and another of transferring criminal property. He had been the head of major Belfast law firm Tughans and was also head of the CBI in Northern Ireland.
Both men have pleaded not guilty to all charges.
Yesterday morning senior Crown counsel Jonathan Kinnear KC took the jury through the timeline of the case chronologically, picking up from the first day of the trial.
The jury was told that around about autumn 2012, there was evidence that Cushnahan began to interact with Coulter and Tuvi Keinan, a partner at major US law firm Brown Rudnick's London office.
The jury was shown an email sent in November 2012 by Rosemary Shanks, a secretary at Tughans, to Brown Rudnick confirming a meeting for Mr Keinan, Cushnahan, and Richard Kelly from the Murdock Group and Randox Laboratories. It also included “lunch with Ian Coulter” and meetings with Feargal McCormack FMP Chartered Accountants, and Derek Tughan.
Setting out the growing contact between some of the key figures involved in the eventual deal, the barrister showed the jury an email the following month showing that Cushnahan and Coulter had set up a call with Keinan.
A month later, Coulter sent an email to Keinan saying it was good to see him the previous day and “things are in hand to see if we can organise a meeting with the ministers”, adding that he would “send on to Frank's hotel so he can also comment” on a “skeleton for discussion”.
The Crown say this shows they were already discussing the sale of the loans and were “putting their plan into action”.
Mr Kinnear took the jury to a December 2012 note of a meeting between Nama's Northern Ireland Advisory Committee (NIAC) and the then finance minister Sammy Wilson which shows they discussed the situation with the loans.
He said: “What you won't find in here is any mention of the possibility that the whole of the Northern Ireland loan book could be sold in one piece… of course he [Cushnahan] hadn't, we say, even alerted Nama to that possibility.”
He said there was “no legitimate reason why Mr Cushnahan was keeping his involvement in the sale of the NI loan book a secret, why he was keeping it to himself”.
The barrister said Cushnahan was “leveraging his position on the committee” to “get access to politicians” and was “gathering intelligence” which would help him with his plan.
A diary entry indicates that on 31 January 2013, Coulter met Sammy Wilson in Stormont, alongside Mr Keinan. Mr Kinnear said the deal being planned involved political sensitivity and “attracted the attention of high ranking members of the Northern Ireland Executive”.
He said Coulter and especially Cushnahan were trying to get those politicians to lobby their Republic of Ireland counterparts to support the sale.
Jurors were shown a February 2013 email from Coulter to Mr Keinan entitled “runners and riders”.
He set out that Mr Keinan had thought those in the frame as “equity providers” were major funds Baupost, Pimco and Blackstone, while “debt providers” were the Canadian Pension Scheme, China Investment Corporation and Qatar Investment Authority, three huge sovereign wealth funds.
Coulter went on: “In terms of timing, Frank is back early next week — it would be ideal if we could have a three to four pager draft briefing memorandum for the minister before or just after he returns to keep momentum up.”
He added: “I also have a thought as to how we could run an internal bidding process to with [sic] the above players (assuming all are interested) to show competition to NAMA — perhaps you can give me a call when free.”
A 12 March 2013 email from a Tughans secretary said “I will bring a copy down to Frank now”. Cushnahan had been allowed to have an office in Tughans' office building.
Mr Kinnear said that “at times he was given assistance by Tughans' secretaries”, even though he didn't work for the company.
In an email that day, Coulter said to Keinan “this is an internal briefing note only for the minister”. The 'strictly confidential' memo said that “at current time it is considered that, following subsequent impairments by NAMA, the NI debt or 'book' is estimated to be €1.7bn…”
It put a “proposal” for the entire Nama loan book to be sold where the “personal guarantees” of developers would be “released”.
It said there was a “real and immediate” possibility “from our side” to undertake such a transaction and the economic impact on Northern Ireland would be “significant”.
“It's effectively a sales pitch,” Mr Kinnear told the jury.
Belfast accountant David Watters is alleged to have come up with the plan for a deal to buy all the Northern Ireland loans, a plan which Cushnahan allegedly stole.
Mr Kinnear said the following month Cushnahan met Mr Watters and advised they bring Coulter into the deal because he had significant connections.
The Crown say the evidence is that Coulter was already heavily involved in the situation and Cushnahan had concealed this from Mr Watters.
He said: “Everybody understood that Mr Coulter was undertaking this for himself — it wasn't Tughans who were going to get the money; it was Mr Coulter who was going to share the success fee”.
He said Watters was “largely if not completely squeezed out of the deal” even though it was his idea. He added: “In the end he got nothing — not a penny of the £15m success fee that was paid when Cerberus [the US vulture fund which ultimately bought the loans] completed the deal.”
In April 2013 there was another meeting of Nama's NI Advisory Committee (NIAC) with Sammy Wilson. Mr Kinnear said: “There's no mention in that document of any idea that Nama might sell the whole of the NI loan book”.
He said the others at the meeting had no idea Cushnahan was “trying to cook up a deal”.
That same day, NIAC met in Tughans offices. The first item of business was disclosure of interests - but the minutes show Cushnahan disclosed nothing.
The barrister said: “Mr Cushnahan hasn't spoken up — he hasn't told them 'I'm in conversation with Mr Coulter who works in this office and Mr Keinan who works in London… he doesn't mention a word about it; he's completely silent about it.”
Write downs of up to 1.5 billion euro
An internal PIMCO document from around this time shows the fund had been told the loans had been written down to €1.5-1.7bn and the acquisition price would be about €1.2bn.
It said the fund was introduced to “this off market situation” by Jeff Jones and Tuvi Keinan from Brown Rudnick who had been in discussions with Cushnahan and Coulter.
It said that “Frank Cushnahan and Ian Coulter are trying to identify potential investor for the portfolio to introduce to… Sammy Wilson”.
The document said “they envision an 'off market' transaction because of the political sensitivity of this portfolio” and that “Brown Rudnick, Ian Coulter and Frank Cushnahan all want a fee for introducing this transaction and for facilitating the negotiations between the Republic of Ireland, Northern Ireland and NAMA (I would guess in the order of 1% but I'm sure that is negotiable”). It said such a fee would have to be “clearly disclosed and signed off”.
Mr Kinnear told the jury that “people do deals to make money” and there was nothing wrong with that, but what was wrong here was that Cushnahan was “leveraging his internal position” and “telling lies” to try to make money.
He said they weren't doing it “out of the kindness of their heart or for the good of the Northern Ireland economy”.
A May 2013 email from Pimco's James Gilbert to colleagues, marked “highly confidential”, told them that “Nama wants to sell its Northern Irish loan book for c€1bn+…the transaction driver here is political: Nama does not want to be seen to enforce on Northern Irish borrowers or assets, which is likely to be politically inflammatory and which would be a destabilising influence in the region.
“A friendly counterparty is required and Brown Rudnick has introduced only two parties to Frank Cushnahan who sits on Nama's Northern Ireland Advisory Committee: Us and Baupost… this will not be the usual Nama driven process, but will be politically directed...”
He attached “a high level summary prepared by Frank” in which it set out considerable detail about the nature of the Nama loans in Northern Ireland.
The barrister said Cushnahan was “front and centre” in the proposed deal and couldn't now claim otherwise. A June 2013 email from Mr Keinan to Mr Gilbert said: “First and Finance Ministers are looking for a letter from Brown Rudnick, which they can send onwards to Noonan and Kenny (their Southern counterparts) respectively….”
He said that appears to refer to the then Taoiseach, Enda Kenny, and Finance Minister, Michael Noonan.
A letter from Mr Keinan — said to have been drafted at Cushnahan's request — was marked “highly confidential” and set out to Sammy Wilson that major funds were interested in buying the full Nama Northern Ireland loan book.
He told the Finance Minister that “the integrity of the transaction is our main concern”.
Before breaking for lunch, jurors were shown an email from Gilbert to Keinan in June 2013 in which Keinan said a meeting with Enda Kenny was on Monday. Gilbert replied: “Nice.” Keinan responded with a wink.
The trial is expected to continue for about three months.
Kneecap’s Mo Chara could still face terror charge, former Attorney General claims
Sir Michael Ellis urges CPS to use rare ‘venire de novo’ writ to retry Liam Óg Ó hAnnaidh over Hezbollah flag allegation
CONOR SHEILS, Irish News and Belfast Telegraph, October 1st, 2025
KNEECAP’S Liam Óg Ó hAnnaidh could face a new terror charge if the CPS launches an appeal using a little-known legal writ, the UK’s former Atorney General has been reported as claiming.
It is understood that the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) is considering whether to launch an appeal after the Belfast star’s terrorism case was thrown out of court on last week.
According to the Daily Telegraph yesterday Sir Michael Ellis, a former UK attorney general and Conservative MP has urged the CPS to consider using “venire de novo” – a rarely-used legal writ, that would allow the case to restart.
“Venire de novo” refers to the ordering of a new trial, usually by a different jury, after the original trial has been invalidated or set aside.
It comes into play when a case is thrown out due to procedural errors, juror misconduct, or a verdict that cannot stand under the law.
Liam Óg Ó hAnnaidh, who performs under the name Mo Chara, had been facing a charge under the Terrorism Act for allegedly displaying a flag in support of Hezbollah at a concert in London in November 2024.
However, Chief Magistrate Paul Goldspring agreed with Mr Ó hAnnaidh’s defence and threw the charge out on September 26, describing it as “unlawful and null”.
He said that the proceedings had not be “instituted in the correct form” and lacked the necessary approval from the Director of Public Prosecutions and the Attorney General before it had been issued to Mr Ó hAnnaidh.
The defence had previously argued that this was not necessary until the first court appearance, however said that the time limit “requires consent to have been granted at the time or before the issue of the requisition” and that the court had “no jurisdiction to try the charge”.
Following the verdict, The Crown Prosecution Service said it was “reviewing the decision of the court carefully” and pointed out that the decision could be appealed against.
Irish Presidential Election - Why I didn’t nominate Maria Steen
Michael McDowell, Irish Times, October 1st, 2025
As a liberal, I felt her election would have been a step backwards for the Ireland I believe in
I have been elected to Seanad Éireann on three occasions after standing as a liberal republican candidate. My record as a parliamentarian since 1987 has been consistently liberal on social and economic matters. I have taken the liberal side in successive referendums such as the divorce, marriage equality, Oireachtas powers and the Repeal the Eighth referendums. I have consistently supported liberal causes as a member of Dáil Éireann and Seanad Éireann since my first election to the Oireachtas in 1987.
In the care and family referendums, I advocated rejection of the Government’s proposals from the same liberal perspective. I was careful in my advocacy to avoid denominational or conservative arguments.
In early 2025, I considered suggestions that I should seek nomination for the presidential election and decided against doing so. My decision was made public on May 23rd in this newspaper.
In July, my office was informed of plans by pro-life members of the Oireachtas, including Aontú, to establish a process in which members of the Oireachtas would interview aspiring candidates chosen by them, and that these aspirants would include Declan Ganley and Maria Steen, both known pro-life activists. I indicated then that I was not interested in becoming involved with such a caucus.
In August, a significant number of potential candidates were mentioned in the media – some well-known public figures and others less well known. At the end of August, Steen was reported to be considering standing for election. She formally announced her candidacy in an article published in the Irish Catholic in which she stated that she had deliberately chosen that paper for her announcement, confirming that she stood by all her previously expressed public positions, and that she saw the president as the guardian “of the indefinable spirit of Irishness”.
Contacted by Aontú
On Thursday, September 4th, I was contacted by the leader of Aontú, Peadar Tóibín, who stated that time was running out to nominate for the presidential election and that it would be a major pity if there wasn’t “a voice standing up for our values in the race”.
He informed me that eight members of the Oireachtas had said they would support “a nominating caucus” to take presentations from potential candidates and that the caucus would vote by secret ballot for who was best and nominate the winner. But there would be no compulsion to nominate the winner if a TD or Senator did not want to. He asked me to let him know if I had an interest in this. I informed him that I did not agree with such an approach. Subsequently, I was asked whether I would change my mind and chair the caucus. I refused. The process was clearly intended to select a pro-life candidate. It was put to me that I could nominate such a candidate on a Voltaire principle: the misattributed quotation that “I disapprove of what you say, but I will defend to the death your right to say it”.
I again declined because I would not propose a candidate for the presidency to whose election I was opposed. My view of the role of Oireachtas members in making a nomination is that they should support the subsequent election of any person that they nominate.
A number of people sounded me out as to whether I would support their candidacies. On September 1st, Steen contacted me by text saying: “you may have seen I am looking for a nomination would you have time to take a quick call today”.
I replied as follows: “Maria, thanks for your message. My position is that as I have already informed two hopefuls, I will make no decision or commitments on nominations until the likely set of nominees becomes clearer including the possibility of Local Authority nominations and whether SF are running an SF candidate. Michael”
The outcome of the local authority deliberations and the position of Sinn Féin, who had promised a “game changer”, only became clear on the weekend of September 20th. On Friday, September 19th, I was asked by Michael Collins TD of Independent Ireland whether I would be supporting Steen’s nomination. I informed him that I did not intend to support her.
On September 22nd, the Irish Daily Mail published a front page splash that described me as “gatekeeper” in relation to Steen’s nomination chances, according to an unidentified “source”. I reconfirmed my position to Collins.
His party intended to meet her on September 22nd, and then to make their own decision as to whether they would nominate her. That day, in response to a request to meet me, I informed the Steen team that I would not be nominating her.
There were at that point 12 Independent non-party Senators, of whom at least eight, including four women Senators, were unwilling to nominate Steen for different reasons. I was in no sense “gatekeeper” for her nomination, as each of those eight Senators had already made their own completely independent decisions on the matter.
I did not consider that a face-to-face meeting with Steen would serve any useful purpose, as her Seanad supporters well knew my position.
Suggestions that I was motivated by envy, jealousy, misogyny or other base reasons are simply untrue. For the reasons stated above, I was opposed to her election, which might very well have happened, in my view. It would have been divisive and a step backwards for the kind of Ireland I believe in.
Pub owner tells of recruitment bid by British security services
CONNLA YOUNG, Irish News, October 1st, 2025
A DERRY pub owner has told of a spy novel-like scene when British intelligence agency MI5 tried to recruit him as an informer.
Connor McCallion has revealed a tale of a train station rendezvous and secret signs as part of a failed bid to enlist him as a state agent.
Mr McCallion runs O’Neill’s Traditional Irish Bar in the Foyle Road area, which hosts events in support of republican prisoners.
Mr McCallion says he was contacted last month by an unknown woman claiming to represent a north coast-based company operating bus tours.
Although suspicious, Mr McCallion agreed to meet the woman, now believed to be an MI5 member, at an agreed location in Coleraine to explore the possibility of including his business on the tour route.
Mr McCallion, who brought a companion to the planned meeting, then received a call to tell him the suspected MI5 woman was “running late” and that her “business partner” would meet him instead.
Mr McCallion was then told to go to a nearby train station platform to meet the “business partner” – who would be holding a red hat.
After leaving a café, Mr McCallion was approached on the street by two men, one of whom had a red hat.
It is claimed they identified themselves as “British security services” and attempted to recruit the Derry businessman as an informer.
After rejecting the approach, Mr McCallion “created a public scene” forcing the two men to leave the area, it is claimed.
“British intelligence operate in our communities to gather information, recruit informers, and undermine the republican struggle,” he said.
Saoradh spokesman Paddy Gallagher condemned the attempt to recruit Mr McCallion.
