New era of Anglo-Irish co-operation faces many challenges

Austen Morgan, Belfast News Letter, September 30th, 2025

​It is unclear why the UK thinks it needs to jointly rule Northern Ireland with an opportunist neighbouring state – but this month that is what Labour confirmed it does think.

​With the party sinking fast into the electoral depths, Hilary Benn, with his new best friend Simon Harris, the Irish Tánaiste, has added another weight to the decline of the government … on Legacy. It is a matter that has bedevilled successive UK governments since 1998.

On September 19, Benn and Harris unveiled their joint framework, The Legacy of the Troubles, at Hillsborough castle, Sir Keir Starmer having played his hand of re-setting relationships with the Republic of Ireland a week earlier.

The background to this is important. In January 2024, the Irish government took the UK to the human rights court in Strasbourg over London’s legacy plan for conditional amnesties – this was despite the fact that Ireland has operated a flagrant amnesty, albeit undeclared, for the IRA since 1994.

In the 1998 Belfast agreement, the two governments promised relatives recognition at best (not prosecutions all round), while Tony Blair and Jonathan Powell conducted a secret process with the IRA premised on incremental amnesty.

In March 2020, when London broke with Dublin, having belatedly recognised its obligations to the Northern Ireland veterans, the Conservatives introduced what became the so-called Legacy Act 2023. It led to Sir Declan Morgan, the former lord chief justice, heading up a commission which went live in Belfast in May 2024.

Brandon Lewis was the first, and only, secretary of state (of the 25 we have had) to address legacy seriously. It was, under the Belfast agreement, part of strand one (and for Stormont), and not a subject for joint sovereignty or authority (or even frameworks) by London and Dublin. Labour, as the then parliamentary opposition, had promised to repeal and replace the hated Tories’ 2023 legislation.

Rebranded and Reformed

The takeaway which should have been reported from Hillsborough is that Sir Declan Morgan and his commission – to be rebranded the legacy commission – have survived as the focus of UK legacy policy. The commission, of course, is to be reformed despite its tender age: the existing commissioners will go in time, to be replaced (?); Peter Sheridan, the ex RUC officer in charge of investigations, is to be marked by yet another English (?) police officer; there will be an oversight board (sounding like Jon Boutcher), but with commission officials – like Whitehall civil servants – perhaps governing the commission.

The Eames/Bradley idea from 2009 of five years survives, but expect mission creep towards institutionalisation and even (perish the thought!) permanence. All this, of course, was dressed up by Hilary Benn in nationalist colours (designed no doubt to provoke unionist reaction – the best way to get through to republicans).

The new joint framework reads like a quasi-treaty, with the following recitals: London and Dublin as ‘co-guarantors’ of the Belfast Agreement (which is legally meaningless); the European convention on human rights (that secular tablet of stone); ‘truth, accountability and, where possible [my emphasis], justice’; and the 2014 Stormont House agreement on legacy of course.

Hilary Benn – in his year plus of consulting on this new policy (including not meeting the Malone House Group with which I am associated) – told a number of ministerial whoppers.

First, that the relatives had opposed the Conservatives, and he was now – by implication – going to do their bidding (this is in spite of 85% of such families not belonging to victims’ groups).

Killings - Lawful and Unlawful

Some 3,750 people died in the troubles, most unlawfully at the hands of republicans and loyalists, and some 10% – most lawfully – killed by police but mainly soldiers.

Ninety per cent of relatives therefore have no access to human rights, and article 2 – which is cited to justify the disproportionate legacy focus on state killings – of the European Convention of Human Rights applies now only to state killings from 1988 to 1998 (not the 1970s and 1980s when most of the atrocities occurred).

Hilary Benn is not going to flood the courts with prosecutions, because that would undermine the at least 187 comfort letters (of 228 applications), issued to the supporters of Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness between 2000 and 2014, and held by Gerry Kelly MLA in a Sinn Féin office.

The second whopper is that all the parties in NI opposed the evil Tories. True, but what does that mean? Legacy has been the responsibility of Stormont since 1999. In the 2010s, the involuntary coalition could not agree its legislation. It passed the poisoned chalice to Westminster.

Nationalists and unionists act like clientelist politicians, championing respective victims’ groups – to little particular effect generally. Secretary of state, how many of the Stormont five parties support your new joint framework?

Third, more a silent whopper! The Irish legal case was stayed, probably by agreement. Neither of the principals at Hillsborough castle (who were asked) would say whether the application will be withdrawn by the Irish and when. Nor did they address News Letter queries about Irish hypocrisy over amnesties.

Fourth, another silent whopper. The Conservatives, in their legislation, took away Gerry Adams’ right to compensation for being interned by the wrong UK minister in the early 1970s. The high court in Belfast reversed this in February 2024, opening the way to a flood of claims.

In July the same year, after Sir Keir Starmer became prime minister, the secretary of state abandoned his human rights appeal. Then, in January 2025, the prime minister said they would find another – presumably lawful – means of denying all internees compensation. This is not included in the joint framework.

Simon Harris, from the land of the cute hoors, even mentioned – surrounded by the portraits of our rulers – that, on the Sean Brown case, in which the order of a public inquiry by the Belfast courts is on its way to our supreme court in London, Dublin, would continue to act as champion and cheerleader for northern nationalists progressing from one grievance to the next. Plus ça change.

 • Austen Morgan is a barrister

Belfast City Council votes for new Irish language policy to the anger of unionists

ABDULLAH SABRI and ANDREW MADDEN, Belfast Telegraph, October 2nd, 2025

BILINGUAL LOGO AND CORPORATE IDENTITY TO BE INTRODUCED

Belfast City Council has voted in favour of a new £1.9m Irish language policy that will see its wider use, including a bilingual logo on vehicles and staff uniforms and bilingual council website.

A motion to exempt uniforms was defeated by 42 votes to 17.

The policy was passed with the support of Sinn Fein, SDLP, Alliance, People Before Profit and Greens.

The DUP, Ulster Unionists and TUV voted against it.

Sinn Fein's Tomás Ó Néill said the move “will be transformative” for Irish language speakers.

He added: “Strengthening the rights of Irish language speakers and boosting the visibility of the language are central to this policy.

“Tonight's agreement to implement this policy is hugely positive and an historic decision by councillors.

“The council's Irish language policy will be one of the most progressive on this island.

“At a time when the Irish language community continues to grow in strength, Sinn Fein will continue working to support this growth and enshrine the rights of Gaeilgeoirí.”

Unionist councillors pointed to concerns around funding and Irish lettering on uniforms. The DUP's James Lawlor claimed the policy was being used “by political republicanism to fuel a narrow sectarian agenda”.

Equality or exclusion?

He said: “Let's be absolutely clear. This is a manufactured problem, a problem created by framing one community's cultural demand as the neutral position while anyone who dares question or scrutinise is painted as being divisive or political — that's not equality, that's exclusion.”

Alliance's Michael Long said it would help support minority rights here.

He explained: “It's the same that happens in other parts of the United Kingdom, whether that's Wales or parts of Scotland or Cornwall.

“I believe that it's important that we celebrate the diversity within our community.

“I think it’s important that we move on from the continual bickering we have in this place every month about the Irish language.”

TUV's Ron McDowell said the policy “will be resisted to the utmost”. He also hinted there could be a legal challenge.

He said: “We don't want it and we're going to fight tooth and nail to object to it.

“We've also received legal advice on this as well. I hope that as unionism has united before this meeting, during the meeting and after the meeting, there will be a successful call that comes against that.

“This process was legally incorrect, and we are in receipt of two separate legal opinions which confirms this viewpoint.”

Loyalist activist Jamie Bryson took to social media to suggest the policy could be stymied.

He posted: “Nationalists don't seem to realise that their Irish language policy is going to be called in; they also don't seem to realise it will thereafter be blocked.”

Call-ins are intended to be used in exceptional circumstances to allow controversial decisions to be re-considered by council.

Outside the meeting, west Belfast man Ciaran Mac Giolla Bhein, president of Conradh na Gaeilge, welcomed the passing of the new policy.

He said: “Irish is flourishing across our city. We have been working with Irish language groups and speakers, Belfast City Council and councillors for almost a decade on this policy.

Parity of esteem

“We have helped design this policy based on the fundamental principles of parity of esteem enshrined in the Good Friday Agreement to take 'resolute action' to develop and support the Irish language.”

He added: “Not so long ago, councillors were ejected for speaking Irish in council chambers and BCC had one of the most draconian street naming policies on this island. Now they've passed one of the most progressive Irish language policies!”

Belfast City Council said: “Following meetings of the council's strategic policy and resources committee... elected members have approved an Irish language policy for the council, along with a high-level implementation plan for the next two years. This includes the adoption of a new bilingual corporate identity and logo.

“Design work for the new identity and logo is ongoing, and further engagement will be undertaken with trade unions as part of this work through the council's industrial relations framework.”

"This is the greening of Belfast for domination"

Council passes move to blitz Irish across entire city, despite fears taxpayers will foot the bill while staff put at risk

By Iain Gray, Belfast News Letter, October 2nd, 2025

Belfast Council overwhelmingly voted through a move to blitz the Irish language across the entire city, even in unionist areas where it’s not wanted – despite fears staff will be at risk while taxpayers are stuck with the bill.

More than twice as many councillors were in favour of blazing the language across Northern Ireland’s capital than were against it, with a 90-minute debate on the previously secret move descending into party-political sniping on Wednesday night.

Alliance and the Greens joined nationalists in pushing through the move, and both unaligned parties took swipes at unionists for objecting to an Irish language policy that one TUV politician said amounted to the “subjugation” of his people and identity.

Every council-owned building, park, playground, leisure centre and sports pitch will now get new signs in both English and Irish – even ones in staunchly unionist areas, where the Irish language is barely spoken and often opposed.

Belfast City Hall will be one of many major landmarks to get Irish language signs under the council policy, which was approved during a crunch vote on the issue there on Wednesday night.

Major landmarks and some street signage in the heart of the city will also be reworked, while Belfast Council’s current logo will be junked and replaced with one that includes Irish; that, it’s stated, has staff who live or work in loyalist areas worried about their safety if the Irish-text logo features on their uniforms.

First phase

The first phase of the language blitz – taking in the city centre, west Belfast’s Gaeltacht quarter, and landmarks such as Belfast Castle and Belfast Zoo – is to happen over a two-year period, using a £1.9m underspend the council has found in its coffers.

It’s eventually to be rolled out over the whole city, however, and during Wednesday night’s debate DUP councillor Sarah Bunting pointed out that no one’s said where the cash to cover the rest of Belfast will come from.

Suggesting the price would possibly be met by bumping up the city’s rates bills, she said: “We’re spending money like it’s going out of fashion on a fantasy programme. Here we are, in 2025, being asked to sign up to a policy where there’s not a clear figure in mind.”

Belfast City Council's logo will be junked and replaced with a new one in both English and Irish.

Fellow DUP alderman James Lawlor argued the rights of unionists, now a minority on the council, are being trampled over by imposing Irish language and identity on communities that don’t want it.

“This is about the greening of Belfast,” he said. “The greening of Belfast for domination; the greening of Belfast for minority oppression.”

‘We will fight this’

Describing the policy as following a “sectarian agenda”, something he said was backed up by the absence of “good relations” cross-community measures in it, he added: “We will not be going quietly into the night, we will fight this.”

Welcoming the legislation with a speech in a mix of Irish and English, Sinn Fein councillor Tomas O Neill said the move is “one of the most progressive Irish language polices in the island” and would “ensure Gaelic is more visible than ever, right across the city”.

DUP councillor Sarah Bunting worried that taxpayers will be forced to pay for the full city roll-out through rates bills, after a £1.9m pot slated to cover the initial wave of Irish signs is emptied.

Alliance councillor Michael Long said he was pleased to see an “education suggestion” in the policy, and compared it to moves in Wales, Cornwall and parts of Scotland.

There wasn’t a clear solution to staff safety fears on the night; a DUP attempt to take council uniforms out of the Irish language policy was defeated, though there were indications that talks with workers and unions would continue.

Bloody Sunday victim tells trial of moment soldiers opened fire

JOHN CASSIDY, Belfast Telegraph, October 2nd, 2025

A man injured on Bloody Sunday has told a trial how a warning shout narrowly saved him from being “shot in the back”.

Joseph Mahon and Joseph Friel took to the witness stand at Belfast Crown Court yesterday in the trial of Soldier F, a former member of the Parachute Regiment who denies two counts of murder and five of attempted murder on January 30, 1972.

Those killed were James Wray (22) and 26-year-old William McKinney.

Soldier F was present in court but was screened from the public and press by a blue curtain.

Thirteen people were shot and killed by the Parachute Regiment following a civil rights march in the Bogside area of Derry that Sunday afternoon.

It is the prosecution's case that shots fired by soldiers at unarmed civilians as they tried to run away were “unjustified”, “unlawful” and “deliberate”.

Mr Mahon told the court that on the day of the shooting, he was 16 and lived in the Creggan area with his family.

He said he attended the civil rights march, which started in Bishop's Field, and that “there was a very large crowd there”, including children.

The witness told the trial, presided over by Judge Patrick Lynch KC, that when trouble erupted, he and a group of up to 40 others sought refuge in Glenfada Park North, which they classed as a “safe area”.

Mr Mahon said the first soldier came in with his rifle, with the barrel pointing to the ground, at his side, before moving it onto his hip and opening fire.

Gates locked

He said there was a “jam” at an exit point which led into Glenfada Park South towards Abbey Park as people tried to run away.

Mr Mahon said: “We were trying the gates of a couple of houses to get into the yards, but they were locked.”

He recalled that he found himself on the ground and thought he had been hit with a rubber bullet”: “I know it may sound stupid or funny, because when you see someone shot on TV, they are rolling about in pain, but I wasn't that way. I didn't feel any pain.

“I heard a voice beside me. There was a gentleman to my right, lying on the road. He said, 'I am hit, son. I am hit'.”

Mr Mahon said he later found out that it was Mr McKinney.

The court heard that Mr McKinney and Mr Wray were close to Mr Mahon after they were shot.

Asked about the movements of soldiers, he replied: “I saw one walking across the square to where we were lying.”

He confirmed it was the same soldier he had earlier seen opening fire.

Mr Mahon added: “He walked past me and Mr McKinney. I heard a voice [saying], 'Pretend you are dead'.

“I must have moved. I didn't know I was shot at the time. I still thought it was a rubber bullet. I was going to try to get up and run. I lay and let on I was dead.”

Mr Mahon said Mr Wray then moved, and the soldier fired at him on the ground. He said the soldier then left the area, later returning.

‘I’ve got another one’

Mr Mahon said he heard the soldier say: “I've got another one.”

The witness added that, shortly afterwards, he lifted his head and the soldier saw him. “He knelt down in the middle of the square and aimed his rifle at me. I turned my head away towards the fence. After what happened to Jim Wray, I expected the same.

“I turned my head, waiting to be shot, and I heard a voice shouting, 'First aid. Don't shoot'.” The court was told Mr Mahon had sustained a “severe and life-threatening gunshot wound to his body”.

During his evidence, he became emotional when looking at photographs from the scene. Asked by Judge Lynch if he wanted to take a break, Mr Mahon answered: “No, carry on.''

He told the court the jacket of the soldier who shot him — described as “smock or combat jacket'' of a different colour to that of other soldiers — stood out in his mind.

Mr Mahon said he had later seen the soldier remove his helmet, and described him as having short blond hair.

He said he later identified the soldier who had shot him from a news video clip. This was played to the court, and Mr Mahon pointed out the soldier who he believed had opened fire.

Prosecution barrister Louis Mably KC told the court no evidence would be presented that would positively identify the soldier.

The court previously heard that the only evidence that placed Soldier F in Glenfada Park North, and as having opened fire, were the statements of fellow soldiers 'G' and 'H'.

Under cross-examination from defence counsel Mark Mulholland KC, Mr Mahon was asked whether “with the passage of time between statements, media (interviews) and research, things can become quite confused?” Mr Mahon replied “no”.

Later, the trial heard evidence from Joe Friel, who was shot in the chest on Bloody Sunday when he was 20.

‘Running in panic’

Mr Friel said he became aware of the Army when he was close to the rubble barricade at William Street where he first heard shots and then saw the crowd “running in a panic”.

Mr Friel, who lived in Rossville Street, said his first instinct was to “try to get back home”, but there were “hundreds” of people trying to get into the flats at the same time.

He added that he decided to run across the street and into Glenfada Park North, at which point he was “terrified”.

He said he joined a crowd of people hiding behind two car parks, adding that shots “were still being fired”.

Mr Friel said during what seemed “to be a lull”, the crowd decided to run out of Glenfada Park North, and he joined them.

He said that as the crowd was running, he heard a man say “something like 'There's the Brits'”, causing him to turn around, at which point, he said, he saw the soldiers.

Mr Friel said he “definitely saw two” soldiers, and had a “vague memory of a third” entering the Glenfada Park North.

He said he saw one soldier “bent forward, shooting”, and that it was “obvious from his body, recoil or whatever, he was the one doing the firing”.

‘Burst of gunfire’

Mr Friel continued: “There was a burst of gunfire, at least two or three shots, before I was hit.

“The one that hit me, I just felt a thud in my chest. [I] was coughing up blood then I staggered round the corner into Glenfada Park South.”

He said that after collapsing there, people came to his aid.

Describing himself as “out of it”, Mr Friel said he was in a state of panic.

An attempt was made to drive him to Altnagelvin Hospital. The court heard that during the journey, the car he was in was stopped by the Army. He was then transported into a military vehicle which brought him to the hospital.

He told the trial he credited the man who shouted “There's the Brits” for saving his life, saying: “If I hadn't have turned, I would have been shot in the back.”

Bloody Sunday soldier: ‘I’ve got another one’

BY JONATHAN McCAMBRIDGE, Irish News, October 2nd, 2025

A MAN injured on Bloody Sunday has told how he saw a solider fire shots into a victim who was on the ground before saying, ‘I’ve got another one’.

Joe Mahon also revealed he pretended to be dead while lying on the pavement after he was shot on the day members of the Parachute Regiment killed 13 civilians in Derry after a civil rights march in January 1972.

An Army veteran, identified only as Soldier F, has been charged with the murders of two men killed on Bloody Sunday, James Wray and William McKinney.

He is also charged with five attempted murders during the incident in the city’s Bogside area, including Mr Mahon, Joseph Friel, Michael Quinn, Patrick O’Donnell and a per-son unknown.

He has pleaded not guilty to the seven counts and sits in the dock at Belfast Crown Court behind a curtain during each day of the non-jury trial.

Mr Mahon told the court he was 16 at the time and had attended the civil rights march in Derry on Bloody Sunday.

He said he went to Glenfada Park after becoming aware of disturbances and hearing that people had been shot.

He added he saw a small number of soldiers enter Glenfada Park North where a large group of people had gathered.

Saw soldier open fire

Mr Mahon said he saw one soldier with a rifle under his arm open fire in the direction of people in the area.

He added there was a “jam” as people tried to run away.

He said: “We were trying the gates of a couple of houses to get into the yards but they were locked.”

He then told the trial that he found himself on the ground.

He said: “I thought I was hit by a rubber bullet.

“I know it might sound funny but when you see someone getting shot on TV, they are rolling about in pain, I wasn’t that way.

“I heard a voice beside me. There was a gentleman to my right lying on the road. He says, ‘I am hit’.

“The way I was lying he was halfway down my chest.”

The court was told that Mr McKinney and Mr Wray were lying close to Mr Mahon after they were shot.

Asked about the movements of soldiers, Mr Mahon said: “I saw one walking across the square, walking towards the square to where we were lying.”

He said it was the same soldier he had earlier seen opening fire.

He added: “He walked past me and Mr McKinney.

‘Pretend you are dead’

“I heard a voice calling, ‘pretend you are dead’. I must have moved, I didn’t know I was shot at the time.

“I still thought it was a rubber bullet, I was going to try and get up and run.

“I lay and let on I was dead.” Mr Mahon said Mr Wray then moved and the soldier fired at him on the ground.

He added the soldier then left the area before returning.

He said he heard the soldier say, ‘I’ve got another one’.

Mr Mahon added that shortly afterwards he lifted his head and the soldier saw him.

He said: “He knelt down in the middle of the square and aimed his rifle at me.

“I turned my head away towards the fence. After what happened to Jim Wray, I expected the same.

“I turned my head waiting to be shot and I heard a voice shouting, ‘first aid, don’t shoot’.”

Mr Mahon told the trial that members of the public had carried him from the square.

A bullet had entered his right pelvis and he spent several weeks in hospital.

The trial is expected to hear evidence from other witnesses who were shot on Bloody Sunday.

There'll be no cold calling of OAP vets: NI Secretary on legacy plans

LIAM TUNNEY, Belfast Telegraph, October 2nd, 2025

BENN SPEAKS OF LABOUR'S REVISIONS AND 'DANGER' REFORM POSES TO GFA

Labour's latest plans to deal with the legacy of the Troubles will prevent letters landing on the doormats of elderly armed forces veterans, the Secretary of State has claimed.

In a wide-ranging interview with the Belfast Telegraph, Mr Benn also hit out at Nigel Farage's attitude to Northern Ireland and said a border poll on Irish unity was still some way off.

During his speech at the Labour Party Conference in Liverpool on Tuesday, the Secretary of State said that new arrangements on legacy — which have initial agreement from the Irish Government — would include protections for veteran members of the armed forces who served in Northern Ireland.

Mr Benn said Labour's changes were about “treating people fairly”.

“Our veterans served in Northern Ireland to protect the public. Many of them were killed. They're elderly now, and this is to say there won't be any cold calling,” he added.

“If an inquest or the Legacy Commission wants to contact the veteran to provide information, they will do that through the Ministry of Defence, [which] will then contact the veteran, rather than a letter suddenly appearing on their doormat.

“Secondly, if you were serving as a young trooper on the streets of Belfast, and you've been here four weeks, to appear before, say, an inquest or the commission, and to be asked questions about how the British Army was operating at the time, the context, they're not going to know that.

“The other thing that we have said is we will provide someone who can explain the context of what was happening at the time. That is about our duty of care to people who serve the people of Northern Ireland and the state.”

Mr Benn rejected claims the new arrangements would provide an undue level of protection to veterans.

Investigations ‘completely independent’

“The inquests and commission are completely independent. It will have the powers to investigate every case. They've got nearly 100 cases they're looking at, at the moment,” he said.

“That includes the Warrenpoint massacre, the Kingsmill massacre, the Guildford pub bombing, M62 coach bomb.

“All of these cases and many others — those families have decided to go to the commission.

“I want more families to come to the commission, which is why I'm reforming it. And that was the basis of the agreement that we reached with the Irish Government just under three weeks ago.”

He also defended a decision to appeal a judicial ruling compelling the Government to hold a public inquiry into the murder of 61-year-old GAA chairman Sean Brown in 1997.

Mr Benn said that while he had sympathy for the Brown family, the appeal was based on “principle”.

“I want there to be a full, thorough, independent investigation into the appalling murder of Sean Brown,” he said.

‘We’ll decide when there’s a public inquiry’

“The reason we are appealing the decision is, for the first time ever, a court in Britain has said, 'We'll decide when there's a public inquiry, and not the Government'. There is a principle there that governments order public inquiries.

“This is a terrible case, but there are lots and lots of terrible cases. We're not going to deal with legacy by having public inquiry after public inquiry. It's not possible.”

As was the case with Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer, Mr Benn made several references to Reform UK and its leader, Nigel Farage, during his speech.

The Secretary of State said he had concerns over Northern Ireland's future should Mr Farage get into government: “They wish to undermine the Good Friday Agreement, and it is extraordinary.

“The Nigel Farage throwaway comment says, 'Oh, well, we'll take Britain out of the European Convention on Human Rights', which is the underpinning of the Good Friday Agreement. Why on earth would you want to do that?

“When the people of Northern Ireland have been through so much, it's utterly irresponsible, and I think it's right and proper to warn of the danger of that.”

During a fringe event on Sunday, Sinn Fein President Mary Lou McDonald called again for a referendum on Irish unity by the end of the decade.

“The Good Friday Agreement wording is very, very clear,” responded Mr Benn.

“I know what my responsibilities are, and my successors will know what their responsibilities are.

“I think a border poll is a long way off. But what it says is the Secretary of State shall hold the border poll if he or she thinks, in the event of a poll taking place, a majority of people will vote for change, and that is not the case at the moment.

“I think we should be focusing on investment, jobs, public services, improving lives for the people of Northern Ireland.

“To try and set a date of any sort is not consistent with what the Good Friday Agreement says.”

Only an inquiry can give us the truth, say family of murdered GAA official

LIAM TUNNEY, Belfast Telegraph, October 2nd, 2025

The family of Sean Brown have called on Secretary of State Hilary Benn to “put his neck on the line” and grant a public inquiry into the murder.

Mr Brown (61) was ambushed and kidnapped as he locked the gates of Wolfe Tones GAC in Bellaghy in May 1997 before being shot dead.

No one has ever been convicted of the club chairman's murder.

Earlier this year, Mr Benn applied for a Supreme Court appeal against judicial rulings in Belfast compelling him to launch a public inquiry.

At the Labour Party conference in Liverpool this week, he said the appeal was a matter of legal principle.

“I've met the Brown family. I have nothing but the deepest sympathy for them,” he told the Belfast Telegraph.

“The reason we are appealing the decision of the Court of Appeal is, for the first time ever, a court in Britain has said, 'We'll decide when there's a public inquiry, not the Government'.”

Speaking at a conference fringe event organised by the Labour Movement for Irish Unity, Mr Brown's daughter, Siobhan, said the time for words of sympathy had passed.

‘We’ve never had answers’

She continued: “We have complied everywhere along the line with what the Government has asked us to do. We've never had any answers. We've never got to the truth.

“We don't have faith, because all along, they've tried to deny, tried to delay, tried not to show us what's behind all that sensitive information.

“We can have all those words, [but] unless he really puts his neck on the line and says, 'This is how we're going to deal with your case. We're going to be open, we're going to be honest, we're going to be transparent'... it has been proven the only way that can be is [through] a public inquiry.”

Mr Brown's youngest daughter, Claire, said time was running out for her elderly mother, Bridie, who has campaigned relentlessly since her husband's murder.

“The High Court judges have conveyed that the only mechanism to [establish] what happened... is a public inquiry,” she added.

“Remember that the law has seen the sensitive information. They've seen everything, and they say that is the only way to deal with this.

“That's where we stand. We are talking about a timeline here. Yes, there might be changes in this legacy framework, but how long are those changes going to take? My mother is 88.”

During the event, family solicitor Niall Murphy, from KRW Law, took the audience through a chronology of the story and displayed pictures of heavily redacted documents the Browns have received.

Mr Murphy said governments should not be able to pick and choose which rulings they comply with.

He added: “Governments, whether they like it or not, are subject to the authority of the courts.

“We're either a rule of law jurisdiction, or we're not. It's not for the Government to cherry-pick which courts and which judgements it's going to obey, and which courts and which judgements it's going to confront.

“It's an affront to the Irish Government and it's also an affront to the judiciary.”

PSNI apologises to family of loyalist murder victim

ALAN ERWIN, Irish News, October 2nd, 2025

THE PSNI has issued a formal High Court apology to the family of an independent nationalist councillor for inadequacies in the investigation into his murder more than 50 years ago.

Patsy Kelly, 35, was shot dead after being abducted on his way home from work at a pub in Trillick, Co Tyrone in July 1974.

His body was discovered weeks later, weighed down in a Co Fermanagh lough.

Although loyalist paramilitaries claimed responsibility for the killing, Mr Kelly’s family always believed members of the Ulster Defence Regiment were involved.

In 2023, the Police Ombudsman identified a number of shortcomings in the original RUC probe into the father-of-five’s murder.

The victim’s widow, Teresa Kelly, also sued the chief constable over those alleged failings.

In court yesterday, it was announced that a confidential settlement has been reached in her action.

No admission of liability was made, but it is understood that an undisclosed payment will be made.

An agreed statement of apology from the PSNI was also read out by Mrs Kelly’s barrister, Desmond Fahy KC, under the terms of the resolution.

Mr Fahy described the victim as a loving husband and father who served with distinction as a local councillor and esteemed member of the local Trillick community.

“His abduction and murder in 1974 sent shockwaves through that local community,” he said.

Counsel confirmed that following negotiations, his client and the defendant have agreed “a satisfactory full and final settlement” in the proceedings related to the original police probe into the murder.

“The PSNI does not admit liability, but recognises and accepts that aspects of that investigation by the RUC in 1974 fell below expected standards,” Mr Fahy said.

“The PSNI apologises to the Kelly family for the inadequacies in that investigation.”

He added: “The PSNI also acknowledges the deep and lasting grief suffered by Mrs Kelly and the Kelly family because of the murder of Mr Kelly.

“The PSNI acknowledges that those shortcomings caused additional distress to Mrs Kelly and her family and affirms its commitment to learning from such cases in order to strengthen public confidence in the justice system.

“The PSNI also acknowledges the dignity with which Mrs Kelly and her family have pursued this matter.”

Commending both sides for resolving the action, Mr Justice Rooney expressed regret that the victim’s widow was unable to attend the hearing due to ill-health.

‘Catalogue of failures’

In a statement issued outside court, the Kelly family described it as a poignant outcome to a case which involved a “catalogue of failures” and alleged intimidation.

“It is also needed in respect of some of the abominable behaviour of police officers who interacted with Teresa Kelly during the early days of the investigation while Patsy’s remains were still missing,” the statement said.

“In the months after Patsy’s murder, the intimidation suffered by Teresa and her family circle and wider community continued.

“For example, Teresa, while heavily pregnant with Patsy’s fifth child, was forced to stand at the roadside a few nights before Christmas while her car was searched. The family circle in general suffered intimidation as well as Patsy’s friends and local community.”

The family’s statement also accused police officers of “bully boy” attitudes during the search for the missing murder victim.

“When a group of voluntary searchers told police they were going to search Lough Eyes in Co Fermanagh for Patsy’s remains in July 1974 police informed them that they had already dredged the lake,” the family alleged.

“Two weeks later Patsy’s body floated to the surface of Lough Eyes.”

Solicitor Adrian O’Kane, who represented Mrs Kelly, added: “It is regrettable that such is the toll taken on her that she was too poorly to attend court for the conclusion of these proceedings’.

Council 'tears up' bonfire protocol with U-turn over financial penalties for breaking rules

MICHELLE WEIR, Local Democracy Reporter, Belfast Telegraph, October 2nd, 2025

Antrim and Newtownabbey Borough Council has done a U-turn on punishing groups who broke its rules on bonfires — overturning a Sinn Fein proposal at committee level to impose financial penalties.

Asbestos found by a contractor in bonfire remains at Neillsbrook in Randalstown had to be urgently removed.

And police described the burning of flags at four sites participating in the council's bonfire management programme as “hate crimes”.

The programme seeks to work with communities to “bring about improvements in bonfire management, particularly in terms of inclusivity, safety and increased family atmosphere”, and reduce environmental impacts including the illegal disposal of waste.

It implicitly bans the erection/display of sectarian, racist and paramilitary flags or paraphernalia.

At Monday's meeting of the council, the DUP's Matthew Brady proposed the current programme remains in place.

He said: “We have already made it clear: we will not put officers at risk to intervene with bonfire builders.”

He asked why community groups should be penalised for something beyond their control, carried out by someone acting on their own, and “risk undoing years of progress”.

Council chief executive Richard Baker explained Mr Brady's amendment to the recommendation at committee level would be for no sanctions to be applied in relation to the four sites where flag burning incidents occurred, and no sanctions on the Neillsbrook site over the asbestos.

Alliance's Neil Kelly said he believed it was “important” to review the programme.

Mr Brady's motion was passed by 20 votes to 18.

‘Hate crimes should be treated as such’

Sinn Fein's Annie O'Lone said the burning of flags on the bonfires were “hate crimes and should be treated as such”, and a penalty would be a deterrent.

She said she was “deeply concerned” to learn about the asbestos incident, adding: “I think it is more than reasonable that a penalty be imposed, given the health and safety and environmental implications.”

Alliance's Billy Webb said: “We, as a group, totally support the bonfire issue in relation to that it is something the community feels very attached to, and we support that.

“It concerns me, since we have a protocol, are we in fact tearing up that protocol by not adhering to the terms and conditions within it?”

A total of 23 sites in the borough took part in this year's scheme, which had a budget of £171,000, enabling family fun events to be held at a cost of up to £3,500 each.

Groups do not receive funding directly from the council.

The chief executive said the consequences of failure to comply with the terms of the bonfire programme was “entirely a matter for members”.

Sinn Fein's Eamonn McLaughlin argued it was “no longer fit for purpose”, and insisted consequences must follow when breaches occur.

He said: “The message has to be that hate crimes will not be tolerated, and if they do (happen), those responsible must face sanction.”

Party colleague Taylor McGrann interjected: “Particularly breaches, time and time again, by the same bonfires.”

Mr McGrann added: “Great work goes on by many groups... you can't reasonably expect those community workers to challenge an individual or paramilitary group to take a flag down and put themselves at risk.

“The only way you can change this mindset from a minority of bigots who give loyalism a bad name is to sanction community funding.”

He proposed an amendment for a penalty of 21% where flag burning incidents occurred; 20% next year at the Neillsbrook site, given the presence of asbestos; and for a review of the current programme.

This amendment was defeated on a vote of 21-17.

Ulster Unionist Stewart Wilson told councillors that, speaking to the group in question in Randalstown, “nobody is more dismayed about the discovery (of asbestos) than the bonfire builders themselves”.

He added: “The Neillsbrook group feels they are victims of an environmental crime but may face consequences.

“The bonfire builders stand ready to engage with council to improve security.”

A final vote on the proposal for no sanctions, and for the current programme to remain in place, resulted in 19 in favour and 18 against.

Derry's two mainly Protestant colleges get more funds than eight Catholic schools

GARRETT HARGAN, Belfast Telegraph, October 2nd, 2025

SDLP MLA DEMANDS AN EXPLANATION OF HOW RESOURCES ARE ALLOCATED

The Department of Education has given two majority Protestant secondary schools in Londonderry almost twice as much capital funding as the city's eight mainly Catholic schools combined, figures show.

The figures relate to funding for major and minor works over an eight-year period — which is all of the data the department holds — as this newspaper was told when seeking a much wider range of funding awards.

It comes after the Belfast Telegraph reported how DUP Education Minister Paul Givan spoke to Lisneal College about a proposal to build a covered sports dome and pavilion. While the dome didn't happen, Mr Givan refused to even visit St Eugene's, where a failure to approve funding for a roofing scheme led to the closure of a building.

Having been transferred to a hut and classrooms in the senior school across the road, a cramped environment is said to be impacting on the “health and wellbeing” of staff and pupils — including those with special needs.

Major funding typically refers to new-build schools, an extension or refurbishment of existing buildings, while minor funding is supposed to be restricted to “unavoidable” works due to financial constraints facing Stormont.

DUP ministers have run the Department of Education (DE) since 2016 — at those times Stormont has been in operation.

The DE said it only retains such financial documents dating back to 2017/18.

£11.1m over eight years

Figures for major and minor funding show that in the eight years up to 2024/25, Foyle College received £7.9m and Lisneal College £3.2m — a total of £11.1m.

Collectively, St Brigid's College, St Cecilia's College, St Columb's College, St Joseph's Boys' School, St Mary's College, Thornhill College, Lumen Christi College and Oakgrove Integrated College got £5.8m.

In four out of the last eight years the only integrated college, Oakgrove, has received nothing.

The same applies to St Columb's College, whose past pupils include Nobel laureates John Hume and Seamus Heaney, as well as celebrated playwright Brian Friel and decorated footballer Martin O'Neill.

The lowest sum Lisneal College received in any given year was £74k and the highest was £1,169,965 in 2024/25 when Mr Givan was minister.

Foyle MLA Mark H Durkan said: “It has been clear for some time that there is an urgent need for the Education Minister and the Education Authority to explain the rationale behind their funding decisions.

Vital resources cannot be allocated at ‘whim of Minister’

“Vital resources cannot be allocated on an arbitrary basis at the whim of a minister or his officials.

“We have seen several high-profile funding decisions that raise serious questions, while schools like St Eugene's, which are badly in need of investment, have been refused. Leaving schools with crumbling roofs or serious structural defects to get on with it is incredibly short-sighted.”

He added: “Problems only worsen over time, cost more to fix, and cause further disruption.

“These issues have far-reaching consequences, from impacting enrolment numbers to putting the very future of schools at risk. This is not about pitting schools against each other for funding — it is about ensuring fairness and transparency.

“People are rightly asking questions about how funding decisions are made, and so far those questions have gone unanswered.”

St Columb's, St Brigid's and Lumen Christi have all applied for major funding in recent times.

St Columb's was rejected, while under Mr Givan proposals from St Brigid's and Lumen Christi were paused. Local primary schools have also been rejected for major funds. That meant no school in Derry which applied for major funding in at least the past decade has progressed.

Another glaring example of a school in the area missing out on funding is Bunscoil Cholmcille.

The Irish medium school moved into 'temporary' huts in 1993, when they were assured that within five years they'd have a permanent site.

More than 30 years later, the school remains in the same decaying huts with a maintenance backlog of £1.4m, according to an inspection report. Yet it has only received £67k for repairs since 2018/19.

When it comes to funding for maintenance and repairs at Derry city secondary schools, Lisneal College sits at the top of the pack out of 50 mainstream schools.

From 2018/19-2024/25, Lisneal alone received £652k, while the four Catholic maintained secondary schools listed collectively received £623k.

Nick Mathison MLA, chair of the Education Committee, said: “There must be clarity around any minor and major funding allocations.

“I have previously called on the Education Authority and the minister to review the minor works process to ensure that the most urgent health and safety risks in schools are addressed as a top priority in a transparent and clear format.

“Reform of our minor and major works process is clearly necessary, ensuring the most significant and urgent projects are addressed first.

“I continue to ask questions on the issues around minor works schemes and also look forward to reading the recommendations from the Public Accounts Committee report when they complete their inquiry into school maintenance.”

The Department of Education, EA and the DUP were contacted but did not respond.

'Disappointment' as presidential hustings cancelled in Derry after no candidates confirm attendance

GARRETT HARGAN, Belfast Telegraph, October 2nd, 2025

ORGANISERS SAY PEOPLE OF NI HAVE THE RIGHT TO TAKE PART IN DISCUSSION

A presidential hustings scheduled to be held in Londonderry will not take place after none of the candidates confirmed their attendance, despite repeated invitations from organisers.

Colmcille Press wrote to Catherine Connolly, Jim Gavin and Heather Humphreys three weeks ago, inviting them to take part in a debate in St Columb's Hall next Wednesday on “issues pertaining to the North and the North West”.

The 750-seat venue had been booked to host the discussion, with hundreds of people wishing to attend.

Engagement had already taken place with a cross-community, cross-border panel of experts who were set to quiz the candidates.

A spokesperson for Colmcille Press said it had hoped to have a “meaningful input” in the presidential election campaign”, adding: “We had asked the candidates to come to the North West — the most marginalised area in Ireland — to lay out their vision for the entire island and tell us how they propose to lead the constitutional changes that could emerge over the next seven years and which will directly impact on our lives here.

Seeking a ‘meaningful input’ to election

“Given the fact that northerners cannot vote in this presidential election, we sought to have some meaningful input into the process.

“As democrats, we believe that we are entitled to have a direct role in selecting our leaders, and we also wanted the candidates to recognise our right to take part.

“We would like to thank Catherine Connolly TD for sending us apologies, explaining she has a pre-existing commitment on the same evening as our debate.”

Former Irish Cabinet minister Ms Humphreys is running for Fine Gael party; Mr Gavin, who managed Dublin's GAA team, will represent its centrist coalition partner Fianna Fail.

Independent Ms Connolly, an outspoken pro-Palestinian voice, is backed by Sinn Fein — after the party opted not to run its own candidate — and a number of other opposition parties.

The organisers of the axed hustings thanked everyone who volunteered their time and services to facilitate the failed event, including moderator Joe Martin and panellists Mary Durkan, Amie Gallagher, Colin Harvey, Pat McArt, Catherine Pollock and Terry Wright.

They also acknowledged the role of Rath Mor Creggan Enterprises, St Columb's Hall, consultant Paul Gosling, Hive Studios and JCA Sound Productions, plus local media outlets for covering plans for the event.

“We would also like to thank those who lobbied the candidates to attend,” the spokesperson said.

“Finally, we send our own apologies to the hundreds of people who had contacted us wanting to attend the event. We understand and share your disappointment. Hopefully next time.”

The presidential hopefuls took part in their first televised debate on Monday, with all candidates expressing a desire to see constitutional change.

Ms Humphreys described herself as a “proud Ulsterwoman” and said: “We should strive toward a united Ireland.”

Self-described republican Mr Gavin praised the Good Friday Agreement and said his professional life brought him to Northern Ireland “on a regular basis”.

Ms Connolly talked about her encounters with people on both sides of the border and said she hoped “there is a united Ireland in my term as president”.

The candidates and their parties were contacted for comment on the hustings event.

Stung by attacks and suffering in the polls, Alliance has a fight on its hands to recover lost ground

ANALYSIS SUZANNE BREEN, Belfast Telegraph, October 2nd, 2025

PARTY STAGNATING JUST THREE YEARS AFTER DOUBLING ITS NUMBER OF MLAS

After a spectacular surge which saw it become the third-biggest party in Northern Ireland, Alliance's story has now become one of stagnation.

Its political rivals know it's vulnerable, and they've not been shy about taking off the gloves.

At the DUP conference a fortnight ago, there were as many attacks on Naomi Long's party as there were on Sinn Fein. It was in the line of fire on immigration and cultural matters, particularly the trans issue.

The UUP has gone toe-to-toe with Alliance since the Assembly returned after the summer recess. Doug Beattie has never been shy about tackling the party on justice issues, and now Jon Burrows is getting vigorously stuck in at Stormont.

Claire Hanna wouldn't agree with most of the unionist criticism as the SDLP shares many of the same policies that Alliance is being attacked over. Yet ahead of the SDLP's annual conference this weekend, she didn't hold back when giving her views of Naomi Long's party.

She accused it of failing to use its massively expanded MLA team and two ministries at Stormont to deliver change for people here.

“Alliance ran a far better election campaign than we did in 2022. They went up from eight Assembly seats to 17,” she said.

“If my party doubled its MLA team, then I'd like to think we'd deliver more than they have.

“That Alliance result was the most seismic change in Northern Ireland politics in a decade. What difference has it made in atmosphere or outcomes at Stormont? None whatsoever.”

Hanna has a point. Alliance can't be blamed for the Executive's failure to deliver on numerous issues. Party insiders have voiced their frustration at the system — and the DUP in particular — for the slow pace of decision-making.

Underperforming

However, Alliance just isn't using its 17 MLAs anywhere near as effectively as it should. It has some of the best and brightest young politicians, but you wouldn't know it.

The party isn't agenda-setting. It currently has no compelling narrative and no dynamic message. It rightly seeks reform of the institutions, but neither government nor the two largest parties are remotely interested, so that just won't happen anytime soon.

In August's LucidTalk's poll, the TUV relegated Alliance to fourth position. On 12%, it was just a point ahead of the UUP and SDLP where once it had clear lead over both.

After the poll, sources told the Belfast Telegraph the party would be raising its profile and its game when Stormont returned, but so far there's been no sign of that.

Education Minister Paul Givan told the DUP conference he'd made three “common-sense” statements: “Biological boys shouldn't use girls' toilets. Biological boys shouldn't use girls' changing rooms. And boys shouldn't play competitive sports against girls”.

Accusing Alliance of “trans extremism”, Givan said its response had been “No, no, no”.

The DUP isn't just playing to its grassroots with this line of attack. It believes that there's a section of Alliance's base who don't share the leadership's views on the trans issue.

In the midst of a strong challenge from Reform UK, Keir Starmer has both changed policies and gone on the offensive against Nigel Farage.

The tone and tenor of Alliance's response to its unionist and nationalist critics as the Assembly election nears will be well worth the watching.

Reform UK leader could be the ‘catalyst for Irish unity’

JOHN MANLEY POLITICAL CORRESPONDENT, Irish News, October 2nd, 2025

THE rise of Reform UK in Britain will drive momentum towards Irish unity in the same manner that Brexit did, according to a one-time unionist who has authored a new book on constitutional change.

Ben Collins, an east Belfast-born former Northern Ireland Office press officer who once campaigned on behalf of the Ulster Unionist Party, was speaking to The Irish News ahead of the launch of his latest book ‘The Irish Unity Dividend’.

The former Tory, whose 2022 book ‘Irish Unity: Time To Prepare’ charted his journey from a unionist with a pro-British background to advocating for a 32-county republic, previously argued that the “madness of Brexit” had fuelled the desire for Irish unity, but now he believes the fresh catalyst for constitutional change could be Nigel Farage.

Mr Collins’ new book, which includes a foreword by former Irish president Mary McAleese, assesses the post-Brexit political landscape in Ireland and Britain before examining how ending partition could create new opportunities for the island, be they in healthcare, housing or economic development.

“Reclaiming the fourth green field is important but it’s by no means the only factor – the key thing for me is quality of life,” he says.

“The two key things people are focused on more than anything else is their personal security and financial security; with personal security it’s about having a good home, access to healthcare, all that kind of stuff, and then financial security is about having a good, secure well-paid job, and truly I believe we can do things better on an all-island basis.”

Mr Collins believes that EU membership is central to the prosperity of Northern Ireland and the island as a whole.

He argues that as long as the border exists “there’s always going to be friction… tension… forces pulling us apart”.

The author acknowledges that there was an expectation that a Labour administration in Downing Street would signal greater constitutional stability than in the preceding years, however, he says Keir Starmer’s government has “failed to deliver on its promise”.

Cameron ‘normalised euroscepticism’

He says that in the same manner David Cameron “normalised euroscepticism” by calling the EU referendum, Mr Starmer’s response to Reform has enabled the immigration issue to be mainstreamed.

“I think there was definitely a sense that Labour coming in would be able to stabilise relations across these islands in a way that the previous Conservative government was unable to but that expectation very quickly dissipated,” he says.

Labour’s problems less than 18 months into the mandate have corresponded with increased support for Reform UK.

In Wales and Scotland, however, Mr Collins points to how the nationalist parties – Plaid Cymru and the SNP, respectively – are leading in the polls, indicating increased constitutional uncertainty.

Couple this with Nigel Farage’s Trump-like “predilection for chaos” and the opportunity to achieve a united Ireland becomes more apparent, the author says.

“Farage has spoken about saving money and he could easily target Northern Ireland’s £15bn subvention, while he’s also said that he expects there to be a united Ireland in the future – he could call a border poll at short notice just to sow dissent and chaos,” he says.

“Combined with his rhetoric on immigration and on lots of other issues, I think encourages people to increasingly see Britain as a place apart, and to explore if the future lies more on this island.”

l THE Irish Unity Dividend by Ben Collins is published by Luath Press.

Legal bill for A5 almost £300,000 over last decade

ANDREW MADDEN, Belfast Telegraph, October 2nd, 2025

STORMONT'S APPEAL AGAINST JUNE RULING ON LONG-DELAYED ROAD UPGRADE WILL SEE COSTS RISE FURTHER

Almost £300,000 of public money has been spent in legal costs relating to the long-delayed A5 road project.

The £1.7bn scheme to upgrade one of the most dangerous routes in Northern Ireland into a full dual carriageway was given the green light last October.

However, in June High Court judge Mr Justice McAlinden ruled it could not go ahead in its current form as it did not comply with Stormont's climate change targets.

The Department for Infrastructure (DfI) is to appeal the verdict in December, which came after a judicial review was brought by a group of residents, landowners and farmers.

Running from Derry to Aughnacloy, the dual carriageway scheme was first announced in 2007.

But it has been beset by legal challenges and funding issues. There have been over 50 more deaths since then.

New figures show DfI has spent £287,668 in legal costs in the last decade.

This will now increase as a result of the appeal.

Taking into account spending on preparatory work and other costs, the expenditure on the project to date has been almost £154m.

DUP MLA Stephen Dunne branded the spending on legal fees a “damning indictment” of how the project had been handled.

He said: “Everyone recognises the urgent need to see this road delivered, but as Justice McAlinden has made clear, the climate targets championed by Sinn Fein, SDLP and Alliance have created serious obstacles.

“This endless delay is grossly unfair on landowners caught in limbo and on the many campaigners who have long pressed for the scheme.

“The scale of waste and ineptitude is unacceptable and confidence in DfI is being badly eroded.”

Infrastructure Minister Liz Kimmins said last month: “Despite the setback of the judgment, I am determined to find a way forward that sees the road built as soon as possible to ensure that we save lives.

“The most important point made by the court was the need for a new and safer A5 dual carriageway — that is my focus.”

In his ruling in June, Mr Justice McAlinden said he was “acutely aware” of how his decision would bring “significant, fresh anguish” to those who have been injured and those who have lost loved ones on the A5.

He added: “It is likely that delays in the progression of this scheme will coincide with the occurrence of further loss of life and serious injury.

“The decision to proceed with the scheme must be taken in accordance with the law, even if the motivation for doing so is to achieve what is deemed to constitute a clear societal benefit.”

The Department for Infrastructure was contacted for comment.

Our broken planning system blocking homes and growth

Pro Fide Et Patria, Irish News, October 2nd, 2025

NORTHERN Ireland’s planning system is plainly in meltdown.

The latest statistics confirm what applicants, developers, and households have known for years: the process is broken, painfully slow, and in desperate need of political will to fix it.

Lisburn & Castlereagh now tops the table for dysfunction, with applicants waiting an astonishing 48 weeks — nearly a full year — for a decision that should take 15 weeks.

Newry, Mourne & Down follows close behind at 46 weeks, while in Derry City & Strabane, the average wait has more than doubled to 34.5 weeks. In effect, entire local economies are being strangled by delay.

“The danger is not simply bureaucratic inconvenience. Long delays deter investment and drive up costs

This is not a niche problem. Delays in planning block housing developments, hinder local businesses, and frustrate investment. At a time when the north faces a housing crisis and struggles to attract sustainable economic growth, such failures are indefensible. They are also avoidable.

The Department for Infrastructure insists progress has been made, pointing to improvements in the handling of major applications. But this is little comfort to families waiting to build homes or small businesses trying to expand.

In reality, fewer than half of all planning applications are processed within the statutory 15-week target. A system that cannot deliver even basic decisions on time has lost credibility.

Some councils demonstrate that efficiency is possible. Mid & East Antrim can turn around an application in seven weeks. Fermanagh & Omagh has cut waiting times by nearly a third. Belfast has held steady. If they can do it, why can’t Lisburn, Newry, or Derry? The unevenness across the north speaks to weak oversight and a lack of accountability.

Planning a victim of political drift

Ministers cannot keep hiding behind “programmes of improvement” while the crisis deepens. The public deserves to know what is being done now, not in two or three years, to ensure fair and timely decisions across every council. That means proper resourcing, investment in digital systems, and a willingness to confront under-performing planning departments.

The danger is not simply bureaucratic inconvenience. Long delays deter investment and drive up costs. Developers will think twice about committing to housing or infrastructure if they face years-long limbo. Meanwhile, families are left stranded, unable to plan for their futures.

The truth is that planning has become another victim of political drift. The Executive must face up to the damage caused by this inertia. Without urgent reform, the system will continue to collapse under its own weight, and Northern Ireland will pay the price in lost homes, lost jobs, and lost opportunities.

Retired banker 'boasted in secret recording he'd make millions from Nama deal'

SAM MCBRIDE, Belfast Telegraph, October 2nd, 2025

TRIAL TOLD FRANK CUSHNAHAN SAID PETER ROBINSON WOULD PROPOSE HIM AS CHAIR OF ENTITY OVERSEEING LOANS

Frank Cushnahan was secretly recorded claiming that he would make millions from the Nama deal and boasting of his ability to influence First Minister Peter Robinson and other top politicians, a jury has been told.

The retired banker was surreptitiously recorded by a major Nama debtor who captured a 90-minute conversation laced with expletives, references to the most senior politicians in Belfast and Dublin, and confidential internal Nama information.

As the prosecution opening in the Nama trial continued at Belfast Crown Court, the jury were told of the secret audio of former banker Cushnahan.

Cushnahan (83), of Alexandra Gate in Holywood, is charged with fraud by failing to disclose information, and fraud by false representation.

Former solicitor Ian George Coulter (54), of Templepatrick Road in Ballyclare, faces two charges of fraud by false representation, a charge of making or supplying articles for use in fraud, a charge of removing criminal property, and a charge of transferring criminal property.

Coulter had been the head of major Belfast law firm Tughans. Both men have pleaded not guilty to all charges.

In the meeting, held in Cushnahan's office in Tughans' building, Cushnahan was recorded whispering: “I'm heavily involved — and it's taken over — in the acquisition of the Northern Ireland and GB portfolio from Nama… upstairs, me and he… if I could f*****g find the thing, I'll show you the minutes.”

The transcript recorded Cushnahan saying: “To get engaged I had to get the First Minister, because [Michael] Noonan would not accept, right… and Robson [sic], I said you get involved in this, and it comes out then Pete, a bit of money for you.”

Prosecution barrister Jonathan Kinnear KC said he believed that was a reference to Peter Robinson but told the jury there's “not a shred of evidence” the former DUP leader received a penny.

He told them Cushnahan had “the ability to embellish what he's saying” but that the central element of what he said about his own role in the deal was true.

Cushnahan said: “Now, I brought Pimco — they're massive — over to meet the First Minister, the Finance Minister Wilson, the new Finance Minister [Simon] Hamilton… in order that — wait for it — the book could be bought at a discount.”

He said the Irish Finance Minister and Taoiseach were approached by Mr Robinson.

He said the deal “had to be constructed that I would be at arm's length”.

Mr Kinnear said that meant he wanted it to seem like he wasn't involved, when he was in fact central to events.

Continuing to read sections of the transcript, he told them that Cushnahan said: “By the way, who's going to be chairman of the new entity… why have I resigned all the boards… on the basis that I have to be out of Nama…”

He said the First Minister would recommend him to be chairman of what appears to be a new entity to help manage the loans for Pimco.

Cushnahan went on: “Because how do I get paid? I cannot take any money, you agree with that. This is what I'm going to do. I'm going to put option [a legal arrangement]. I have been persuaded to look into this. But at my age and my ill health, there's no point in me f******g sitting doing this, right, unless I have some equity, and the equity is an introduction fee…”

He added: “Well, I know this is wrong to say this, but when I leave in a year's time... I pick up maybe about two million quid.”

Mr Kinnear took the jury to the minutes of a meeting of Nama's NI Advisory Committee (NIAC), on which Cushnahan sat, in October 2013.

The meeting involved no declaration of interest by Cushnahan, even though the sale of the loans was discussed with Nama's chairman, who “reminded members that this matter was extremely politically sensitive and that absolute confidentiality was required”.

Mr Kinnear said: “Here the committee is specifically discussing the sale of the NI loan book… What Mr Cushnahan doesn't say is that 'now you come to mention this deal, and mention Pimco… I've actually been helping them and they're going to pay me £5m if the transaction goes through'.”

Answering his own question, he said: “He wasn't doing that, because he knew what he was doing was improper, and if he did disclose his interest, there was a chance the whole deal would be scuppered and he would lose that huge success fee that he was hoping for.”

On November 7, 2013, Cushnahan resigned from NIAC. He told Nama that “family priorities represent my principal reason… and not least I am not getting any younger”. Mr Kinnear said that was “just a cover story”.

By March 2014, as the deal neared conclusion, Nama was informed for the first time of Cushnahan's role.

Mr Kinnear said that, within days, “this kills the deal stone dead… this is the bombshell”.

Mr Kinnear said it might seem to them that for Cushnahan this was a bit like losing the lottery, “but there was a new lottery ticket to be purchased”.

Two days later, Cerberus, another huge US fund, entered the picture.

Lawyers Brown Rudnick, who'd been working on the deal with Cushnahan and Coulter, now asked for a success fee of £15m. But Mr Kinnear said there was “a charade” that Cushnahan was no longer to get money.

A handwritten note setting out the plan started by saying “Frank will be knighted” and that there would be £10m for Coulter.

The barrister said there was to be “a false front” where Coulter funnelled money to Cushnahan. He said it wasn't credible that Coulter's payment had suddenly doubled, with nothing going to Cushnahan. Mr Kinnear said Coulter then put in place a “complex and dishonest scheme” to disguise where the money was going.

On April 2, 2014, Coulter asked Tughans' IT manager to delete all emails that had the words Tuvi Keinan, Pimco and James Gilbert from its systems. Mr Kinnear said this was Coulter “covering his tracks” and there was “no legitimate reason” for what he'd done.

In early April, Nama asked Cerberus for clarity that no current or former member of NIAC were getting paid in connection with the deal. On April 3, Coulter confirmed those terms.

Mr Kinnear said: “That's an unequivocal statement… no one else is going to get paid a success fee, including Mr Cushnahan.”

But Mr Kinnear said that Coulter “always intended to pay Mr Cushnahan using a clandestine method”. He said that, even before the deal was done, Coulter had taken control of an 'off the shelf' Isle of Man company, Morley Enterprises Ltd.

In registering to buy it, Coulter gave the email address of his wife, Vicky Dummigan. Mr Kinnear said: “He's chosen, for reasons that we submit are subterfuge, his wife's email address.”

Coulter said his occupation was “business advisor” even though his main job was managing partner of Tughans.

He then allegedly used PCS Nominee Ltd, an Isle of Man company, to hide that he owned Morley. A legal document showed that while PCS held all the shares of Morley, they were held in trust for Coulter.

Another person then signed an agreement between Morley and Tughans, with Coulter signing for Tughans.

Mr Kinnear said: “Effectively this is an agreement between Mr Coulter and Mr Coulter… This whole document is a complete sham.” The trial continues.

Sometimes the law is clear - sometimes we only think it’s clear 

Sam McBride, Northern Ireland Editor, Belfast Telegraph, October 1st, 2025

If you saw me on Monday afternoon running across Belfast in a dishevelled state, it wasn’t because I was fleeing an irate reader or even my editor. I looked so bad that a drunk man shouted at me that it was time to ditch the beard.

I’d been in Belfast Crown Court that morning for what was expected to be the long-delayed start of the Nama corruption trial (you can read all our reports from the first three days of what’s likely to be a three-month trial here). As is often the case with the courts, an issue arose which further delayed the trial and after waiting a couple of hours it seemed it was unlikely to start that day.

 I headed back to the office, but – as luck would have it – the trial suddenly did start that afternoon after all. These days it’s possible as a journalist to follow trials remotely and so I tuned into the video live link from Court 13 in Laganside Courthouse.

 But amid scribbling furious notes I’d something else on my mind – an appointment at the Royal Victoria Hospital (I’m fine, thanks for asking) two miles away. I didn’t have a car, so rang a taxi. One of the main firms’ lines were down; the other had an automated message saying they were booked up. No bother, I thought – Yorkgate station is a five-minute walk away; I’ll ‘let the train take the strain’, as Translink keeps telling us.

I got there and bought a ticket to Grand Central – but found on the platform that the next train wasn’t for half an hour and wasn’t going to get me there in time. There was nothing else for it. With a coat, scarf and backpack, I set off on foot. But by now the court had returned for the final few minutes of that day’s sitting and so I was trotting down Royal Avenue with a laptop in one hand, an earpiece in one ear and a look of desperation on my face.

Stranger than fiction

Almost half an hour later, I arrived in a suitably undignified state; despite making the appointment, I’d quite a bit of explaining to do as to why I looked as though I’d run a marathon. Sometimes the truth is stranger than fiction.

 That day began very differently. Before leaving home, I’d done a quick live interview with Stephen Nolan on Radio Ulster about my Saturday column, which examined an almost unknown provision of the legislation which put the Good Friday Agreement into law.

At the heart of the piece was a statement which the Northern Ireland Office (NIO) sent me last week in which it said that the Secretary of State does not have the sole power to call a border poll – something I and many others had believed to be the case – but that parliament has a veto on that decision.

 When I first saw the statement, I thought it was simply wrong. After asking for clarification, checking that against the legislation, and talking to several people with deep knowledge of this area, it became clear to me that the NIO was entirely right.

Buried in plain sight was something I found extraordinary: MPs could vote to block a border poll ever happening, irrespective of the Secretary of State’s wishes – and so could the House of Lords. If either said no, it couldn’t happen.

The idea that unelected peers could prevent a border poll which the Good Friday Agreement said should be for the Secretary of State to decide is remarkable, and potentially of enormous significance.

 You might think that some clever lawyer, or some unionist or nationalist activist, or some indiscrete civil servant, or even some nerdy member of the public tipped me off about this. Not so.

 This story stemmed from a question which I’d been asked by a member of the audience at the MacGill Summer School in Donegal three months ago.

 After talking about the book – on the cases for and against Irish unity – which I’ve co-written with Fintan O’Toole, a man asked me what I thought about the power which the law gives the Secretary of State to call a border poll.

As I responded, it came to me that the phrase used in the legislation was “the Secretary of State” and it didn’t specify “for Northern Ireland”; I pointed out that in British law that phrase means any Secretary of State and so technically any of them could call a border poll.

 I meant to come back to this to look at it properly and last week was the first chance I got to do so. After reading the legislation and asking the NIO about this, it became clear (I don’t find convincing its suggestions to the contrary) that the Foreign Secretary or the Defence Secretary or the Transport Secretary could unilaterally declare that they were triggering a border poll, and this would meet the legal criteria.

Parliamentary Sovereignty

What I hadn’t realised until last week was that this would only lead to a Parliamentary vote, without which there would be no referendum.

 It is true that the principle of parliamentary sovereignty means that Westminster could always have passed fresh legislation to override the Good Friday Agreement and block a Secretary of State triggering a border poll. But that nuclear option would be fundamentally different to simply following the law as it has been in place since 1998 when it gives Westminster a say.

 After I started looking into this, I discovered a few references to the need for parliamentary approval (which is different to a second vote where Parliament would have to implement any vote for unity, which is stated clearly in the legislation) – both in academic papers and in a House of Commons library briefing. But overwhelmingly what I found was inaccurate reference after inaccurate reference (my own among them) to this being a power wholly vested in the Secretary of State.

Does any of this matter? As someone who thinks any border poll is likely pretty far off, I think we’ve little way of really knowing the shape of British politics at the point such a referendum might be called. But the potential for a parliamentary fetter on this decision is at least a potential complication and at worst a disastrously destabilising constitutional row which could emerge from a hung parliament or where many MPs from the governing party rebel.

To know this isn’t enough to prevent it, but it’s better for society to understand what might come rather than to be suddenly surprised at the last moment – just as it’s better to be able to plan your journey so that you don’t arrive a panting, sweaty mess.