DUP leader believes collapsing Stormont would be disastrous, but may do it anyway

SAM McBRIDE, Sunday Independent and Sunday Life, November 8th, 2026

As Northern Ireland's zombie government grows weaker by the day, there is a real chance that it might soon expire.

While the catalyst for this crisis was the Drumcree parade dispute, its true origins go back to devolution's restoration in 2023, with the expectation that somehow the outcome would improve.

Thus far, it has followed the template of past collapses. The early big smiles; London offering financial reward for past failure; the DUP and Sinn Féin lecturing those who question if this leopard has changed its spots; the self-inflicted financial chaos; the lack of delivery; the tribal disputes; and the breakdown in relations at the top of government.

The next step is the collapse.

Those who hoped against history's warnings, believing that this time devolution could work, are now almost universally forlorn. There were people who thought repeated failure would finally cause politicians to mature.

Others thought the appointment of the first nationalist first minister would be a transformative moment. Still others thought that two female co-leaders of the devolved administration would bring harmony rather than acrimony. Such hopes have been dashed.

High risk strategies

The Drumcree outcome was always going to risk Stormont's collapse, regardless of who won. If the parade had gone ahead, Sinn Féin would probably have walked out in protest.

If, as happened, the parade didn't go ahead because the first minister defied court orders and police warnings to urge others to block the road, the DUP was always going to be under intense pressure to walk away.

DUP leader Gavin Robinson has proved incapable of holding the line on this, even within his own party. Six days ago, the DUP lost its most popular MP, Carla Lockhart. She demonstrably had more confidence in the political judgment of the hardline loyalist activist Jamie Bryson than she had in her own leader.

Two days ago, a Belfast Telegraph poll showed Robinson was the least trusted leader within unionism, with both Lockhart and the unelected Bryson scoring higher than the East Belfast MP.

The fact that Robinson is no incompetent buffoon only amplifies the stinging nature of that verdict: a barrister steeped in politics for more than two decades is viewed less favourably by unionist voters than one of Northern Ireland's most controversial figures.

The DUP's predicament is acute. In many ways, the least of its political worries is that its former leader is now in jail for rape and sexual abuse of children. At least the party knew nothing about that hidden darkness from Jeffrey Donaldson's past.

But it has been hoisted by its own petard in other areas: its knowledge of his hypocritical lifestyle, its lies about having abolished the Irish Sea border, its inability to confront its own failures and its part in a miserable failing Executive.

A party that as recently as seven years ago had 10 MPs now has only four. The old swagger endures, but there's nothing to swagger about.

Red button

In the polls, a party that once aspired to replicate the old Unionist Party as the sole voice of unionism is now supported by about only a third of unionists.

It trails the revived Ulster Unionist Party and is level with the uncompromising Traditional Unionist Voice.

This is a party fighting for its life. Desperate people can act in desperate ways. Robinson clearly doesn't want to pull deputy first minister Emma Little-Pengelly out of government, thus ejecting Michelle O'Neill from office and collapsing the Executive.

But his predecessor didn't want to pull down devolution in 2022; Donaldson did it because the alternative was electoral wipeout. He then spent two years trying to get back into Stormont, and could only do so by lying. Once down, this edifice isn't easily rebuilt.

Robinson knows all this, but the DUP is ruthlessly driven by electoral considerations. The future months look grim. Whether or not O'Neill is charged over the Garvaghy Road blockade, the party will be under pressure to eject her from office.

On top of that, four days ago, PSNI Chief Constable Jon Boutcher confirmed that the Provisional IRA still exists, even if he clarified that it is not involved in terrorism. Sinn Féin insists the IRA has gone, meaning that by implication the police are saying the DUP's partners in government are misleading the public.

If, a mere seven months into the financial year, Stormont can belatedly pass a budget based on extra cash it has been given by London, that could be the catalyst for a DUP walkout on the basis that it hopes a budget might help insulate it from criticism for being irresponsible.

That's probably delusional; pulling down Stormont will be strategically damaging for unionism. The Drumcree dispute has already breathed life into a Sinn Féin floundering in government. The DUP leadership believes collapse would hurt the ideology it supposedly exists to advance.

But the DUP's deep self-interest means Robinson sees electoral calamity bearing down on him. He knows he has a big red button that would reverse some of that damage, and he will be sorely tempted to push it.

Alliance clueless as once spectacular surge turns to slow-motion collapse

SUZANNE BREEN, Sunday Life, November 8th, 2026

Leadership is easy when the applause is loud, the polls are favourable, and everything is going to plan.

The true test doesn't come in the good times, but when the going gets tough. It's about having the courage to confront hard truths, discuss uncomfortable questions, and make bold decisions.

None of that has been displayed by Alliance as its spectacular surge runs out of steam and recedes into a steady decline.

The headlines of LucidTalk's poll for the Belfast Telegraph have been dominated by Sinn Féin success and DUP woes. Gavin Robinson is in deep trouble.

He's the least-rated prominent unionist figure — embarrassingly beaten by Jamie Bryson. The DUP is behind the UUP and level with the TUV, and their leaders are both more popular than Robinson.

There is no simple way forward as his party's voters are split down the middle about what should happen next in Stormont. Yet Naomi Long faces problems almost as serious, even if they aren't on the front pages.

When she became leader, she promised to take her party into double digits — and she did. Alliance smashed through the 10 per cent ceiling, with Long winning almost 19 per cent in the 2019 European election to become an MEP.

In the last Assembly election, the party doubled its seat tally to elect 17 MLAs — as many as the UUP and SDLP combined — and secure two Executive ministries.

On 9 per cent now, it has slipped back to the territory from which Long took it. The question is no longer how high Alliance can climb, but how low it will fall. A party which once looked energetic and authentic now appears exhausted and out of ideas.

It most certainly is not finished. However, there is no indication that its leaders are acknowledging the serious situation, never mind coming up with answers.

discontent

There is absolutely no threat to Long continuing at the helm, but private murmurings of discontent are surfacing.

Insiders hope that she will become more “switched on” as the election approaches.

Faced with death threats and attacks on their homes and offices, the courage Long and her colleagues showed during the 2012 flags dispute was inspirational.

When she succeeded David Ford as leader, she turned a party that was regarded as decent but dull into a serious force. The familiar orange-and-green divide was challenged. Those fed up with tribal politics found a home in Alliance.

The party was growing, its profile rising and its ambitions expanding. Brexit helped it, but that momentum is long gone.

Alliance should have opted for Opposition in 2024 when devolution was restored.

It would have denied the SDLP the profile it has secured. Long had the numbers and talent in her MLA team to make a good job of it. The party has very little to show from its time in the Executive. The promise of being better and different hasn't been fulfilled.

It's regularly hot and heavy for Alliance in the Assembly. The DUP and TUV have always trained their fire on the party.

It has struggled most with the line of attack from UUP leader Jon Burrows. But politics is a brutal business, and constantly complaining about the tone of the criticism can wear thin with the public. Another narrative is needed.

Not only has Long's party lost support from moderate pro-Union voters, it's also under pressure from nationalist parties and the Greens, who are polling at twice their 2022 vote.

Claire Hanna's leadership makes the SDLP more appealing to Alliance voters than it was under Colum Eastwood.

Sinn Féin is directly targeting the party's seats in Strangford, South Belfast and Mid Down, Upper Bann and Lagan Valley. Alliance's failure to physically stand with residents on the Garvaghy Road undoubtedly alienates some from a nationalist background.

The party has never lost a seat in an Assembly election. That record will disappear in May: it's only a question of the number shed.

Many MLAs are nervous about what awaits them in six months' time. Yet the internal conversations you'd expect to be initiated by the leadership haven't taken place.

Alliance's slide is not sudden. It has slipped slowly — a point here and a point there in successive LucidTalk polls. Long has dropped from being the most popular leader to the least.

A party facing such a serious situation needs to have unsparingly honest conversations about why it has lost its way and how it intends to win back voters' confidence.

The danger for Alliance is that, by the time it accepts the scale of the problem, the opportunity to do something about it will have gone.

Unionism's trust in PSNI Chief collapses

EVAN SHORT, Sunday Life, November 8th, 2026

BOUTCHER FACING CRISIS WITH A MAJORITY HAVING NO CONFIDENCE

PSNI Chief Constable Jon Boutcher is facing a crisis of confidence among unionists, with the latest LucidTalk poll showing 52 per cent have no confidence or trust in him.

Added to unionists who had some but not complete confidence and trust, that number rises to 87 per cent. Just 12 per cent of unionists had total trust.

Nationalists were less hostile, but only 18 per cent had total confidence, with 62 per cent neutral and 17 per cent having no confidence. Two-thirds (62 per cent) were neutral and 17per cent had no confidence.

TUV voters were the most hostile to the chief constable, with 76 per cent having no trust and 19 per cent being neutral. Just 3 per cent had total trust. Those with no opinion accounted for 2 per cent.

He fared only slightly better with DUP voters, with 57 per cent having no confidence and 37 per cent being neutral. Just 5 per cent retained full confidence, and 1 per cent had no opinion.

UUP voters were more evenly split, with 31 per cent having total trust, 43 per cent being neutral, and 25 per cent having no trust. Those with no opinion accounted for 1 per cent.

The findings will cause a headache for the PSNI, which has been dealing with a crisis of confidence in the nationalist community over the years, and will now also have to work to rebuild confidence with unionists.

Speaking at the time of his decision to ask Sir Chris Bryant to reverse the Parades Commission's determination on Drumcree, Mr Boutcher said he would not force the parade through.

This appears to have helped him in the poll, with just 18 per cent of Sinn Féin voters having no confidence in the chief constable, and 12 per cent of SDLP voters sharing that view.

outpolling

A majority of nationalist voters surveyed were neutral on his performance — 65 per cent of Sinn Féin voters, and 58 per cent of SDLP voters.

Around a third of SDLP voters (29 per cent) had total confidence, dropping to 15 per cent for Sinn Féin.

Alliance voters had the most confidence in the chief constable at 40 per cent, with 53 per cent neutral, 4 per cent having no confidence, and 3 per cent having no opinion.

The results also showed Sinn Féin was outpolling the DUP by two to one.

On 28 per cent, it was up six points on August, with the DUP down a point to 14 per cent.

On 15 per cent, the UUP was also down a point, but it remained the most popular unionist party.

The TUV was the sole unionist party to make gains in the wake of the Drumcree dispute, climbing two points to 14 per cent, level with the DUP.

The SDLP fell two points to 11 per cent, and the Alliance Party slumped to single digits (9 per cent) for the first time in a LucidTalk poll in five years.

Sinn Féin ate into the support of the smaller parties, with the Greens (4 per cent), Aontú (2 per cent) and People Before Profit (1 per cent) all down a point. Others/independents were unchanged on 2 per cent.

Legion director slams 'lawfare' against soldiers who served in NI

KURTIS REID, SUNDAY LIFE, November 8th, 2026

The head of the Royal British Legion has hit out at what he described as a campaign of “lawfare” against former soldiers who served in Northern Ireland.

Mark Atkinson said he was worried about elderly veterans being brought before the courts over incidents that had already been investigated on multiple occasions.

He told The Times: “The big worry is: how do we stop the lawfare? How do we stop the repeated investigations, the repeated inquests? How do we stop veterans — men and women in some cases in their seventies and eighties — being hauled back over to the province for things that have been investigated on multiple occasions?”

Mr Atkinson spoke out amid continuing controversy over how Troubles deaths should be investigated and Westminster's plans to reform legacy legislation.

The matter divides opinion, with veterans' organisations raising concerns about renewed investigations, and victims' families continuing to campaign for justice.

safeguards

The Royal British Legion previously insisted it was politically neutral, despite the sensitivities surrounding remembrance and the Army's role in the Troubles.

The legion describes itself as a “non-partisan and non-sectarian” organisation, and says it focuses on people who served in the armed forces “rather than the politics of individual conflicts”.

The Labour government is currently in the process of replacing parts of the controversial Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Act 2023.

Ministers said the new legislation would protect veterans from unnecessary repeated investigations, including safeguards for elderly witnesses and provisions allowing former soldiers to give evidence remotely rather than travelling to Northern Ireland.

Amendments announced last month would also require consideration of new or compelling evidence before witnesses could be compelled to participate in certain proceedings.

Mr Atkinson's comments were made as the Royal British Legion prepared to place greater emphasis on modern conflicts in this year's Festival of Remembrance at the Royal Albert Hall in London.

He said the organisation was shifting its focus towards soldiers who served in Iraq, Afghanistan, Bosnia and Kosovo, alongside its traditional commemorations of those who fought in the two world wars.

Mr Atkinson added: “It will feel like quite a significant shift. We are deliberately choosing to have a focus on more recent conflicts.”

He said the dwindling number of Second World War veterans meant the legion had to change.

“We need to make the charity relevant to the serving personnel of today and the younger veterans,” he continued.

Last month, draft legislation to deal with the legacy of the Troubles was passed by the House of Commons.

Northern Ireland Secretary Sir Chris Bryant said veterans and those who lost loved ones in the decades of conflict “deserve answers”.

MPs voted 330 to 178 — a majority of 152 —­ in favour of the Northern Ireland Troubles Bill at the third reading last Tuesday.

It will now be sent to the House of Lords for further scrutiny.

Loyalist sacked for filming Muslims at prayer in line for £7k Christmas windfall

CIARAN BARNES, Sunday Life, November 8th, 2026

FORMER HOVIS WORKER PICTURED AT UVF MARCH IN 2013 AS SUPPORTERS DONATE TO ONLINE APPEAL

A loyalist sacked from his factory job for recording Muslims praying in a locker room is celebrating a £7,000 windfall.

The money was raised through a GoFundMe page for Matthew McDonagh, who Sunday Life pictured taking part in a UVF parade a decade ago.

The 57-year-old is set to receive the cash for Christmas.

Loyalists in the Donegall Pass area of south Belfast, where McDonagh is from, said he was delighted with the news.

One added: “Matt was in The Hideout (a pub on Donegall Pass) saying how he is going to have a great Christmas with the GoFundMe money.

“Put it this way: he won't have to worry about buying presents this year.”

McDonagh was dismissed from his job at Hovis on Belfast's Boucher Road in February after recording two Muslim members of staff praying in a locker room and then sharing the footage.

He can be heard telling the men using prayer mats he was “in here to change”, not “watch this f*****g crap”.

McDonagh orders them to “get the f**k out” before saying: “This is not a prayer room, lads. Come on.”

He urges them “take it outside” because he wants to use his locker, saying he finds their praying “offensive”.

The recording went viral on social media after being promoted by far-right accounts.

McDonagh was sacked from Hovis, where he had worked for more than 20 years, in May.

The GoFundMe appeal claims he “was recording for his safety and proof that the incident occurred during his shift”.

It says: “(During) this interaction Matthew believes that he was pleasant and did not use any foul language intended to intimidate or threaten the two colleagues.”

Hovis said that because legal proceedings in connection with the case were ongoing, it “would be inappropriate to comment”.

When Sunday Life called to an address connected to McDonagh in the Donegall Pass area, the householder told us he no longer lived there and they did not have any contact details for him.

The individual who set up the GoFundMe page on his behalf has been contacted for comment.

parade

In 2013, McDonagh was pictured taking part in a Belfast parade to commemorate the centenary of the formation of the UVF.

He was among a crowd of men from the Donegall Pass area pictured wearing UVF armbands.

Organisers said the event was to recognise the historic UVF, not the modern-day terror gang, but several senior alleged paramilitary figures took part.

Joining them was leading Donegall Pass loyalist Eddie Rainey, McDonagh's brother-in-law.

Rainey previously denied involvement in the UVF, saying he had never been convicted of membership.

Our source added: “Matt and Eddie are very close. They would often be in each other's company and would socialise together.

“Now that Matt is getting his £7,000 for Christmas, I'd expect to see them out even more.”

UUP chief coy on Buckley meeting

KURTIS REID, Sunday Life, November 8th, 2026

IT WAS JUST A COFFEE, SAYS BURROWS AMID MUCH SOUL-SEARCHING WITHIN UNIONISM

The leader of the Ulster Unionist Party has insisted he was enjoying “just a coffee” with DUP MLA Jonathan Buckley after the pair were spotted meeting privately.

The Sunday Life understands the pair met in the Upper Bann area on Saturday morning, against the backdrop of growing turmoil within the DUP following the resignation of Carla Lockhart from the party and a slump in its polling figures.

The meeting comes as speculation increases that an independent 'Drumcree' candidate could stand in next year's Assembly elections.

This non-party candidate would, sources suggest, have the backing of Carla Lockhart and the TUV, and potentially put Jonathan Buckley's seat at risk.

Mr Burrows, who recently took over the leadership of the UUP, was spotted meeting Mr Buckley, a prominent DUP Assembly member for Upper Bann, for a one-to-one discussion.

When contacted by the Sunday Life about the meeting, Mr Burrows said: “(It was) just a coffee. I've no comment to make, I met him for a chat and that's all I'm saying.”

The encounter comes during a particularly difficult period for DUP leader Gavin Robinson, who has faced mounting criticism over his handling of the latest Drumcree parading dispute and calls for his party to withdraw from the Stormont Executive.

Last week, Upper Bann MP Carla Lockhart quit her position as a DUP party officer in protest at the party's response to the controversy, arguing that “profound consequences” were needed, before announcing her resignation from the party on Monday.

Jonathan Buckley previously also called for unionist unity and said all unionist leaders should meet.

Last week, the DUP MLA said: “Unionism needs to unite. I have written to the leaders of the three unionist parties, inviting them to formal talks on unity and cooperation.

“I believe our community is sick, sore and tired of unionist politicians attacking and undermining one another when there are far greater challenges facing us all.

“We have our differences, and that is natural. But we also need to know when to unite. That time is now.”

The latest Belfast Telegraph/LucidTalk opinion poll placed DUP support at a five-year low of 14pc, while Sinn Féin surged six points to 28pc.

Uncomfortable reading

Mr Robinson subsequently admitted the results made for uncomfortable reading, telling party members he was listening to voters and would work to rebuild trust.

The meeting between Mr Burrows and Mr Buckley also comes just days after the UUP and Traditional Unionist Voice (TUV) issued a joint statement calling for the Stormont Brake to be applied to new EU customs rules.

Asked whether his meeting with Mr Buckley was connected to the joint intervention, Mr Burrows denied any link, responding: “Not at all.”

“That was about the Stormont brake, I get on very well with Johnny, and we had a cordial chat over coffee,” he said.

The joint statement, issued alongside TUV leader Jim Allister and Peter Summerton of the Inter-Trade UK Business Association, called on the Government to prevent the application of changes to the EU's Union Customs Code in Northern Ireland.

Mr Burrows said the UUP had been raising concerns about the changes for more than a year, adding: “That is why we are working with other unionists to pull the Stormont Brake.”

However, Mr Burrows maintained the meeting was simply a cordial conversation over coffee.

Mr Buckley and the DUP were contacted for a response.

Cocaine baron who led 'M-Mob' gang finally unmasked

SUNDAY LIFE INVESTIGATIONS, Sunday Life, November 8th, 2026

GANG LEADER'S TASTE FOR THE HIGH LIFE DETAILED IN COURT GAMBLING ADDICT CRIME BOSS WHO SUPPLIED THE UVF AND UDA WITH KINAHAN DRUGS FELL FOUL OF DEADLY CARTEL OVER £500,000 DEBT

The leader of a major drugs gang with links to the Kinahan cartel and which supplied UVF and UDA dealers can finally be unmasked as Sammy Manning.

The 39-year-old headed up the 'M-Mob' organised crime group that controlled much of the cocaine trade in the greater Belfast area.

The gang was so powerful that it even supplied the UDA and UVF, with one of its main customers being jailed UVF drug dealer and convicted murderer Glenn Rainey.

Known in criminal circles as 'Sammy 365' because of his chronic gambling addiction, Manning can finally be named after he pleaded guilty to a raft of drug dealing and firearms charges.

These include being concerned in the supply of cocaine and cannabis, transferring criminal property and conspiring to possess a handgun and ammunition.

Manning was due to be sentenced at Craigavon Crown Court last Friday, but his case was put back until next month for an updated pre-sentence report to be prepared.

He is being held in Maghaberry Prison, where he is serving a separate sentence for a violent assault.

Drugs boss Manning's prosecution has been rumbling on for almost six years, with his first court appearance taking place in November 2020.

From the Short Strand area of east Belfast, he was arrested as part of the security services' Encrochat phone hack, which led to the fall of dozens of leading drug dealers in Northern Ireland.

Police secretly accessed the supposedly secure network in March 2020 and watched for three months as criminals bought cocaine, cannabis and guns.

When Manning first appeared in the dock, the court was told he and two other co-accused had “links to the UDA”.

It was also revealed the cocaine dealer was stopped by detectives on the way to the bookies with a £750 bet and a further £11,895 stashed in his car.

In evidence, an officer said that Manning was more concerned about being unable to place the bet than having the money seized.

Sources told Sunday Life that if not for his gambling addiction, he would be a millionaire.

They also explained how his betting problems led to him losing a contract with the Kinahan crime cartel to supply cocaine in Belfast, which ended up with hitmen showing up at the door of his Lisburn home.

bets

One revealed: “Other major drug dealers around Belfast would have bought their cocaine from him (Manning), but instead of sending the money on to Dublin, he was spending it at the bookies. You're talking hundreds of thousands of pounds lost on bets.

“At one stage he owed £500,000 to Dublin, and it was after this that gunmen were sent to his home and he lost the Kinahan contract to the Tarmacers.”

The 'Tarmacers' are a west Belfast-based gang that includes members of the same family.

After hitmen arrived at Manning's home in 2021 to collect the debt, he fled out the back door, fearing he would be murdered.

He sought refuge in the home of fellow cocaine dealer Sean Fox, who lived nearby and who drove him to safety in the centre of Belfast.

The following year, ex-Irish League footballer Fox was murdered by the dissident republican gang ONH as he watched a football match in the Donegal Celtic social club in west Belfast.

Around the same time, Manning was threatened by dissidents and his name appeared on drug dealing lists circulated on social media.

His lavish lifestyle was detailed in Antrim Crown Court in December 2022, when he was jailed for nine months for possessing £92,000 of criminal cash.

Manning — who could not be named at the time because he was facing Encrochat charges — was arrested in June 2018 after police searches of his Lisburn home uncovered more than £30,000.

A subsequent trawl of his Santander bank account found that £61,000 in unaccounted criminal cash had passed through it between 2012 and 2018, giving a total figure of £92,000.

This was despite the drugs lord being on benefits for most of the period and only declaring earnings of £14,000.

During the same timeframe, Manning paid £20,000 cash for a glitzy wedding at the luxury Slieve Donard hotel and enjoyed frequent trips to Las Vegas, a Portuguese villa and other five-star foreign destinations. The court heard there was “no plausible explanation for this” or how the cocaine baron was able to afford a Rolex watch.

In 2024, almost £250,000 in cash recovered by police during raids in Lisburn and west Belfast was linked to Manning.

The PSNI said at the time: “Approximately £200,000 in cash was seized during a search of a property in the west Belfast area as part of an ongoing investigation into organised criminality.

beating

“Detectives also carried out searches of a number of vehicles and properties in the Sprucefield and Belfast areas and seized approximately £40,000 in cash.

Earlier this year, Manning was jailed for two years and three months for his role in an iron bar gang attack.

Caging him for grievous bodily harm with intent, Judge Gordon Kerr KC said he had played a “leading role in the sustained assault.”

The June 2022 beating in west Belfast only ended when members of the public intervened.

When questioned by detectives about the assault, the drugs boss gave a “no comment” interview.

He later told probation officers “it should never have happened” and apologised.

The court was told Manning's victim was left terrified and had moved out of Belfast for a period.

He was also worried about the long-term mental and physical effects the incident would have on him.

Sources said the 'M-Mob' split into smaller gangs after the drugs boss was jailed.

One added: “A few years ago, the M-Mob would have been one of the biggest organised crime gangs in Belfast, and because it was largely based in the Short Strand, it would have supplied East Belfast UVF dealers on the Newtownards Road, which is just the other side of the interface.

“Glenn Rainey would have been one of Sammy's biggest customers despite them coming from different sides of the peace line.”

Next
Next

DUP support drops amid record surge for SF after Drumcree row