PODCAST IDENTIFIES SUSPECTS BEHIND ENNISKILLEN BOMB IN 1987
ANDREW MADDEN, Belfast Telegraph, October 20th, 2025
PODCAST IDENTIFIES SUSPECTS BEHIND 1987 ATROCITY AND EXAMINES MARTIN MCGUINNESS'S ALLEGED ROLE
The IRA abandoned a plan to bomb Enniskillen's war memorial years before their deadly 1987 attack due to likely loss of civilian life, a new podcast claims.
The Poppy Day Bomb identifies the suspects in the atrocity and also investigates the links Martin McGuinness had to the blast.
Mario Ledwith, a journalist with The Times who is from Enniskillen, fronts the podcast.
He has a connection to the bombing, being born two days after the blast in the same hospital where those who were injured were being treated.
The Enniskillen bombing is one of the most notorious acts of the Troubles.
On November 8, 1987, a bomb was detonated near the town's war memorial as people gathered for a Remembrance Sunday ceremony.
The device was placed in the Reading Rooms building, blowing out a gable wall where many were standing, burying them in the rubble.
Eleven people died on the day and a 12th person passed away later after being placed into a coma.
In the aftermath, there was widespread revulsion at the loss of innocent lives on such a sombre occasion.
‘A mistake’
The IRA claimed the explosion was a “mistake” and the bomb was remotely-controlled, and had been detonated at the wrong time by Army radio equipment scanning the area.
This was quickly disproven by forensics — the bomb had been set off by an electronic timer, not remotely.
Speaking to the Belfast Telegraph, Mr Ledwith said he and his team had been working on the Poppy Day Bomb for around a year.
Being from Enniskillen, he said the atrocity had often come up in his mind and he had frequently thought about the many unanswered questions, including those involved and their motives.
“To many people, it may seem like the past, but it's something that I've always remained quite curious about,” he said.
“Both in terms of how my neighbours could have been driven to do something so depraved, and also about all those people who were there that weekend and how after such a passage of time, they're still left searching. They're still left grappling for answers.”
Mr Ledwith said his investigation has led to the identification of several suspects behind the atrocity, with the podcast taking him as far afield as the United States.
One enduring question is why the IRA carried out such an attack, given the obvious outcry it would generate.
Mr Ledwith said: “One of the things that's interesting is we were told by a former IRA volunteer that the event had actually been scoped out years earlier for a similar style bomb, and they had determined that such an idea was ludicrous because of the threat to civilian life, which obviously changed.
Revenge for Loughall?
“There are a number of claims from republican figures that Enniskillen may have been motivated by retaliation for some of the SAS operations that were being carried out around that time increasingly, such as Loughgall.”
Just six months before the Enniskillen bomb, the SAS killed eight IRA men who were preparing to attack Loughgall's police station. One facet of the Enniskillen bombing is the connection to the late Martin McGuinness, said to have been an IRA leader at the time.
Mr Ledwith said McGuinness' possible involvement in the bombing is explored in the podcast, which also tracks down several suspects.
“We've identified some of the suspects in the case and have gone to them for answers,” he said.
“There has been the tracking down of the suspects identified by police north and south of the border.
“We go in search of some of the main suspects to try to ask them whether they're willing to speak, which takes us to New York and elsewhere.”
Regarding McGuinness, he added: “We take a look at that and we speak to various people about the Martin McGuinness link, which he obviously denied quite strongly.
“We spoke to other people from the republican movement, they don't quite believe [Martin McGuinness' denials].
“So we take a look at that as well, which I think is very interesting because Martin McGuinness is such a well-known figure and his journey from a guerrilla fighter to statesman is one that's very captivating.”
One suspect in the bombing that is identified is Charles Caulfield, who vigorously denied the allegations.
Caulfield was named in the House of Commons by former East Antrim MP Roy Beggs as being behind the attack.
Robust denial
The Co Monaghan man ended up in the US, where he successfully fought an extradition case after he was accused of failing to disclose criminal convictions in his visa application.
Caulfield's defence was that, like other republicans, he believed his offence to be political, not criminal. This was accepted in court.
Mr Ledwith's podcast reveals that Caulfield may have returned to Ireland in recent years, living openly on the southern side of the border.
“Caulfield issued a robust denial [regarding Enniskillen],” Mr Ledwith says in the podcast.
“He was a member of Sinn Fein, the political arm of the IRA, but said in a statement that he totally repudiated the allegations that he was involved in the bomb or a member of the paramilitary group.
“He also criticised the press for, in his words, attempting to use the cloak of parliamentary privilege to report these libellous remarks.”
The Poppy Day Bomb also highlights the alleged inadequacies of the police investigation into the atrocity.
“We look at how, when families were being told that every lead possible were being pursued, when some leads did come up with police reinvestigation teams into the 2010s, some of those were perhaps not followed in the way that you may have expected,” Mr Ledwith added.
“Some detectives' attempts at asking questions and in having them answered, it appeared they were frustrated from within the police itself.”
Offer by UVF member to set up a unit in Enniskillen after atrocity was turned down
CONOR COYLE, Irish News, October 20th, 2025
A MOVE by a senior member of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) to set up an active unit in Co Fermanagh in the aftermath of the Enniskillen bomb was turned down by unionists in the area.
The offer was revealed as part of a new investigative podcast by The Times – ‘The Poppy Day Bomb’.
Eleven people lost their lives when the 40lb bomb planted by the IRA exploded close to a cenotaph in the town on Remembrance Day in November 1987.
Among the dead were three married couples, while one man, Ronnie Hill, remained in a coma for 13 years before his death in 2000.
The podcast, released today and presented by a native of Enniskillen who was born on the same weekend as the IRA atrocity in 1987, attempts to answer questions around what happened on the day and why no one has been brought to justice.
Mario Ledwith says the senior UVF figure travelled to Co Fermanagh in the days following the bomb.
“In the aftermath of Enniskillen, a high-ranking member of the Ulster Volunteer Force (went) to meet senior figures of the unionist community,” he tells the podcast.
“He offered to set up a local unit to strike back against the IRA.
“The proposal was turned down, thankfully Enniskillen didn’t descend into sectarian violence.”
The podcast also names the only individual who has been publicly linked to the atrocity.
Charlie Caulfield was alleged to be the mastermind of the operation after being named under parliamentary privilege by Ulster Unionist MP Roy Beggs as part of calls for him to be extradited from the Republic of Ireland.
The farmer was 31 at the time of the bomb and had previous firearms convictions connected to the IRA.
The British Government has never confirmed whether they made a request to extradite Caulfield, and declined to do so when asked by the producers of the podcast.
In a statement, Caulfield said he “totally repudiated the allegations that he was involved in the bomb or a member of the paramilitary group” and criticised the press for “attempting to use the cloak of parliamentary privilege to report libellous remarks”.
The Poppy Day Bomb, a six-part investigative podcast from The Times, is available to listen to on all major podcast platforms from today.
Has Alliance changed its mind on Irish language street signs?
CONOR SHEILS, Irish News, October 20th, 2025
THE Alliance Party has found itself as a rare unifying force over the contentious issue of dual language signage in Belfast – with parties across the divide lining up to criticise what many see as flip-flopping over the issue.
In 2022, the party was instrumental in passing the legislation to replace the previous law, which required a two-thirds majority of residents on a street to support a dual language sign before it could be erected.
The new policy meant a sign could be erected with the support of just 15% of residents on a street.
Residents who do not vote are no longer counted as voting against. Applications for a sign can be made by one resident or any councillor, rather than by a third of residents as before.
Alliance has backed dual signage applications in areas where there has not been a clear majority in favour of the signage.
This is at odds with party leader Naomi Long’s claim on social media last week that “Alliance has only supported signage where a majority of respondents are in favour.”
Senior party figure and North Belfast MLA Nuala McAllister emphasised this refocused party position in a statement.
“Alliance is clear, any process for bilingual signage should be fair, transparent and command the confidence of local residents. Whilst the 15% threshold is appropriate to trigger further consideration of an application, we do not support the erection of dual language signage where a majority of residents oppose it,” she said.
The Alliance change of emphasis appears to have arrived as the political pressure has mounted.
“Belfast City Council’s bilingual street sign policy is causing problems in leafy, mixed suburbia – a particular problem for Alliance, which ushered the policy in,” Irish News columnist Newton Emerson noted in July.
And he added: “In east Belfast, one of those streets, Shandon Park, is the spiritual home of the ‘Cherryvalley Lady’, mocked by James Young in the 1970s. It has been the archetypal Alliance heartland for as long as Alliance has existed.”
Scores of dual language signs have been vandalised in the city, and Friday night saw a protest at the Olympic Leisure centre in south Belfast where dual language signs have been erected.
Unionist opposition to the language has also increased after councillors in Belfast voted for a new draft Irish language policy that will include dual language logos on council vehicles, uniforms and signs.
All other parties on Belfast City Council have firm views on the dual language signs, with unionists opposed and nationalists, the Greens and People Before Profit in favour.
Damage caused to dual language street sign in east Belfast, which police described as “hate motivated”
Alliance has been operating a policy of seeking to push decisions on signs in contentious areas (where support is above 15% but less than 50%) to the back of the queue.
In April this year, Alliance councillor Micky Murray asked for decisions on mixed north Belfast streets, such as Sunningdale Park North and Ben Madigan Park South, to be put to the back of the queue until other applications had been dealt with. passed due to nationalist and Green votes, and police have described damage to the sign to remove the Irish portion as “hate motivated”.
49.6% against dual language sign: 17% in favour
Just under 17% of residents on Shandon Park who voted supported the new sign, with 49.6% against.
Under current Belfast City Council policy “requests for dual language street signs can be made by an occupier of a street who is registered on the electoral roll, an elected member who represents that district electoral area, or a developer.
“Following an initial assessment, policy, the party said that they believed in “prioritising signs in the areas that most clearly want them”.
“Following any application made for dual-language street signage, if it reaches the 15% interest threshold we are supportive of that application then proceeding to the committee for further consideration,” a spokesperson said.
“Before voting on any case, we will assess it on the strength of support that exists and have consistently considered the views of residents in the streets.
“ Unlike other parties, who initially also supported these parameters, we have remained consistent in our approach. We will continue championing an approach to this issue that places open and respectful dialogue at its centre
Alliance spokesperson
However, Alliance’s first significant change arrived when it voted against dual language signage at Shandon Park, even though it met the 15% threshold.
Shandon Park is located in an area where party leader Naomi Long received the largest share of the vote in the 2022 assembly elections and was elected alongside running mate Peter McReynolds.
However, Ms Long did not fare so well when she ran in the General Election in 2024, when she was pipped to the post by DUP leader Gavin Robinson.
The Shandon Park signage a street survey is carried out of all occupiers of the street. If 15% or more of all occupiers surveyed in a street want to have a dual language sign, a report is then be taken to the People and Communities Committee for a decision to be made.
“If the committee approves the request, it is then taken forward for approval at the monthly council meeting.”
When asked by The Irish News if there had been an official change in the Alliance Party’s policy, a spokesperson denied that there had been any such shift.
Asked to outline their current “Given the significant backlog that already exists, we have consistently prioritised delivery on applications for the areas that most clearly want them. If an application hasn’t garnered sufficient support at this stage, we feel it is appropriate to put it to the back of the queue, with the understanding it can be revisited at a later date.”
“Unlike other parties, who initially also supported these parameters, we have remained consistent in our approach. We will continue championing an approach to this issue that places open and respectful dialogue at its centre.”
Despite the party’s claims that they have been consistent in their approach, not everybody is convinced.
DUP councillor Sarah Bunting has said that the party is now trying to distance itself from the very policy that it helped to usher in.
In her view, the party is changing its approach based on “when it’s convenient for them”.
“Alliance are co-authors of the 15% policy and whilst they may claim that threshold was the trigger for a vote to be taken, that isn’t how it is being implemented in practice,” she said.
“Their position appears to be a little too convenient where they have ownership of the policy yet try to claim some distance from its implementation, where that is convenient for them.”
Ms Bunting, who represents the ward in which Shandon Park is located, has said that the recent conflict over street signs in the area has damaged community relations and called on the party to reconsider its position on the 15% figure outright.
Ms Bunting’s criticism of the Alliance Party position is echoed across unionism.
Buyers remorse?
Some insiders in the Ulster Unionist Party told The Irish News that the Alliance was now experiencing “buyer’s remorse” after helping to greenlight the 15% policy.
“They are in a sticky situation and they are picking and choosing what they want. They held the balance of power in the last mandate and supported the policy knowing that if they didn’t like it in future then they could vote against it.
“However, that is no longer the case as the balance of power is effectively held by the Greens this time around,” said one Ulster Unionist figure.
While unionism’s criticism of the party may seem scathing, there is also little sympathy from the other side of the chamber.
Green Party councillor Áine Groogan said the party seemed “uncomfortable” with implementing the policy despite voting it in, while SDLP councillor Séamas de Faoite branded the party’s position as confused and said that far from celebrating the diversity of the city, the party’s position instead risks “sectarianising” the issue.
Notably, there was just one party which had little to say about the Alliance Party’s current position on Irish language signage.
Sinn Féin declined to comment on the Alliance Party’s actions around Irish language signage, instead preferring to focus on its own approach to the issue.
A Sinn Féin spokesperson said: “This policy was developed in line with international best practice to support Irish as a minority language and protect the rights of its speakers.
“Sinn Féin will continue working to strengthen the rights of Gaeilgeoirí and boost the visibility of the Irish language.”
Chinook crash families to hand in petition with 110 questions
NEIL PORRAN, Belfast Telegraph, October 20th, 2025
RELATIVES VOW COURT ACTION AFTER PM REJECTED JUDGE-LED INQUIRY
The families of those killed in the 1994 Chinook helicopter crash have published 110 “critical questions” about the tragedy, as they prepare to hand in a petition to Downing Street.
The Chinook Justice Campaign's petition has been signed by more than 47,000 people calling for a public inquiry.
Twenty-five intelligence experts and four special forces crew were killed when the helicopter crashed on the Mull of Kintyre, en route from RAF Aldergrove in Northern Ireland to Fort George near Inverness, on June 2 that year.
The incident was initially blamed on pilot error before this was overturned in 2011.
Families of the victims have said they will “see the UK Government in court” after the Prime Minister rejected calls for a judge-led inquiry.
A petition will be handed in to Downing Street tomorrow, while the campaign will also attempt to deliver a letter to the Ministry of Defence.
Who authorised flight?
Among the 110 questions, the campaign wants to know who authorised the mission.
They are also seeking answers on why the aircraft type was selected and whether passengers and crew were warned of the risks.
David Hill, who is technical expert for the Chinook Justice Campaign, said: “For the families, the refusal to grant a public inquiry, coupled with the decision to seal key documents until 2094, is a betrayal by the state of them and their loved ones.
“Continuing secrecy undermines trust not only in the MoD but in the Government itself.
“The Prime Minister and his defence ministers keep claiming that 'this was a tragic accident' and that there have been 'six inquiries' and that no fresh evidence is likely to emerge in a new judge-led public inquiry.
“This new list of 110 questions explodes that myth. It blows a massive hole in the Government's argument because none of these questions has been answered properly.
“These questions seek to assist in establishing why 25 passengers and four crew were placed in an unairworthy aircraft that the MoD's most experienced test pilots were forbidden to fly.”
A BBC documentary last year, Chinook: Zulu Delta 576, revealed the files related to the tragedy had been sealed by the MoD for 100 years.
Jenni Balmer-Hornby, whose father Anthony Hornby was killed in the crash, said: “Every time the MoD says there is nothing new to uncover, we can now point to 110 very specific, very serious questions that have never been answered. These questions are not speculation — they are based on evidence that was withheld, ignored or misrepresented to previous inquiries.
“We deserve answers and those who died serving their country deserve to be honoured not subjected to continuing deception from the MoD.”
Brothers Andy and Matt Tobias — from Watford, Hertfordshire — will be among the group handing in the petition. Their father, John Tobias, was killed in the crash.
In August, Sir Liam Fox, who was defence secretary in 2011, held a private meeting with some of the 47 children of those killed in the crash.
“I share their very deep concerns about the circumstances surrounding the crash and I have committed to a full investigation to ensure that the truth is laid before the British people,” he said.
The MoD has been approached for comment.
Protestant women 'opting out of inquiry into mother and baby homes due to shame'
NOEL MCADAM, Belfast Telegraph, October 20th, 2025
COMMITTEE HEARS SURVIVORS STAYING SILENT DUE TO FEAR OF FAMILY DISCOVERY
Protestant women are opting out of the inquiry into mother and baby homes in Northern Ireland because of stigma and shame, it has been claimed.
A majority of victims and survivors of the mostly church-run institutions — to be publicly investigated next year — are coming forward as Catholics.
More than 14,000 women and girls are thought to have passed through institutions which were run by the Catholic Church, religious orders, some Protestant denominations as well as the state.
But Protestant mothers are proving more difficult to reach, and are often admitting they do not want their families to know, an Assembly committee has heard.
Many were found to have been mistreated, held against their will and forced to give up their children for adoption.
The Inquiry (Mother and Baby Institutions, Magdalene Laundries and Workhouses) and Redress Scheme Bill was introduced at the Assembly earlier this year.
The Bill is to establish a statutory public inquiry and a statutory redress scheme, with a payment of £10,000 to be made to eligible claimants, and a £2,000 payment to eligible family members on behalf of a loved one who has died since September 29, 2011.
Professor Marie Breen Smyth, interim chair of the victims and survivors consultative forum, said that she knew of two people in the forum who identified themselves as having come through the Protestant institutions.
‘Difficult to reach people in Protestant community’
DUP MLA Brian Kingston said: “I have a concern that there is a perception that it has affected more people in the Catholic community.
“The institutions concerned were from both sides of the community, and there were state agencies involved.
“I get the impression that, in this process, it is more difficult to reach people in the Protestant community.”
Professor Breen Smyth replied: “That is right. I have other roles, largely in the loyalist community. Since I work largely in the loyalist community, people have come forward in that context.
“Women who have approached me, and women who I have approached, who went through the Catholic institutions are happy to be included, but the people who come to me from the loyalist community are not.”
The academic, who has also been involved in the Healing Through Remembering project, said an investigation into the factors involved would be needed.
Mr Kingston, a North Belfast MLA, then asked: “Are you saying that people from the Protestant/unionist/loyalist community who have been affected by these issues have not wished to engage, but you know that they were affected.
“In what way did they have that conversation with you ?”
Professor Breen Smyth added: “Somebody might wait for me after a meeting and say, 'I know that you're doing this work with the inquiry. I just want to let you know that I'm a birth mother, but I don't want to be part of this. I just wanted to let you know.'
“Something is compelling them to reveal themselves.”
Mr Kingston, a former Belfast Lord Mayor, interjected: “They want to keep it concealed.”
Professor Breen Smyth said: “In the instances that I have come across, they are concerned for their families, particularly their children. You have to think about why that would be. I keep going back to shame: those women still feel some kind of stigma.
Mr Kingston again cut in: “Even though they could participate anonymously?”
She answered: “You can be anonymous up to a point. Some people do not turn their cameras on, but we still need a link to them, and they need to identify themselves to staff in the Executive Office so that they can send out the link for the meetings.”
Professor Breen Smyth also told the Assembly committee: “I spoke to a political representative of the Protestant community who said, 'Well, of course, this doesn't affect the Protestant community.'
“Therefore, it is not just victims and survivors who have that impression. It is much more broad — political representatives have that impression as well.
“There is, therefore, a job of work to be done. It is interesting to note that some of the people who have identified themselves to me, but said that they do not want to be part of the process, came through the Protestant institutions. However, that is not scientific; it is impressionistic.”
The demise of Lough Neagh is a shameful act of ecocide
Pro Fide Et Patria, Irish News, October 20th, 2025
“There has been a sharp and continuing decline in conditions at Lough Neagh, with the first toxins detected in the flesh of fish earlier this year, leading to obvious fears for the world renowned eels after large-scale algal blooms began in 2023
IT is universally accepted that Lough Neagh is facing a major and escalating crisis over pollution, and the only remaining question is whether it is more accurate to say that it is dying or already dead.
The fact that the largest lake in the UK and Ireland, which supplies 40 per cent of its region’s drinking water and is the historic home of the eel fishing industry, has been allowed to decline into such a state is a shocking indictment of the authorities.
While attempts have been made to address some of the key issues, the figures we reported at the weekend indicate a lack of determination to enforce the existing wider legislation on all forms of contamination and represent a scandal of significant proportions.
Official statistics show 4,204 confirmed water pollution incidents were recorded overall by the Department of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs (Daera) over the last five years.
Less than 10% of culprits fined
A disappointing total of only 383 were regarded as meeting the departmental criteria for enforcement action, and astonishingly just 63 of those, or barely 16 per cent, resulted in actual fines.
It was confirmed that 16 related to high severity incidents, 47 were in the medium severity category, while no penalties were issued for those described as low severity, with the cases which did not receive fines resulting in other responses including prosecutions, cautions and warning letters and enforcement notices.
There has been a sharp and continuing decline in conditions at Lough Neagh, with the first toxins detected in the flesh of fish earlier this year, leading to obvious fears for the world-renowned eels after large-scale algal blooms began appearing there in 2023.
Another sad landmark came when, again for the first time, the Lough Neagh Fishermen’s Co-Op was forced to extend a ban on commercial eel fishing for the entire summer season.
The celebrated Belfast-born actor Stephen Rea spoke for many last month when he berated the Stormont Executive, branding the deteriorating state of Lough Neagh as “nothing less than an act of ecocide”.
An action plan was approved by the Executive last year, with Daera minister Andrew Muir saying in August he needed political backing for strengthening both environmental governance and sewage regulation, as well as better management of slurry and fertilisers on farms and support for climate measures.
While there have been regular doubts over the DUP’s commitment to endorse initiatives which draw criticism from the farming lobby, the minister should still insist in the first place that his department robustly uses the structures which are already in place to hold polluters in all districts to account.
Ulster boxing is failing to promote an inclusive environment: report
NIAMH CAMPBELL, Belfast Telegraph, October 20th, 2025
EQUALITY REVIEW IN WAKE OF LEGAL CASE SAYS EMBLEMS AND FLAGS STILL AN ISSUE
A review into Ulster boxing has found issues around flags, emblems and displays of identity continue to pose challenges for promoting an inclusive environment.
The report by the Equality Commission also found no evidence to show sectarian complaints are being formally logged or addressed.
The report was prepared as part of a legal settlement between Daryl Clarke, the Ulster Boxing Council (UBC) and Irish Athletic Boxing Association (IABA) last year.
UBC paid the Monkstown Boxing Club fighter a five-figure sum without admission of liability.
Mr Clarke brought proceedings after claiming he was excluded from the 2022 Commonwealth Games due to his religious and cultural identity.
He argued he had done “more than enough” to merit selection for Team NI, highlighting his victory in the light-welterweight division at the 2020 Ulster Elite Championships, where he was also named boxer of the tournament.
He contended changes to the selection process unfairly worked against him, suggesting his Protestant background and place of origin influenced the outcome.
UBC and IABA issued a joint statement rejecting the allegations, insisting neither “accepts any valid assertion” Mr Clarke faced discrimination based on his religion or cultural background.
The Equality Commission review identified significant gaps in fairness, inclusivity and governance within Ulster boxing.
Lack of clarity and consistency
It found that selection criteria for athletes and coaches lack clarity and consistency, leaving newer clubs at a disadvantage compared to longer-established ones.
It also highlighted ongoing challenges in creating a harmonious environment, citing the continued display of flags, emblems and identity symbols at events, and a lack of formal procedures for reporting or addressing harassment and discrimination.
Concerns were raised over limited access to neutral venues, particularly for inter-club competitions, which the commission said hindered efforts to promote inclusivity.
In terms of club development, the review noted while training and support opportunities exist, they are not equally accessible, and there is no dedicated officer to assist newer clubs.
It also referenced the Sandy Row Amateur Boxing Club report from 2012, a previous investigation that documented sectarian and racial abuse in parts of the boxing community.
That report was published as a result of the Protestant club in Belfast claiming it had been subjected to a decade of “chronic sectarianism” in nationalist areas.
The new report states it “did not see evidence that issues of the type raised in the Sandy Row Amateur Boxing Club report were being registered, dealt with and reported on”.
“Such a policy and process, with a formalised structure across club, county, council and association, supported by training and formal reporting, would help embed a good and harmonious sporting environment,” it added.
The commission further criticised governance arrangements, saying key policies remain in draft form, and decision-making is dominated by older clubs, leaving newer organisations underrepresented.
North Belfast DUP MLA Phillip Brett said: “The report sadly confirms what many of us and have been saying for years: there has been little meaningful change since the previous damning findings about culture and inclusion within boxing in Northern Ireland.
“There must now be action — not another round of reports and reviews. We will continue to press for real cultural change within the sport so that every young person, regardless of background, feels valued and respected in the boxing ring and beyond.
“I trust those parties that claimed no issues existed will now apologise to those boxers who bravely stepped forward.”
The report recognised cooperation between IABA, UBC and local clubs, but said many IABA policies are not being fully implemented or effectively communicated.
Equality Commission appeal
The Equality Commission called on IABA and UBC to work together to establish clear and transparent selection criteria for athletes and coaches, ensuring fairness and equal opportunity for all.
It also urged both to enforce a code of conduct designed to promote a respectful and inclusive environment.
To guarantee accountability, the report recommended the creation of an independent oversight panel to monitor progress and ensure all reforms are completed within 18 months.
IABA said it “greatly values” the work of the Equality Commission and welcomed the findings of its review, agreeing with the recommendations, the “majority of which are already in motion”.
It added it took pride in the efforts being made to develop the sport “at every level” and to provide opportunities for young people “from all backgrounds”.
It said: “We look forward with optimism to strengthening our collaboration with all stakeholders, including the Equality Commission, Sport NI, the minister and his department, the Ulster Boxing Council, county boards and clubs to further develop the sport and ensure it remains open, inclusive and welcoming to all.”
I am increasingly convinced that Stormont cannot work...
ALLISON MORRIS, Belfast Telegraph, October 20th, 2024
.……………………………………………………. and if it collapses again it is never coming back
Just over 18 months ago I stood in the Great Hall of Stormont waiting on Michelle O'Neill being appointed First Minister. There was a buzz about the place as the Assembly was restored after a two-year political impasse.
Sinn Fein had become the biggest party after the May 2022 election, but the DUP, under the leadership of Jeffrey Donaldson, was still protesting at the post-Brexit trade arrangements.
Internationally, Northern Ireland no longer makes headlines — either for good or bad reasons — but there were a few foreign voices among the mainly local press pack.
With the DUP's Emma Little-Pengelly as Deputy First Minister, this all-female top team was the youngest since the beginning of power-sharing.
It was historic. In a state designed to have a perpetual unionist majority, a republican woman was holding a position that those who drew that boundary of partition over 100 years earlier would never have thought possible.
But there was also hope our struggling public services would improve, with locally elected politicians making decisions based on what is best for the people living here.
And I'm not taking away from the work that ministers and their staff do. I know there have been valid attempts to improve the place. However, it isn't working.
For a time they soared
For a while the two female leaders were soaring in the opinion polls as they put on a friendly and united face.
Since then the relationship has clearly deteriorated, and while no one expects them to be best mates, they do need to at least have a cordial working relationship.
According to Stormont sources, when the cameras stop rolling the pair barely speak.
And that pretty much sums up the tense working relationship that exists among the entire Executive as personal political agendas take precedence over collective decisions that need to be made.
It is, in many ways, performative rather than functional.
There is only so long you can do the same thing over and over again and expect a different result.
We will always have issues with finance, there is never going to be enough money. But there is only so long you can tell a healthcare worker waiting on a pay rise or a mother trying to secure a special educational needs school place for their child that it is all the British government's fault.
There is no desire to revenue raise; no one wants to take the public backlash from making unpopular decisions.
A recent report showed a “systemic failure” in the school estate, with repair and maintenance backlogs estimated at up to £800 million.
The maintenance issues have been patched over rather than fixed.
Similar underinvestment plagues wastewater infrastructure, which has an impact on addressing the housing crisis.
Add to that the state of the rental market, where price-gouging landlords and a failure to regulate mean we are heading for a homelessness disaster. No one seems willing or able to deal with what we have already seen destroy many Irish cities and towns.
The mental health crisis is contributing to a broken justice system with overcrowded prisons and court backlogs.
Earlier this month the BBC broadcast the first episodes of Borderland. The podcast has a range of voices discussing the future constitutional position.
Presenter Chris Buckler, along with former MPs Ian Paisley and Michelle Gildernew, have been speaking to a wide range of people — and making all sorts of headlines.
The ex-Sinn Fein minister came under attack for comments on Troubles murders, which actually took away from the fact she also described the state as a “shithole”.
I do not think this place is a “shithole”. If I did, I might have been one of the thousands who left for a new life overseas and never came back.
All three of my adult children still live and work here and none have any plans to leave.
‘Dysfunctional and arguably ungovernable’
But while I wouldn't describe it in Ms Gildernew's terms, the fact remains it is politically dysfunctional, and arguably ungovernable in its current form.
I do not subscribe to “a plague on all their houses” type of commentary, but I am not being dramatic when I say the next time the Assembly collapses it won't be coming back.
What replaces it in such a scenario remains to be seen.
There was a time when I would have said that it would very much depend on who is in power in Westminster. However, as recent events have shown, we remain low on the list of London's priorities.
It doesn't matter who is in power.
In February last year there was optimism in the air. It was a new beginning, a reset.
But I am now less convinced than at any time in the last decade that this place — in its current form — can ever work.
Tracing the 230-year-old birthplace of Belfast’s revolutionary past life
City’s entries on their way back to once again becoming the bustling hubs of the 1700s and 1800s says historian
MARK ROBINSON, Irish News, October 20th, 2025
A HISTORIAN has said that the Belfast Entries, which gave birth to the city’s revolutionary movement towards the end of 18th century, are on the brink of returning to their former glory as central hubs for socialising and gathering.
The Belfast Entries, which are a series of historic passageways on High Street and Ann Street in the city centre, have acted as important thoroughfares for around 300 years.
While some of the entries have been lost, such as Mitchell’s Entry next to the Ulster Sports Club, several remain.
Belfast City Council has invested in the improvement of the remaining entries, including reopening Sugarhouse Entry to the public again after more than five decades last August.
However, historian Seán Napier from 1798 Walking Tours, told The Irish News that entries such as Sugarhouse and Crown Entry could be restored to their original glory, as spaces which would have once been bustling with pubs.
“Most of these public houses back in the good old – old days – they would have been down entries because public houses weren’t really seen as the type of buildings you’d have on main streets or high streets,” he said.
“Belfast had something like 200 little taverns down these little entries over the last couple hundred years.
“Many of them are gone but it’s good to see that perhaps some of them are coming back.”
Mr Napier pointed out that planning permission for a hotel and bar development in Crown Entry could see pub goers in the same spot where the United Irishmen would have gathered to form the famous group. Plans have been submitted by hotel group Beannchor which would see three bars open along the historic entry.
“This entry, for me, is perhaps the most important entry in Belfast,” Mr Napier said.
“It is, of course, where the foundation of the United Irishmen happened in 1791. You have Belfast radicals influenced by the French Revolution, these great ideas of enlightenment.
Pubs and Taverns as the birthplaces of Irish democracy
“It is here that I would say is the very birthplace of Irish democracy on this island.
“None of the buildings from that period are actually here anymore. One of the most famous places was the Crown Tavern, which is where they actually met.
“We know it’s actually not too far from where we’re standing, probably within a matter of feet.”
Crown Entry is also famous as the birthplace of Belfast Morning News in 1855, which featured in this newspaper’s masthead until 1994, having been taken over by The Irish News in the 1890s.
Mr Napier hopes that it can follow the example of popular entries such as Joy’s, home to bars Henry’s and The Jailhouse, and Wineceller, which is home to White’s.
Both of these entries are steeped in the history of the United Irishmen and in particular, the revolutionary brother and sister duo of Henry Joy and Mary Anne McCracken.
“Every entry, just like this one, they all have a great story to tell,” he added.
“The entries tell a story of Belfast’s character.”
Presidential Election
Connolly win could signal final collapse of Ireland’s old order
CHRIS DONNELLY, Irish News, October 20th, 2025
LATER this week, voters in 26 of Ireland’s 32 counties will go to the polls in what has developed into a rather extraordinary presidential contest, reduced to a head-to-head bout on account of the sudden withdrawal from the campaign of Jim Gavin.
The former Dublin five-in-a-row manager, on paper, appeared to be a fantastic candidate.
A Sam Maguire winner as a player on the 1995 Dublin team, his status as a legend of the game was confirmed not simply because of his unparalleled feats as player and then manager of the county, but also his instrumental role in reforming the game in his capacity as chair of the Football Review Committee.
His commitment to public service was underscored by his career in the Defence Forces, which included a stint as chief of military aviation as part of United Nations missions in two African countries, as well as serving as chief operations officer with the Irish Aviation Authority.
Little wonder, then, that Micheál Martin felt supremely confident when dismissing concerns and rival bids from within Fianna Fáil for the party’s presidential nomination.
Alas, what appeared to be an impressive coup, displaying advanced political nous, ended up spectacularly falling apart, with the Gavin campaign train having come off the tracks even before the hugely embarrassing revelation about his failure to return £2,870 that a tenant had overpaid him some 16 years ago.
That tenant, Niall Donald, has since become a senior journalist in the Sunday World and his decision to serve up the ice-cold dish of revenge as Gavin’s campaign was already rocking proved to be the decisive blow – the greedy landlord character has never played well to an Irish audience.
With only a handful of days left, it would appear that the Independent candidate, Catherine Connolly, has the clear momentum and campaign energy to get across the line and succeed the immensely popular Michael D Higgins as Uachtarán na hÉireann.
The story of Irish presidential elections tells the tale of the changing nature of Ireland as a state and society.
After Douglas Hyde was jointly nominated in 1938 by the two largest parties to become the inaugural president, Fianna Fáil candidates would stubbornly hold on to the office from the first contest in 1945 through to 1990, an unbroken run of 45 years, mirroring its electoral dominance throughout the state.
The subsequent 35 years have witnessed two candidates from the marginal Labour Party, Mary Robinson and Michael D Higgins, loosen Fianna Fáil’s grip on the office, though Belfast woman Mary McAleese’s highly successful tenure in Phoenix Park was on the back of a Fianna Fáil nomination.
Catherine Connolly has been leading the polls in the final days of the presidential race,
Unrelenting pace of change
Two elements of this campaign are particularly noteworthy as indicators of the unrelenting pace of change that has become a constant in Irish politics.
Following on from Sinn Féin’s historic breakthrough in 2020 when it secured the most first preference votes in the Dáil election, a Catherine Connolly presidency would represent a significant step forward for those working to achieve the first left wing-led government in Ireland.
Connolly secured the support of left wing Independents and People Before Profit as well as mainstream Social Democrats and Labour earlier in the campaign, but it was the decision a matter of weeks ago of Sinn Féin to signal its wholehearted support for Connolly that decisively moved the dial for her and gave her a substantial lead even before Jim Gavin’s campaign fell apart.
Heather Humphreys’ campaign has been hampered by factors beyond her personal control.
Fine Gael has never performed well in presidential elections. The fact that the party’s first-choice candidate, Mairead McGuinness, withdrew in mid-August made clear to voters that she was not the preferred party option.
But it is the fact Fine Gael have been in power for 14 consecutive years at this point which has sapped public enthusiasm for the candidate representing the party of government.
The issue of Irish unity has been a constant theme during the campaign, a further indication of the changes both around us and to come in the time ahead.
Lawyer for the banks preferable to small time landlord or Presbyterian
Whilst Heather Humphreys’ Ulster Presbyterian background provides a strong basis for believing her presidency could illustrate to the many non-aligned voters and unionists in the north that the office-holder could personify an agreed Ireland of the future, it is also the case that Catherine Connolly has best captured the public sentiment by being the candidate unequivocally calling on the Irish government to commence comprehensive planning for unity and for the terms of a border poll to be established.
She has also stated she would plan for her first visit as president to be to the north, a welcome confirmation of her determination and desire to represent everyone on the island.
In many ways, a Connolly presidency could illustrate the final de-mise of an old order, still lingering courtesy of the coalition of the willing one-time enemies in Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael.
People naturally grow weary of governments, but they need to believe an alternative is credible in order to make the decisive leap.
A victory for a strategic and coherent left wing coalition could signal both an intent and capacity to challenge at the next Dáil elections.
A Connolly victory could deliver a carnival of hope for those aspiring to build a new Ireland.
Ensuring this is the final presidential election in which northerners are excluded from voting must be a part of building that change, preparing for a new future and delivering on the promise of an exciting and better tomorrow for all.
