Truth and Reconciliation - while there is still time
Letter, Irish Times, July 1st, 2025
Sir, – Freya McClements article, (“Long-standing quest for truth by bereaved Omagh families collides with reality,” June 28th) can hardly come as a surprise to anyone.
This is the same experience encountered by victims, survivors and everyone who has been unfortunate enough to be adversely affected by the Troubles and their legacy over the past 59 years.
As the chairman of the Omagh Inquiry said, “We are where we are”, and we have been here many times before.
We have been assured by former senior officers within the RUC that there are RUC “murder boxes”, as they are called with nothing inside but a single sheet of paper stating the name, address and details of the where, when and how the victim died.
Whether information was deliberately suppressed by the officers involved or they were overwhelmed by their caseloads, we will never know in many cases because they have died in the meantime.
In regard to other “official” documents, several retired civil servants have expressed frustration at being unable to find documents from the 1980s and 1990s, even ones they themselves originated.
On the UK government side there is a belief that the majority of the relevant documents have been released under the general 10 and 20 year rule, but the difficulty is unearthing them!
On the Irish Government side there is a worry that documents, particularly Defence Forces records, no longer exist. Maybe it is time for both governments to open their books, they cannot hide behind “national security” when everyone knows it is the prospect of embarrassment and shame that are the real reasons. We need the two governments to move on from this position.
Litigation or Mediation?
When the Truth Recovery Process began its very modest attempt to find new ways of looking for the truth from former combatants, we succeeded in finding six people willing to provide information to victims through a mediation process.
All of these volunteers were involved in the first period of the Troubles. This more or less coincided with internment, when over half of all the deaths and serious injuries occurred.
In return for conditional amnesties, these participants were willing to disclose all the information they had, meet victims and survivors through a mediation process, if the latter so wished and participate in a thorough verification process.
Inevitably, none of them were young. Three have since died and another has dementia. Like many older people the remaining two are not in the prime of their health.
If official records are lost and the people who wrote them are no longer with us to test their veracity, where does that leave us?
Particularly where investigations led to people being wrongly convicted whose only way of clearing themselves would have been to turn informer?
The proposal we made six years ago and have submitted to various official bodies and politicians remains on the table. We know that some significant political figures consider it worthy of serious consideration.
We appreciate that many victims and survivors do not wish to go down this road and we accept that is their prerogative. Indeed, when members of the Kenova Team approached us on behalf of relatives of one victim and we located people with the relevant information who were willing to meet with them, the offer was declined.
It is a difficult choice for anyone to make after so many years, whatever their role in these awful events. It seems that most people would prefer to pass up the opportunity to know what happened, or why, or engage in any act of reconciliation that might be possible before the moment passes. This does not augur well for the future. – Yours, etc,
PADRAIG YEATES, Secretary,
HARRY DONAGHY, Northern Chair, Truth Recovery Process,
JOHN GREEN, Southern Chair, Truth Recovery Process.
Portmarnock, Fingal.
Comment:
What about unlocking the bloody present? 27 women murdered in 4 years? Get your minds off the past and the godalmighty troubles and deal with this.
Mairin de Burca.
Mairin de Burca nails it. It wasn't right when Dev said 'Labour must wait'. And a lot of us today are fed up being told that 'Women must wait.'
Kathryn Johnston
The rights of women to protection in the home, or outside it in society at large, and the tights of victims and survivors of the Troubles are not competing rights but complementary. All we are proposing is a process of conditional amnesties and the use of mediation as one of several means of addressing the Legacy of the Troubles.
Padraig Yeates.
Man forced to pay £1.3m to UDA boss after his brothers were killed
Connla Young, Crime and Security Correspondent, Irish News, July 1st, 2025
A SOUTH Armagh man whose three brothers were killed by loyalists was forced to pay £1.35 million to an infamous UDA gangster gunned down by his own organisation.
In a new book, Eugene Reavey reveals how his family-owned construction firm was extorted by notorious UDA commander James Craig.
Craig, who was shot dead by his own organisation in 1988, is believed to have pocketed ‘protection’ cash and set up a fellow UDA boss for assassination by republicans.
In new book, The Killing of the Reavey Brothers: British Murder and Cover Up in Northern Ireland, Mr Reavey reveals how he was put under pressure to pay ‘protection money’ to Craig in the 1980s.
Mr Reavey’s brothers John Martin (24) and Brian (22) were shot dead on January 4 1976 at their Whitecross home in south Armagh by the Glenanne Gang.
A third brother, Anthony (17), died several weeks later from his injuries.
The loyalist gang, which is believed to have killed around 120 people, included members of the RUC, UDR and UVF.
Shot by own organisation
Mr Reavey reveals that while he was serving a short prison sentence for illegal use of tax exemption certificates, Craig was shot dead by his own organisation.
He tells how on his release from Magilligan Prison he immediately visited another UDA commander, Tommy ‘Tucker’ Lyttle, to make clear he had no involvement in the Craig murder.
“I never gave any evidence at my own trial implicating anybody from the UDA,” he told Lyttle.
“If word came out about anybody paying money to the UDA it came from the revenue people. I paid my dues to the UDA to the tune of £1.35m approximately.”
He said the amount paid out to Craig took UDA leader Lyttle aback.
“A surprised Tucker replied by saying, ‘really, we had you down for £350,000’,” he wrote.
“I didn’t think he was into you for that much money.”
Mr Reavey revealed that Lyttle said the UDA had discussed the murder of John McMichael, a leading member of the organisation, and “other contentious issues”.
Craig has previously been linked to the IRA killing of McMichael in December 1987.
“It was decided that Craig’s working relationship with republicans, in particular those who killed prominent loyalists and his ongoing embezzlement of funds that were supposed to be destined for the UDA meant he had to be taken out,” the book, which has been co-authored by journalist Ken Murray, reveals.
Mr Reavey recounts how Craig often had information about Housing Executive contracts and on one occasion introduced him to a republican counterpart after he secured building work in the Whiterock Road area of west Belfast.
“Jimmy asked if I knew who I would be dealing with on the Whiterock Road – in other words, who would I be paying extortion money to?
“I told him I hadn’t a clue, to which he said, ‘I’ll introduce you to the man you have to deal with on the republican side’.
“Here was a prominent member of the UDA offering to introduce me to a member of the republican movement who he worked closely with.”
FAIR founder Willie Frazer drove Reavey brothers murder getaway car, book claims
Connla Young, Irish News, July 1st, 2025
SOUTH Armagh loyalist Willie Frazer drove a getaway car during the notorious murder of three Catholic brothers almost 50 years ago, a new book has claimed.
Campaigner Eugene Reavey claims Frazer had “a grudge” against his family after the IRA killed his father, Bertie Frazer, in August 1975.
He reveals his understanding that Frazer was a member of the Red Hand Commando, a loyalist paramilitary group linked to the UVF.
Frazer, who died in 2019, was a founding member of loyalist victims’ group Families Acting for Innocent Relatives (Fair).
In ‘The Killing of the Reavey Brothers: British Murder and Cover Up in Northern Ireland’, Mr Reavey claims that Bertie Frazer (49) was named in court documents as a member of the Glenanne Gang.
The Frazer family have previously denied that Bertie or Willie Frazer had any connection to paramilitary organisations or activity, saying a Historical Inquiries Team document stated that it found no evidence of Bertie Frazer’s involvement.
A week before he was shot dead by the IRA, the Glenanne Gang killed Catholic men Sean Farmer (32) and Colm McCartney (22) near Newtownhamilton as they made their way home from a GAA match in Croke Park.
Mr Reavey, who has co-authored his new book with journalist Ken Murray, claims that Willie Frazer “inaccurately took the view that the Reavey brothers were involved in the killing of his father”.
He adds: “We had no connection to Bertie’s, or anyone else’s death, but unfortunately, Willie blamed us.”
Mr Reavey’s brothers John Martin (24) and Brian (22) were shot dead on January 4 1976 at their Whitecross home in south Armagh.
A third brother, Anthony (17), died several weeks later from his injuries.
The notorious loyalist gang, which is believed to have killed around 120 people, included members of the RUC, UDR and UVF.
The attack on the Reavey brothers took place during one of the bloodiest weeks in the conflict.
Within minutes of the shooting, three members of the O’Dowd family were gunned down by the same gang at Ballydougan, near Gilford, in Co Down.
The next day 10 Protestant men were shot dead near Kingsmill, south Armagh, as they travelled home from work.
Mr Reavey says that his family later received information from “Protestant locals” that Willie Frazer had boasted that he was “a getaway driver in the Reavey murders”.
The book is written by Eugene Reavey with Ken Murray
Frazer thought Reaveys involved in PIRA assasination of father
“Willie Frazer inaccurately took the view that the Reavey brothers were involved in the killing of his father. We had no connection to Bertie’s, or anyone else’s death, but unfortunately, Willie blamed us
Loyalist campaigner Willie Frazer is the subject of claims that he had a role in the murders over a grudge after the IRA killing of his father Bertie in 1975. Bertie Frazer was named in court documents as a member of the Glenanne Gang, the book claims
“At the time we didn’t know whether to believe this or not as Willie was a notorious liar and fantasist,” Mr Reavey writes.
“He was also 15 at the time.” The south Armagh man claims fresh evidence has since emerged linking Willie Frazer to the sectarian killings of his brothers.
He said that “evidence” provided by the PSNI as part of legal proceedings connected to the March 1976 Hillcrest Bar atrocity “contains documentation stating that a Mr Frazer was involved in the Reavey murders”.
Four Catholics were killed in the blast at the Hillcrest Bar in Dungannon in March 1976, which has been linked to the Glenanne Gang.
In 2019 the BBC reported that Willie Frazer was involved in distributing a cache of loyalist weapons smuggled into the north in the late 1980s with the help of British intelligence.
The weapons, which were split between Ulster Resistance, the UVF and UDA, are believed to have been used to kill around 70 people.
Ulster Resistance was launched at a rally in Belfast’s Ulster Hall in 1986 in protest at the Anglo-Irish Agreement, with the former DUP leader and first minister Ian Paisley appearing on the platform.
Brothers John Martin Reavey (24), Brian Reavey (22), and17-year-old Anthony Reavey were shot dead in January 1976
Paisley unrepentant over Kingsmill allegations
In 1999 Mr Paisley used parliamentary privilege to falsely accuse Mr Reavey of masterminding the 1976 Kingsmill gun attack.
Mr Paisley, who died in 2014, never apologised for making the claims.
In his book, Mr Reavey claims police told him that a letter had been received accusing him of driving a man to the scene of the Kingsmill ambush, a claim he brands as a “blatant lie”.
“The same allegation was repeated verbatim by Willie’s friend, Ian Paisley senior, in the House of Commons, which left us in no doubt about its source,” he wrote.
In 2020 former Labour MP and south Armagh native Conor McGinn rubbished the allegations made about Mr Reavey during a debate about a public inquiry into the murder of solicitor Pat Finucane.
At the time SDLP MP Colum Eastwood, who sponsored the debate, described the accusation as “scurrilous”.
Northern Ireland Office (NIO) minister Robin Walker thanked Mr McGinn for raising Mr Reavey’s case and noted “that the PSNI’s Historical Enquiries Team found no wrongdoing whatsoever by Eugene Reavey in the incident that he raises”.
The Killing of the Reavey Brothers: British Murder and Cover Up in Northern Ireland, by Eugene Reavey with Ken Murray and published by Mercier Press, is available now.
Protestant student was ‘killed by UDA over protection racket row’
Connla Young, Irish News, July 1st, 2025
A PROTESTANT teenager was killed by the UDA after two members of the group were forced from a building site where they were running a protection racket.
Adam Lambert (19) was gunned down by the loyalist group in November 1987 after the killer mistook him for a Catholic.
At the time it was claimed the killing was in revenge for the IRA’s Enniskillen bomb, which claimed the lives of 11 people.
However, well known victims’ campaigner Eugene Reavey has now revealed in a new book that the innocent teenager, who was from Ballygawley in Co Tyrone, was singled out after a row on a building site.
In ‘The Killing of the Reavey Brothers: British Murder and Cover Up in Northern Ireland’, Mr Reavey, reveals that just hours before the teenager was killed two UDA members were put off a building site in north Belfast operated by his family-run construction firm.
Mr Reavey confirms that murdered UDA chief James Craig, who he was forced to pay £1.35m in extortion money to during the Troubles, had placed two “subordinates” on the Highfield Estate site to “monitor” staff and “all the firms coming and going”.
He reveals that one of his trusted staff members, who was from Crossmaglen in south Armagh, kept a regular teatime routine and that on the day Mr Lambert was shot the UDA men had taken his sandwiches from a lunchbox and eaten them.
Mr Reavey said that while the loyalist pair found the matter “funny”, the south Armagh man was “furious with rage”.
He describes how the disgruntled worker grabbed the UDA men by the hair and “banged their faces together”.
“He kicked them out of the office before telling them to go home and never come back,” Mr Reavey wrote.
The pair later went to a loyalist club where they told others what had taken place.
Mr Reavey explains that an environmental project was taking place at a nearby roundabout that was part of the building site, but not included in his firm’s contract.
Mr Lambert was one of those working on the project when the UDA men returned to the area.
Mistaken identity
“Thinking he was a Catholic the two young UDA upstarts looking for a Taig shot Adam Lambert dead having wrongly assumed he worked for Reavey Brothers,” Mr Reavey writes.
“It turned out that Adam Lambert was a Protestant student.
“Later that day it was reported that the killing was in retaliation for the Enniskillen bomb, which happened the previous day. “To me this excuse for the killing was nonsense.
“Adam Lambert was shot dead as his three loyalist killers wrongly presumed that because of where he was working he was a Catholic.”
In a report into collusion Sir John Stevens later found the murders of Mr Lambert and solicitor Pat Finucane in 1989 could have been prevented and concluded there was collusion in both.
One of those involved was William Stobie, a UDA man who drove the student’s killers.
Arrested and questioned, he became and RUC Special Branch informer who was also implicated in the murder of Mr Finucane.
Stobie was later killed by the UDA.
Eugene Reavey has written a new book about the murders of his three brothers
The Killing of the Reavey Brothers: British Murder and Cover Up in Northern Ireland, by Eugene Reavey with Ken Murray and published by Mercier Press.
Brown family stages protest outside MI5 in fight for justice over murder
Connla Young, Irish News, July 1st, 2025
THE family of murdered GAA official Sean Brown yesterday held a protest outside MI5 HQ in London to highlight their case.
The British government has refused to order a public inquiry into Mr Brown’s 1997 murder.
The father-of-six was attacked, beaten and abducted as he locked the gates at Bellaghy Wolfe Tones GAC in May 1997.
It emerged during an abandoned inquest last year that up to 25 people have been linked to the murder, including several state agents.
The GAA man’s daughters Siobhan Brown and Clare Loughran held up redacted pages outside the spy agency’s London base yesterday.
Relatives were also pictured outside Westminster while a mobile advertisement highlighted MI5 and Ministry of Defence refusals to release files linked to the murder.
Siobhan Brown said: “It’s strange to see dad’s photo on an ad van in central London but it’s also good that this is being raised on the doorsteps of those in power.
“These are the bodies that have withheld documents about the murder of our loved one. It’s right to be here.”
Teenager sprayed manure ahead of Ballymena Pride
Cate McCurry, Belfast Telegraph, July 1st, 2025
CHURCH ELDERS HAVE PROVIDED CHARACTER REFERENCES FOR FARM WORKER, COURT TOLD
A 19-year-old man told police he sprayed hen manure over the streets of Ballymena as an “act of protest” against the town's first Pride parade, a court has heard.
Isaac Adams, of Lislaban Road, Cloughmills, appeared before Coleraine Magistrates' Court yesterday charged with a number of offences.
The court was told that the “prank” had backfired on the farm worker after he was caught “red-handed” by police. He was wearing a balaclava and carrying two empty 25-litre jugs, which had contained manure, in the early hours of Saturday.
Adams has been charged with criminal damage, possessing a lock knife and causing manure to be deposited on the road.
The court heard that he admitted filling four or five drums of hen litter waste from his farm and pouring it over the road to disrupt the Pride parade taking place on Saturday afternoon.
A number of references were handed into court, including “six of his elders” from his local church, who said it was “very much out of character”.
A PSNI constable confirmed to the court that on Saturday, June 28, at approximately 2.45am, police were patrolling in the town centre of Ballymena when they came across the defendant.
He was found wearing a balaclava, carrying two empty 25-litre jugs, which he said had contained manure, the court was told.
It was heard that the defendant admitted he had been spreading the manure over the surrounding roads in order to disrupt the Ballymena Pride parade. Adams was searched, and a lock knife was found in his pocket.
He was arrested for criminal damage and possession of a bladed article.
While under caution, the defendant freely admitted that he had committed the act in protest against the parade later that day, the court heard.
Not only person involved
It was also heard he admitted to spreading the waste manure in the town and told police he was not the only person involved.
The court was further told Adams admitted to wearing the balaclava to conceal his identity, and confirmed the manure was a hen litter waste.
He said he had filled four or five drums of waste from his own farm, and described it as a prank.
Police opposed bail, but said the defendant does not have any criminal record, that the event has passed and that another man, who was arrested on Saturday, has been released on police bail.
Solicitor for Adams, Stewart Ballentine, told the court that he co-operated fully with police and made admissions.
“He indicated that he was foolish and stupid to get involved in this prank, as he describes it, but it obviously backfired on him,” Mr Ballentine said.
The police constable agreed that the accused showed remorse.
The court was told Adams is a maintenance engineer and works on the family farm and had been wearing work trousers at the time of the incident, which contained the lock knife.
Mr Ballentine added: “He's a man who has never been in trouble in life before.
“He is in full-time employment. It wasn't a slurry tanker as such that was driving up the streets of Ballymena. These were some small canisters with hen manure in them.
“As far as the parade on Saturday was concerned, that was not in any way inconvenienced, and all persons who wished to attend were able to do so.”
Photographs of the manure were handed into court, which was told that it cost the local authority £788.39 to clean up the mess.
Mr Ballentine added: “His mother and father are concerned about this matter. They're both in the body of the court.
“I hand in a reference from his employer. He speaks highly of this young man, and also handed in references from six of his elders at his local church, who also say this is very much out of character.
“This man has never been arrested before in his life. He's had an experience of being detained in custody all over the weekend, and this is totally new to this young man, and hopefully, he will never be back.
‘Of very law abiding stock’
“He comes from a very law-abiding stock, a family stock in the north Antrim area, and he's a hard-working young man, and really should have been at other, more productive things than this prank, which badly went wrong.”
The solicitor, who said his client had “greatly assisted the police investigation”, noted that someone else had been arrested in connection with the incident.
“I wonder what the evidence may or may not be in relation to that matter,” he said. “But my client was the only man who was actually caught red-handed, so to speak, and he made full admissions right from the outset.
“He was pretty much caught in the headlights of the police vehicle and made full admissions and certainly he has learned, very sadly, lessons from his experiences over the last few days.”
The court heard that the incident was organised over messages and phone calls.
District Judge Peter King granted Adams bail under a number of conditions, including that he reside at an address at Lislaban Road in Cloughmills, not to enter Ballymena, not possess a phone capable of internet access, and remain under curfew between 11pm and 5am.
Adams was warned not to breach his bail conditions.
A 20-year-old man who was also arrested in connection with the incident has been released on police bail pending further inquiries.
Postman accused of throwing glass bottles at police in Ballymena riots remanded in custody
Paul Higgins, Belfast Telegraph, July 1st, 2025
A postman accused of rioting has been refused bail due to concerns about further offending.
Jack Redmond (21), who was remanded in custody when first charged on Saturday, appeared at Ballymena Magistrates Court by video-link from prison.
Redmond, from Upper Princess Street in the town, is accused of rioting on June 9 and 10.
Giving evidence during the contested application for bail, a PSNI constable outlined how Redmond had been identified by members of the public following a media appeal where police released images of alleged rioters.
Describing how hundreds of people had gathered at the junction of Bridge Street and Linenhall Street on June 9, she said police were coming under attack by masked and unmasked rioters throwing various missiles, including bricks, bottles and fireworks.
The officer told the court that according to the police case, Redmond was seen that evening emerging to the front of the crowd and “is seen throwing objects at police lines”.
“He remains at the front of the crowd as the crowd continues to attack police with objects,” she added.
The following night, on June 10, the police witness said it was around 9pm on Clonavon Road and North Road when “hundreds of persons had gathered”.
Rioted again next night
Again, according to the police case, Redmond was recorded and identified throwing a total of three glass bottles at police lines and was part of a large crowd throwing missiles and fireworks at police.
The PSNI officer said police were objecting to bail due to the risk of further offences.
Defence solicitor Stephen McCann argued that the footage shown to the defence before now “is of poor quality” and was such the judge could not be satisfied there is a prima facie case against the defendant.
The court heard, however, that stills from video footage were disclosed and District Judge Natasha Fitzsimmons commented: “I have to say, they are very clear.”
Highlighting that Redmond “has a responsible job” and that in previous employment he worked with foreign nationals, Mr McCann told the court “it is not accepted that he is racist in any way”.
Although he submitted that Redmond could be granted bail subject to conditions, Judge Fitzsimmons disagreed.
She told the court she was concerned about the commission of further offences.
Refusing bail, she remanded the accused back into custody and adjourned the case until July 28.
Lyons urged to explain stance over Irish signs at Grand Central
MINISTER FAILING IN RESPONSIBILITY TO DEVELOP LANGUAGE, INSISTS SINN FEIN
Liam Tunney, Belfast Telegraph, July 1st, 1015
Communities Minister Gordon Lyons (DUP) needs to publicly explain why he has chosen to intervene in a judicial review of a decision to install dual language signage at Belfast's Grand Central Station, Sinn Fein has said.
It comes after a High Court judge on Friday granted Mr Lyons permission to provide evidence to the case taken following the decision by Infrastructure Minister Liz Kimmins in March.
Despite warnings from Irish language advocacy groups, the signage was not installed when the station was originally built, with Ms Kimmins introducing the move retrospectively after taking legal advice at a cost of £150,000.
Following criticism from unionist politicians, loyalist activist Jamie Bryson applied for a judicial review into the Department for Infrastructure (DfI)'s decision and was granted leave to do so in May.
Sinn Fein communities spokesperson Colm Gildernew has now submitted an urgent Oral Question to the Communities Minister in relation to his intervention.
“I am calling on the Communities Minister to explain why he is opposing bilingual signage at Grand Central Station, despite being responsible for developing a strategy to promote and develop the Irish language,” said the MLA.
“If the minister is not prepared to fulfil his responsibilities he should be honest about this.
“His negative interest in Irish language signs is in stark contrast to his failure to develop an effective anti-poverty strategy.”
In response, Mr Lyons said his intervention is about upholding Northern Ireland's democratic processes.
“I am intervening in ongoing Judicial Review proceedings to provide relevant evidence and submissions to the Court to assist decision-making,” he said.
“It is unfortunate that we have reached this point. However, I feel it is important to ensure that our democratic processes are upheld. As proceedings are ongoing I do not intend to make any further comment.”
During Friday's hearing, Mr Justice Scoffield granted Mr Lyon's application to provide correspondence as well as written and oral evidence to a full hearing on the issue, which is due to take place in September.
Counsel for the Department for Communities (DfC) Denise Kiley KC said Mr Lyons had “relevant information that will assist the court”, while DfI counsel Tony McGleenan KC questioned the timing of the intervention.
“The minister has had knowledge of this case since May and has sat on his hands until now,” he said.
“It is to the disadvantage of the respondent. There may be a great deal of material and it will inevitably disrupt the litigation timetable.”
Mr Scoffield granted the Communities Minister's application for an intervention, telling the court the department “will provide relevant evidence that the applicant (Mr Bryson) may not have”.
Mr Bryson's case centres on the argument that Ms Kimmins unlawfully breached the ministerial code by failing to refer the issue to the Executive Committee for discussion and agreement.
A full hearing is scheduled for September 25.
Public projects not incompatible with climate change targets - A5 debacle debate
Irish News, July 1st, 2025
THE delivery of major infrastructure projects is not incompatible with climate change legislation, Environment Minister Andrew Muir (Alliance) said yesterday.
Mr Muir also said he would not turn his back on climate targets because a DUP MLA said they were “unachievable”.
During ministerial question time, Mr Muir faced questioning over a ruling from Belfast High Court last week which quashed an executive decision to proceed with the A5 road upgrade.
The judge said the proposed £1.2 billion road scheme breached sections of Stormont’s climate change act, which binds departments to meeting targets of net-zero carbon emissions by 2050.
There have been more than 50 deaths on the A5, which links Derry with Aughnacloy in Co Tyrone, since 2006.
DUP MLA Deborah Erskine said the minister “cared so much about climate change emissions and targets” that his department “didn’t actually input into the A5”.
She asked Mr Muir if he accepted climate change targets are “causing real problems” and asked if he would commit to urgently looking at the legislation.
Mr Muir told the assembly that climate change is a “real issue”.
He said: “It is something this assembly cared about because it endorsed unanimously at final reading that legislation back in 2022.
“That is a legislative obligation set out by this assembly.
“These are legal obligations set out in law.”
“When this legislation was passed in March 2022 your party (DUP) walked out of this place. You downed tools and these institutions did not sit for two years. You didn’t allow us to progress the climate change legislation.
DUP walkout
He added: “If you want to take a step back and understand why we’re in the situation we’re in, when this legislation was passed in March 2022 your party (DUP) walked out of this place.
“You downed tools and these institutions did not sit for two years.
“You didn’t allow us to progress the climate change legislation. If we were able to do that, the carbon budgets would have been set a long time ago, a climate action plan would have been consulted and in place, a climate commissioner would have been in place and a just transition commission would have been in place.”
DUP MLA Paul Frew said: “Will he now urge his party and this assembly to row back on unachievable climate change targets that are highly damaging to the people of Northern Ireland, as seen in the A5 project?”
The minister said: “What I am focused on is delivery, not turning my back on climate action in Northern Ireland.”
SDLP MLA Daniel McCrossan asked the minister if he had met with the previous Infrastructure Minister, John O’Dowd, over how the A5 project might achieve its climate obligations.
Mr Muir said: “Delivery of major infrastructure projects and climate legislation is not incompatible.
“What you need is a whole of executive approach towards decarbonisation.
“Everyone needs to play their part in regards to this.”
Dáil set to pass Defamation Bill this week as Sinn Féin seeks to retain juries
Pat Leahy, Political Editor, Irish Times, July 1st, 2025
The Dáil is expected to pass the remaining stages of the Defamation Bill this week, clearing the path for the legislation to proceed to the Seanad. A number of Government and opposition amendments are to be considered, with Sinn Féin seeking to have the Bill amended to allow the retention of juries in defamation cases.
Abolishing juries in these cases is one of the key provisions of the Bill and is a move long sought by media organisations keen to reduce the cost and length of defamation actions. Juries in personal injury cases were abolished many years ago.
The Bill also introduces protections for media organisations against strategic lawsuits against public participation – or “Slapps” – which are defamation actions taken by usually rich or powerful individuals designed to intimidate media organisations in their coverage of such people.
Media outlets
The amendments introduce a power for the High Court to award damages against a party that takes a “Slapp” action against a media outlet.
Having been initiated by the previous government, the Bill was reintroduced to the Dáil order paper in spring and is now expected to passed by the Oireachtas this year. The Bill also contains measures to reduce legal costs in defamation cases as well as provisions designed to make it less costly for plaintiffs to obtain the identity of people who post defamatory content online.
There is also a new defence for retailers subjected to defamation claims for challenging people on whether they have paid before leaving a shop.
Sinn Féin amendments seeking the retention of juries in defamation cases were previously put during the committee stage of the bill in April, but were rejected by the Government.
When opposition TDs pointed out to the Minister for Justice Jim O’Callaghan that he had cautioned against the abolition of juries when he was a backbencher in the last government, Mr O’Callaghan said “one of the consequences of membership of a political party is the need for compromise”.
Fianna Fáil manifesto
Mr O’Callaghan said he supported the Fianna Fáil manifesto of the last general election supporting the proposed legislation. “A programme for government was agreed between the two parties. I am a minister in that government,” he said.
“I am bound, because of the principles of compromise and collective responsibility, to give effect to what was agreed in the programme for government.”
It is remarkable if Kneecap can shout ‘kill MPs’
News Letter editorial on Tuesday July 1 2025:
It is extraordinary that Kneecap can call for MPs to be killed and then escape criminal sanction.
We do not write that because we think that the courts should prosecute people for what they say.
Quite the contrary – we think that should almost never happen. This newspaper is almost 300 years old and when you look at the first editions of it, from the early 1730s, you see the emergence of journalism and free speech alongside the appearance of the sort of democracy we all recognise today in the UK.
Over centuries a fine balance has been achieved between the right to free comment and expression and certain limitations to it, for example when you cause someone great harm by defaming someone’s character, or when revealing a secret might endanger life.
Only very rarely should the right to free speech be curbed. Insulting someone is nowhere near enough, nor gravely insulting them. But Northern Ireland has seen the boundaries of this debate, such as in 1984 when the loyalist politician George Seawright called for Irish nationalists and their priests who opposed the singing of the national anthem to be burned in an incinerator.
That despicable remark was made at a time when incitement to hatred laws were emerging to police the extremes of discourse.
But if Kneecap are allowed to call for the MPs to be killed, as one of them once did at a concert (they say they never seriously intended such violence), then there are two key observations:
The first is that the deep taboo around the murder of politicians, which exists for crucial (and obvious) reasons of civilised society, is put in serious peril.
The second is that as a society we cannot possibly justify jailing people for equal or perhaps even lesser hate speech, just because they do so from a perspective that is considered forbidden such as opposition to immigration.
